*****This file should be named feder16.txt or feder16.zip******
The release date of this Project Gutenberg Etext: June 6, 1992
Corrected EDITIONS of our etexts get a new NUMBER, feder17.txt.
VERSIONS based on separate sources get new LETTER, feder10a.txt.
hundred hours is a conservative estimate for how long it we take
to get any etext selected, entered, proofread, edited, copyright
searched and analyzed, the copyright letters written, etc. This
projected audience is one hundred million readers. If our value
per text is nominally estimated at one dollar, then we produce a
million dollars per hour; next year we will have to do four text
files per month, thus upping our productivity to two million/hr.
The Goal of Project Gutenberg is to Give Away One Trillion Etext
Files by the December 31, 2001. [10,000 x 100,000,000=Trillion]
This is ten thousand titles each to one hundred million readers.
We need your donations more than ever!
All donations should be made to "Project Gutenberg/IBC", and are
tax deductible to the extent allowable by law ("IBC" is Illinois
Benedictine College). (Subscriptions to our paper newsletter go
to IBC, too)
Illinois Benedictine College
5700 College Road
Lisle, IL 60532-0900
Illinois Benedictine College unless via email. This is for help
in keeping me from being swept under by paper mail as follows:
1. Too many people say they are including SASLE's and aren't.
2. Paper communication just takes too long when compared to the
thousands of lines of email I receive every day. Even then,
I can't communicate with people who take too long to respond
as I just can't keep their trains of thought alive for those
extended periods of time. Even quick responses should reply
with the text of the messages they are answering (reply text
option in RiceMail). This is more difficult with paper.
3. People request disks without specifying which kind of disks,
it can be very difficult to read an Apple disk on an IBM. I
have also received too many disks that cannot be formatted.
We would strongly prefer to send you this information by email
(Internet, Bitnet, Compuserve, ATTMAIL or MCImail).
Email requests to:
Bitnet: hart@uiucvmd or firstname.lastname@example.org
MCImail: ADDRESS TYPE: MCI / EMS: INTERNET / MBX: email@example.com
or cd etext92 [for new books] [now also cd etext/etext92]
or cd etext/articles [get suggest gut for more information]
dir [to see files]
get or mget [to get files. . .set bin for zip files]
GET INDEX and AAINDEX
for a list of books
Why is this "small print" statement here? You know: lawyers.
They tell us that we could get sued if there is something wrong
with your copy of this etext, even if what's wrong is not our
fault, and even if you got it for free and from someone other
than us. So, among other things, this "small print" statement
disclaims most of the liability we could have to you if some-
thing is wrong with your copy.
copies of this etext if you want to. As explained in greater
detail below, if you distribute such copies you may be required
to pay us if you distribute using our trademark, and if we get
sued in connection with your distribution.
*BEFORE!* YOU USE OR READ THIS ETEXT
By using or reading any part of the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm etext
that follows this statement, you indicate that you agree to and
accept the following terms, conditions and disclaimers. If you
do not understand them, or do not agree to and accept them, then
 you may not read or use the etext, and  you will receive
a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it on request within
30 days of receiving it. If you received this etext on a
hysical medium (such as a disk), you must return the physical
medium with your request and retain no copies of it.
ABOUT PROJECT GUTENBERG-TM ETEXTS
This PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm etext, like most PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm
etexts, is a "Public Domain" work distributed by Professor
Michael S. Hart through the Project Gutenberg Association (the
"Project"). Among other things, this means that no one owns a
United States copyright on or for this work, so the Project (and
you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
permission and without paying royalties. Special rules, set
forth below, apply if you wish to copy and distribute this etext
under the Project's "PROJECT GUTENBERG" trademark.
To create these etexts, the Project expends considerable efforts
to identify, transcribe and proofread public domain works.
