Struggle for national democracy

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Outline of World Events
It is necessary to present the outline of world events today to show how our American protector stands, to show how insecure and unwise is our so-called “special relations” with the U.S. and to show how detrimental they have been to us and to other peoples who have been subjected to American aggression.
On every level of international relations and struggle, American imperialism is losing its position of strength. Because of its unmitigated policy of superprofit exploitation and military aggression and intervention, arising from its imperialist nature, the U.S. government has become isolated and has become the chief target of the national independence movements of Asia, Africa and Latin America and of the socialist camp. Even its capitalist allies are increasingly anti-American as they realize that they have been cheated of their colonies in the period of weakness immediately after World War II and as they are now trying to reclaim their colonial losses.
It is clear that U.S. imperialism reached the peak of its power between 1945 and 1955. From the mid-fifties it started to meet the rising opposition of other world forces and to decline steadily, to its present status. It was within this period that it crushed the anti-imperialist movement in the Philippines and tied the Philippine government to a completely pro-American foreign policy that was marked by the errands ran by the puny and peripatetic General Carlos P. Romulo, and was climaxed by the simultaneous crushing of nationalist organizations and the dispatch of Filipino expeditionary forces to the Korean War in an atmosphere of McCarthyism.
The Cold War policies of the U.S. dominated the Philippine scene and successfully curtained off the Filipino people from the Chinese revolution of 1949. The revolution became an established fact, however, and it frustrated the expansionist advance of American imperialism as early as 1950 in the Korean War. As the Chinese volunteers in the spirit of proletarian internationalism rolled back the American-directed UN Forces, the Soviet Union in 1951 exploded its first atomic bomb and broke the American nuclear monopoly. The proletarian internationalism of North Korea, China and the Soviet Union proved more than equal to American imperialism even at that time the latter was at the peak of its relative world power.
It is true that the U.S. came out the strongest imperialist power after World War II at the expense of all other imperialist powers. It was on the basis of this strength that the U.S. easily reoccupied the Philippines and imposed all the treaties necessary to perpetuate American power in the Philippines as well as extend its influence and interests in the Far East. But World War II also gave birth to the most powerful anti-imperialist forces: the national liberation movements and the socialist camp. These two vigorous forces set into motion what we may now easily describe as the final stage of the general crisis of imperialism.
The two interrelated world movements of national liberation and socialism have developed from the basic alliance of the working class and the peasantry. These are the basic world forces against American imperialism. The internal conflict among imperialist powers themselves and their monopoly groups and the internal contradictions of American society itself have added to the decay of American imperialism as a whole.
The focal conflict in the world today is that one between the national liberation movements of Asia, Africa and Latin America on the one hand and the imperialist powers led by the U.S. on the other. It is obvious that the most intense anti-imperialist struggles have been enacted in China, Cuba, Indochina and the Congo. The Vietnamese people are now fighting the most focal struggle in the world today. It is within the intercontinental area of Asia, Africa and Latin America that America imperialism finds itself most susceptible to the most vigorous blows by the main force of the worldwide anti-imperialist revolt which continues to raise the fighting spirit of two-thirds of mankind into various forms of resistance. The oppressed and underdeveloped countries comprise the overwhelming countryside which has the metropolitan capitalist countries at their mercy. The national independence movements of the world countryside encompassing two-thirds of the world population are firmly reducing the areas of economic exploitation and military control by American imperialism. These are now forcing American imperialism to its worst and final crisis.

Deprivation of its superprofits is fatal to American imperialism. The national liberation movements are now curtailing the imperialist market and its field of investment and are now forcing American imperialism to its home grounds. Forced back to its home grounds by the anti- imperialist revolutions, American imperialism is sure to collapse under the strain of bearing the falling rate of profit which in the period of capitalist expansion has been buttressed by superprofits.

