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xxiKilpatrick, 215; Moon, 587. Rome’s successful assumption of control of Europos in 165 actually followed three earlier failed attempts. In 55 B.C.E., Crassus, Julius Caesar, and Pompey attacked Parthia but were defeated at the Battle of Carrhae in 53. Twenty years later, Marc Antony attempted an invasion but quickly called it off. Trajan tried again in 113 C.E., leaving soldiers in the city, who were recalled only 4 years later by Hadrian. (Matheson, 17)
xxiiMatheson, 3; Rostovtzeff (1932), 93.
xxiiiKilpatrick, 215; Moon, 587.
xxivGarnsey and Saller, 27. “. . . colonia became an honorific title conferred by special grant, linking a city in its title with an emperor but carrying no substantive privileges.”
xxvGarnsey and Saller, 27-28.
xxviPollard, 214,215, 223-224.
xxviiGarnsey and Saller, 27, 32, 189; Kilpatrick, 215; Moon, 587.
xxviiiWelles, 262, 267-268.
xxxMatheson, 24; Pollard, 216-217. According to Pollard (212), the total population of Dura was between 10,000 and 20,000, with the military forces numbering about 1000.
xxxiiPerkins, 29-30; Pollard, 212-215, 258-259. According to him the wall was not a real barrier to interaction between the groups that made up Dura’s populace, but it did act as “a physical reminder of the institutional separateness of the army.”
xxxiiiPollard, 214-215, 226, 259; Welles, 259.
xxxviGates, 167; Goranson, 24.
xxxviiC. Bradford Welles goes even further when he states that during the period of Rome’s occupation of Dura, “conditions were unfavorable to the maintenance of civic government” (260-261).
lxiiBoth Seager (150-151) and Kraabel (1998, 100) argue that there were no external changes made during the second renovation that would signify the structure as a placed used by Jews, while White (93) presses for just the opposite view.
lxxxivLevine, 142, 148. But, according to White, 95, “the plan and outfitting of the assembly hall suggest that some formal notions of synagogue worship were beginning to emerge, though they were by no means normative.” He made this statement with respect mainly to the Torah shrine at Dura, an aspect of the synagogue to be addressed later in this paper.
lxxxvKraabel (1981), 81; White, 93.
lxxxviLevine, 148; White, 62.
lxxxviiJensen, 180; Kraabel (1981), 81.
lxxxviiiNor was Dura’s architecture unique in the Diaspora. According to Seager, the synagogues at Ostia and Sardis “have shown that the unorthodoxy which Dura exhibits is not so rare” (150). Though Levine claims that the physical structure of Dura’s synagogue was “provocative and in many ways unique” (149).
cxiiiKelley, 58; Narkiss, 185. Joseph Gutmann (1975) also claims that “many of the scenes contain non-biblical homiletical embellishments, called aggadoth,” or folk tales (213).
cxviiMoon, 589, 591.
cxixMoon, 590, 608-609.
cxxiMoon, 594-595. This motif was also found in the temple to Hadad at Dura.
cxxvMoon, 592, 595, 597.
cxxviKelley, 59; Moon, 603.
cxxxiiiBickerman, 135; Neusner, 91.
cxxxivNeusner, 85-86, 88, 91.
cxxxvGoldstein, passim; Weitzmann and Kessler, 180-181. Paul V. M. Flesher has criticized Goldstein’s approach by claiming he only found messianic beliefs reflected in the paintings because they were what he was looking for. Goldstein does make some leaps of faith with his ideas, but the majority of his theory is soundly based and should be seriously considered.
cxxxviGoldstein, passim; Moon, 605.
cxliGates, 174; Goranson, 24-25.
cxliiMoon, 588, 590; Neusner, 85.
cxlvBickerman, 139; Moon, 599.
cxlixWeitzmann and Kessler, 178-180.
clWeitzmann and Kessler, 173.
cliMatheson, 28, 30; Perkins, 29.
cliiJensen, 182; Matheson, 28, 30; Weitzmann and Kessler, 84.
cliiiGoranson, 26; Matheson, 28, 30.
clvWeitzmann and Kessler, 172-173, 178-179. In particular, the scenes of the “sacrifice of Isaac, Jacob’s blessings, and the prophecies that the Messiah was to be a scion of the house of David.” And the four “wing panels” above and on either side of the Torah shrine signify: “salvation,” “God’s gifts in the past,” “prophecy of restoration,” and the “new covenant.”
clviJensen, 179; Kelley, 60.
clviiiKelley, 58, 61. Goodenough later surmised, probably incorrectly, that the defacement had occurred earlier at the hands of fellow Jews who disapproved of the figural scenes on the walls of the synagogue.