Despite these efforts, the Project's etexts and any medium they
may be on may contain errors and defects (collectively, the
"Defects"). Among other things, such Defects may take the form
of incomplete, inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription errors,
unauthorized distribution of a work that is not in the public
domain, a defective or damaged disk or other etext medium, a
computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read
by your equipment.
it may be on, and but for the "Right of Replacement or Refund"
described below,  the Project (and any other party you may
receive this etext from as a PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm etext) dis-
claims all liability to you for damages, costs and expenses,
including legal fees, and  YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLI-
GENCE OR UNDER STRICT LIABILITY, OR FOR BREACH OF WARRANTY OR
CONTRACT, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL,
PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES, EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE
POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGES.
was physically damaged when you received it, you may return it
within 90 days of receiving it to the person from whom you
received it with a note explaining such Defects. Such person
will give you, in his or its discretion, a replacement copy of
the etext or a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it.
rate or corrupt, you may send notice within 90 days of receiving
it to the person from whom you received it describing such
Defects. Such person will give you, in his or its discretion, a
second opportunity to receive it electronically, or a refund of
the money (if any) you paid to receive it.
AS-IS". NO OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED,
ARE MADE TO YOU AS TO THE ETEXT OR ANY MEDIUM IT MAY BE ON,
INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR
FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR PURPOSE.
Some states do not allow disclaimers of implied warranties or
the exclusion or limitation of consequential damages, so the
above disclaimers, exclusions and limitations may not apply to
you. This "small print" statement gives you specific legal
rights, and you may also have other rights.
IF YOU DISTRIBUTE THIS ETEXT
You agree that if you distribute this etext or a copy of it to
anyone, you will indemnify and hold the Project, its officers,
members and agents harmless from all liability, cost and ex-
pense, including legal fees, that arise by reason of your
distribution and either a Defect in the etext, or any alter-
ation, modification or addition to the etext by you or for which
you are responsible. This provision applies to every distribu-
tion of this etext by you, whether or not for profit or under
the "PROJECT GUTENBERG" trademark.
DISTRIBUTION UNDER "PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm"
You agree that if you distribute one or more copies of this
etext under the "PROJECT GUTENBERG" trademark (whether electron-
ically, or by disk, book or any other medium), you will:
 Only give exact copies of it. Among other things, this re-
quires that you do not remove, alter or modify the etext or
this "small print!" statement. You may however, if you
wish, distribute this etext in machine readable binary,
compressed, mark-up, or proprietary form, including any
form resulting from conversion by word processing or hyper-
text software, but only so long as *EITHER*:
[*] The etext, when displayed, is clearly readable. We
consider an etext *not* clearly readable if it
contains characters other than those intended by the
author of the work, although tilde (~), asterisk (*)
and underline (_) characters may be used to convey
punctuation intended by the author, and additional
characters may be used to indicate hypertext links.
[*] The etext may be readily converted by the reader at no
expense into in plain ASCII, EBCDIC or equivalent form
by the program that displays the etext (as is the
case, for instance, with most word processors).
additional cost, fee or expense, a copy of the etext
in its original plain ASCII form (or in EBCDIC or
other equivalent proprietary form).
under the "RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND" set forth above.
net profits you derive from distributing this etext under
the trademark, determined in accordance with generally
accepted accounting practices. The license fee:
distributing under our trademark, you incur no
obligation to charge money or earn profits for your
Illinois Benedictine College" (or to such other person
as the Project Gutenberg Association may direct)
within the 60 days following each date you prepare (or
were legally required to prepare) your year-end
federal income tax return with respect to your profits
for that year.
WHAT IF YOU *WANT* TO SEND MONEY EVEN IF YOU DON'T HAVE TO?
The Project gratefully accepts contributions in money, time,
scanning machines, OCR software, public domain etexts, royalty
free copyright licenses, and every other sort of contribution
you can think of. Money should be paid to "Project Gutenberg
Association / Illinois Benedictine College".
Drafted by CHARLES B. KRAMER, Attorney
Tel: (212) 254-5093
The Federalist Papers
FEDERALIST. No. 1
For the Independent Journal.