No less than in Latin America, the most probable last continental foothold of American imperialism, the Cuban people have already chosen to free themselves from foreign exploitation, rendering American military might, represented by Guantanamo, useless, sustaining successfully the unfair blows of the U.S. and the Organization of American States and therefore showing to all the peoples of Latin America that they too can fight American imperialism successfully. At present, Venezuela, the Dominican Republic, Guatemala, Brazil, Colombia and several other Latin American countries are in revolt.
In Africa, the Algerian Revolution, the Congolese Revolution, the Zanzibar Revolution and the revolutionary leadership of many African peoples are telling the American imperialists not to push their sphere of influence into Africa and subjugate them again. Thus the Peace Corps, the American lending institutions, and other imperialist instruments of subversion are being rendered ineffective. American treachery in the liquidation of Lumumba and the continued support to his killers, the American use of the UN to make possible the capture of Antoine Gizenga and the murders of tens of thousands of Congolese patriots with the paratroop drops by American helicopters in Stanleyville have enraged the entire African continent against American imperialism. The Organization of African Unity, particularly its Liberation Committee, is avowedly against colonialism, imperialism and neocolonialism.
The American War in Vietnam is a shocking proof of the barbarism of American imperialism. This was the same barbarism employed by it against our own people in order to impose its sovereignty upon us in the Filipino-American War at the beginning of the century. The American aggression against the North and South Vietnamese people is challenging all peoples to struggle against American imperialism in all its forms. As a result of its aggressive war in Vietnam, the U.S. has become so isolated from the decent opinion of humanity. Its atrocities are excelling those of Hitlerite Germany and Tojos’ Japan in their genocidal extent.
Notwithstanding the selfish and narrow point of view of puppet politicians in the Philippines, the world is changing rapidly and soon enough the internal laws of motion of Philippine society will breach the neocolonial framework. Pushed leftward by the national liberation movements, the balance of forces between socialism and imperialism is changing radically in favor of socialism. Before the emergence of modern revisionism, a world socialist system came about comprising 33.6 percent of the world population (1,000 million) and roughly 26 percent of the world area. Its share in industrial output has been greater than its share in the total population of the world. Per capita production in socialist countries is on the average higher than in the capitalist camp.

The astounding scientific and technological progress of socialist counties has spelled the constant advance of their economy and political strength, particularly in the case of the People’s Republic of China. Socialist aid has encouraged fighters for national liberation to ward off the exploitation and enticements of imperialist aid, particularly American “aid.” It has provided the disinterested alternative to the selfish offers of aid by various imperialist countries. Socialist aid agrees on the most disinterested terms as seen in comparison with imperialist aid.