AFTER an unequivocal experience of the inefficiency of the
subsisting federal government, you are called upon to deliberate on
a new Constitution for the United States of America. The subject
speaks its own importance; comprehending in its consequences
nothing less than the existence of the UNION, the safety and welfare
of the parts of which it is composed, the fate of an empire in many
respects the most interesting in the world. It has been frequently
remarked that it seems to have been reserved to the people of this
country, by their conduct and example, to decide the important
question, whether societies of men are really capable or not of
establishing good government from reflection and choice, or whether
they are forever destined to depend for their political
constitutions on accident and force. If there be any truth in the
remark, the crisis at which we are arrived may with propriety be
regarded as the era in which that decision is to be made; and a
wrong election of the part we shall act may, in this view, deserve
to be considered as the general misfortune of mankind.
This idea will add the inducements of philanthropy to those of
patriotism, to heighten the solicitude which all considerate and
good men must feel for the event. Happy will it be if our choice
should be directed by a judicious estimate of our true interests,
unperplexed and unbiased by considerations not connected with the
public good. But this is a thing more ardently to be wished than
seriously to be expected. The plan offered to our deliberations
affects too many particular interests, innovates upon too many local
institutions, not to involve in its discussion a variety of objects
foreign to its merits, and of views, passions and prejudices little
favorable to the discovery of truth.
Among the most formidable of the obstacles which the new
Constitution will have to encounter may readily be distinguished the
obvious interest of a certain class of men in every State to resist
all changes which may hazard a diminution of the power, emolument,
and consequence of the offices they hold under the State
establishments; and the perverted ambition of another class of men,
who will either hope to aggrandize themselves by the confusions of
their country, or will flatter themselves with fairer prospects of
elevation from the subdivision of the empire into several partial
confederacies than from its union under one government.
It is not, however, my design to dwell upon observations of this
nature. I am well aware that it would be disingenuous to resolve
indiscriminately the opposition of any set of men (merely because
their situations might subject them to suspicion) into interested or
ambitious views. Candor will oblige us to admit that even such men
may be actuated by upright intentions; and it cannot be doubted
that much of the opposition which has made its appearance, or may
hereafter make its appearance, will spring from sources, blameless
at least, if not respectable--the honest errors of minds led astray
by preconceived jealousies and fears. So numerous indeed and so
powerful are the causes which serve to give a false bias to the
judgment, that we, upon many occasions, see wise and good men on the
wrong as well as on the right side of questions of the first
magnitude to society. This circumstance, if duly attended to, would
furnish a lesson of moderation to those who are ever so much
persuaded of their being in the right in any controversy. And a
further reason for caution, in this respect, might be drawn from the
reflection that we are not always sure that those who advocate the
truth are influenced by purer principles than their antagonists.
Ambition, avarice, personal animosity, party opposition, and many
other motives not more laudable than these, are apt to operate as
well upon those who support as those who oppose the right side of a
question. Were there not even these inducements to moderation,
nothing could be more ill-judged than that intolerant spirit which
has, at all times, characterized political parties. For in
politics, as in religion, it is equally absurd to aim at making
proselytes by fire and sword. Heresies in either can rarely be
cured by persecution.
And yet, however just these sentiments will be allowed to be, we
have already sufficient indications that it will happen in this as
in all former cases of great national discussion. A torrent of
angry and malignant passions will be let loose. To judge from the
conduct of the opposite parties, we shall be led to conclude that
they will mutually hope to evince the justness of their opinions,
and to increase the number of their converts by the loudness of
their declamations and the bitterness of their invectives. An
enlightened zeal for the energy and efficiency of government will be
stigmatized as the offspring of a temper fond of despotic power and
hostile to the principles of liberty. An over-scrupulous jealousy
of danger to the rights of the people, which is more commonly the
fault of the head than of the heart, will be represented as mere
pretense and artifice, the stale bait for popularity at the expense
of the public good. It will be forgotten, on the one hand, that
jealousy is the usual concomitant of love, and that the noble
enthusiasm of liberty is apt to be infected with a spirit of narrow
and illiberal distrust. On the other hand, it will be equally
forgotten that the vigor of government is essential to the security
of liberty; that, in the contemplation of a sound and well-informed
judgment, their interest can never be separated; and that a
dangerous ambition more often lurks behind the specious mask of zeal
for the rights of the people than under the forbidden appearance of
zeal for the firmness and efficiency of government. History will
teach us that the former has been found a much more certain road to
the introduction of despotism than the latter, and that of those men
who have overturned the liberties of republics, the greatest number
have begun their career by paying an obsequious court to the people;
commencing demagogues, and ending tyrants.
In the course of the preceding observations, I have had an eye,
my fellow-citizens, to putting you upon your guard against all
attempts, from whatever quarter, to influence your decision in a
matter of the utmost moment to your welfare, by any impressions
other than those which may result from the evidence of truth. You
will, no doubt, at the same time, have collected from the general
scope of them, that they proceed from a source not unfriendly to the
new Constitution. Yes, my countrymen, I own to you that, after
having given it an attentive consideration, I am clearly of opinion
it is your interest to adopt it. I am convinced that this is the
safest course for your liberty, your dignity, and your happiness. I
affect not reserves which I do not feel. I will not amuse you with
an appearance of deliberation when I have decided. I frankly
acknowledge to you my convictions, and I will freely lay before you
the reasons on which they are founded. The consciousness of good
intentions disdains ambiguity. I shall not, however, multiply
professions on this head. My motives must remain in the depository
of my own breast. My arguments will be open to all, and may be
judged of by all. They shall at least be offered in a spirit which
will not disgrace the cause of truth.
I propose, in a series of papers, to discuss the following
THE UTILITY OF THE UNION TO YOUR POLITICAL PROSPERITY
THE INSUFFICIENCY OF THE PRESENT CONFEDERATION
TO PRESERVE THAT UNION THE NECESSITY OF A GOVERNMENT AT LEAST
EQUALLY ENERGETIC WITH THE ONE PROPOSED, TO THE ATTAINMENT OF THIS
OBJECT THE CONFORMITY OF THE PROPOSED CONSTITUTION TO THE TRUE
PRINCIPLES OF REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT
ITS ANALOGY TO YOUR OWN STATE CONSTITUTION
and lastly, THE ADDITIONAL SECURITY WHICH ITS
ADOPTION WILL AFFORD TO THE PRESERVATION OF THAT SPECIES OF
GOVERNMENT, TO LIBERTY, AND TO PROPERTY.
In the progress of this discussion I shall endeavor to give a
satisfactory answer to all the objections which shall have made
their appearance, that may seem to have any claim to your attention.
It may perhaps be thought superfluous to offer arguments to
prove the utility of the UNION, a point, no doubt, deeply engraved
on the hearts of the great body of the people in every State, and
one, which it may be imagined, has no adversaries. But the fact is,
that we already hear it whispered in the private circles of those
who oppose the new Constitution, that the thirteen States are of too
great extent for any general system, and that we must of necessity
resort to separate confederacies of distinct portions of the
whole.1 This doctrine will, in all probability, be gradually
propagated, till it has votaries enough to countenance an open
avowal of it. For nothing can be more evident, to those who are
able to take an enlarged view of the subject, than the alternative
of an adoption of the new Constitution or a dismemberment of the
Union. It will therefore be of use to begin by examining the
advantages of that Union, the certain evils, and the probable
dangers, to which every State will be exposed from its dissolution.
This shall accordingly constitute the subject of my next address.
1 The same idea, tracing the arguments to their consequences, is
held out in several of the late publications against the new
FEDERALIST No. 2
WHEN the people of America reflect that they are now called upon
to decide a question, which, in its consequences, must prove one of
the most important that ever engaged their attention, the propriety
of their taking a very comprehensive, as well as a very serious,
view of it, will be evident.
Nothing is more certain than the indispensable necessity of
government, and it is equally undeniable, that whenever and however
it is instituted, the people must cede to it some of their natural
rights in order to vest it with requisite powers. It is well worthy
of consideration therefore, whether it would conduce more to the
interest of the people of America that they should, to all general
purposes, be one nation, under one federal government, or that they
should divide themselves into separate confederacies, and give to