Socialist aid is given at 1 to 2.5 percent interest, payable in twelve years; sometimes no more interest is required. Usually, the aid means the delivery of capital goods, the development of a self-reliant economy, a diversified agriculture and the construction of basic and heavy industries; it serves to increase the industrialization and independence of the aid recipient. Payment can be made in local currency, thus the aid giver is compelled to purchase local commodities. Socialist aid, therefore, encourages equivalent exchange of exports and imports. Furthermore, it requires no economic and administrative conditions such as imperialist aid requires that loans be spent as dictated by foreign advisers of the aid giver; and it has no political and military requirements such as that the aid recipient should join a military bloc and other bilateral and multilateral entanglements.
Imperialist aid, on the other hand, dictates so many conditions on the aid recipient, which amounts to the gradual or immediate surrender of the latter’s sovereignty and industrial development. Loans from imperialist financing institutions, such as the Export-Import Bank, the Agency for International Development (AID), the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, are given at the interest rate of 4 to 7 percent and yet such basic conditions are made that the government receiving them is prevented from directly making productive investments. The aid recipient is dictated to use the funds for stabilization purposes; for public works and administrative purposes which ultimately favor the foreign investors and perpetuate the colonial trade pattern of cheap raw-material exports and high-price finished-products imports. Always, the condition is made that foreign direct investors are given extraordinary tax-exemption privileges on their investments, direct support from the loans and unlimited right to repatriate profits and capital. Commodity purchases are made only according to the advice of the aid giver. Because the foreign aid adviser supplied by the aid giver must process and control the use of resources it is possible for him to overprice the goods in favor of the forms of his country to the extent of 30 percent or more above the world price. American advisorship is spread out in the entire administrative system of the aid recipient. The advisers stay in strategic positions in the government; thus, they develop strong imperialist influence on the policies of the government. The aid recipient is compelled to be involved in political and military alliances against the interests of its people and against its own neighbors. Aid under U.S. Public Law 480 and the Mutual Security Act sets the most preposterous terms, such as the disposal of American surplus agricultural products by the recipient and the use of proceeds for controlling counterpart funds provided by the aid recipient and for cold war purposes under the direction of an overcompensated American advisorship spread out in the entire bureaucracy. Payment of imperialist loans in all cases can be paid only in the foreign exchange approved by the aid giver. Because of the wide difference in terms of imperialist and socialist aid, oppressed peoples and anti-imperialist governments always take the latter at the first opportunity.
Socialist economic aid is not only encouraging the oppressed peoples of the world to revolt against American imperialist power. The development of an Asian nuclear power, sympathetic to the national liberation movements of Asia and Africa, is bound to curtail the propensity of the U.S. to frighten the progressive peoples of the world with total annihilation. The explosion of China’s bomb, according to the anti-imperialist leaders of Asia and Africa, is now turning the nuclear stalemate in favor of socialism and the movements for national independence despite the revisionist policy of certain socialist countries.
The biggest advantage, however, to be taken from socialist countries, especially the People’s Republic of China, is to learn their principle of self-reliance.
It is not only the interrelated forces of national liberation and socialism which are forcing back American imperialism. Within the capitalist camp, the U.S. has to meet the challenge of the Common Market and more particularly the French. The developing economic split of the West has its parallel effect in the NATO and the SEATO. The French claim for gold on Fort Knox is sending shivers along the spine of the American economy with its balance of payment problems. There seems to be no satisfactory resolution of the tariff war between the U.S. and the Common Market. In the SEATO, we see how it had failed to act according to the designs of the Pentagon. The French opposition, not to mention Pakistan’s, to American total aggression against Vietnam has complicated U.S. relations with its Western allies.
In the United Nations, which has always been controlled by the U.S. since its inception, the contradictions of world reality in which the U.S. always finds itself at one end because of its greed and interventionism are beginning to rend the UN charter and structure of 1945—the year at which the U.S. came out richest and most powerful from the devastating war years.
The Afro-Asian nations resent the fact that they are unfairly represented in the agencies of the UN and many of them are appalled by the fact that China’s seat has been usurped by the puny puppet government of Taiwan in the Security Council.
Together with the socialist countries, the Afro-Asian countries always resist the payment of dues to the UN whenever they realize that the funds have been misused to install or protect puppet leaders of the United States such as in the Congo and other places.

At the moment, American society is suffering from the militarization of its economy, the balance of payments deficit, severe trade expansion difficulties, unemployment aggravated by automation, the color problem and civil rights, the rise of internal imperialist reaction and organized fascist politics.

As we continue to rely exclusively on the vaunted strength of American imperialism, we are bound to be surprised by every revolutionary turn of the world situation.
At this point of our national history, we need to set ourselves free from imperialist domination so that our sense of internationalism, our sense of community with other nations would not continue to be narrowed down to the selfish imperialist interests of one foreign nation superimposed on our own.
We need to gain national freedom so that we can broaden our foreign relations with all nations willing to cooperate and to be friends with us.
Let us not mistake the cosmopolitanism of the comprador ruling class as our internationalism. Let us think of the deeper fraternal ties that can be developed among the masses of Africa and Asia in facing our common enemy, American imperialism. Let us be one with the Afro-Asian people’s solidarity movement and let us be guided by the spirit of revolutionary internationalism. #

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