Social Studies & English Content Areas Reading Across the Curriculum in an Urban Secondary School

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Social Studies & English Content Areas

Reading Across the Curriculum in an Urban Secondary School:

A Staff Development Model and Literacy Strategies

IRA Convention 2005, San Antonio, Texas

Welcome to the Social Studies/English Portion of…

Reading Across the Curriculum in an Urban Secondary School:

A Staff Development Model and Literacy Strategies

IRA Convention 2005, San Antonio, Texas

Michael Smith

Social Studies

Curie Metro High School

Chicago, Illinois

Sara Spachman


Curie Metro High School

Chicago, Illinois

All materials in this portion of your packet are also available at:

The Atomic Bomb & Hiroshima: Anticipation Guide

Read the statements below. Decide if you agree or disagree; circle your opinion. For statement #4, please complete the statement as you see fit. For ALL: Write a few sentences explaining why that is your opinion.

    1. In a time of war, you must act in the interest of your nation’s troops before considering the lives of enemy civilians.



    1. In the face of an unrelenting enemy and significant loss of life, it is appropriate to use any means necessary to end a conflict.



    1. In a time of war, surrendering is a dishonor to those who have sacrificed so much for their nation.



    1. In a time of war, responsibility for a morally questionable military act ultimately falls on ___________________________________

(e.g., soldier who carries out the act; military official who gives the directive; civilian official—like the President—who oversees the directive; an expert on the matter—like a scientist who worked on a new weapon—who supported the decision; etc.)

    1. Any nation with substantial technological, economic, and political power has a duty to the global community to lead by example.



The Atomic Bomb & Hiroshima: Reader Response Log
Text I’m reading: __________________________________________________________

Possible Responses:

Important Info I Don’t Get It

-Write down the most critical facts -Keep track of words and phrases

that you don’t understand

Personal Response ? I Have a Question

-Comment on the text: make a connection, -What would you like to know

write a reaction more about?

Snippet from Text

Response Symbol

My comments about this piece of text

[Japanese Leaders]

June 9, 1945

New York Times

Having heard the gracious words of His Imperial Majesty, the Emperor, following the opening of the Diet, I am filled with trepidation and inspiration. It is my sincerest wish to be able to serve as an administrator in complete response to His Majesty's wishes.

I was filled with trepidation when the Imperial Palace and the Omiya detached palace were set afire by enemy bombings the other day. Fortunately, their imperial majesties were not harmed and I am thankful that His Majesty has been able to conduct all state affairs in his office in the Imperial Palace.

Today our empire is facing the most critical situation in the history of our nation. The war situation gradually is becoming more acute, despite the efforts made by the whole nation, and we have witnessed the advance of the enemy on Okinawa.

However, through the courageous and brilliant fighting of our land and sea forces, together with the efforts of our Government and people, we have inflicted enormous losses on the enemy on Okinawa. The unswerving loyalty and heroism and the undying exploits of our men will long remain in the pages of history. I want to pay deep respect to their noble deeds.

There are factors in the situation on Okinawa today that arouse anxiety and we have reached a stage where wee can expect the advance of the enemy, at some time, to other areas of our mainland. The time has arrived when all our 100,000,000 people must look at the situation objectively and meet it with manifest determination.

From the very beginning the Greater East Asia war has clearly been a holy war. This has clearly been stated in the imperial rescript. The tyrannical attitude adopted by the United States and Britain at that time, as well as their evil designs, jeopardized the existence and safety of our empire.

Our empire had no choice but to take her stand and fight in order to assure her own existence and defense and to maintain the fruits of her many years of effort to stabilize conditions in East Asia.

I have served His Imperial Majesty over a period of many years and I am deeply impressed with this honor. As bold as it may seem, I firmly believe there is no one in the entire world, who is more deeply concerned with world peace and the welfare of mankind than His Imperial Majesty, the Emperor.

The brutal and inhuman acts of both America and England are aimed to make it impossible for us to follow our national policy as proclaimed by the Emperor Meiji, who said: "Our fundamental policy is based on justice and righteousness in the past as well as at the present, and that is true and infallible both at home and abroad."

This means that Japan is fighting a war to uphold the principle of human justice and we must fight to the last.


In this present war, various participating nations have cleverly declared their reasons for becoming involved in the conflict, but in the final analysis the war was brought about by jealousy, which is the lowest of human emotions.

I hear that the enemy is boasting of his demand for unconditional surrender of Japan. Unconditional surrender means that our national structure and our people will be destroyed. Against such boastful talk there is only one measure we must take, to fight to the last.

I am thankful that Manchukuo, China and other nations of Greater East Asia are standing firm by their treaties with our empire and that they are contributing a great deal to the holy war.

In the final analysis, the current war is a war for the liberation of East Asia and should it miscarry the freedom of the peoples of Greater East Asia will be lost forever. Not only that, but world justice will be trampled underfoot.

The fundamental policy of our empire for world order is the establishment of laws guaranteeing security based on the principle of non-aggression and non-menace in order to insure the co-existence and co-prosperity of every nation and every people under a general principle of political equality, economic reciprocity and respect for the traditional culture of each nation.

From this standpoint, our empire awaits the unification of China, which will be the salvation of that nation, and desires the furthering of friendly relations with neutral countries.

Should our mainland become a battleground, we will have all the advantages of geography and the solidarity of our people. In other words, we can easily concentrate a large number of forces as well as keep them supplied, which will be greatly different from the situation we faced at the outset of the war. We certainly will be able to repulse the enemy and crush his fighting spirit.

In this critical war situation, there will be a shortage of food and difficulties in transportation. Furthermore, difficulties in the manufacture of munitions will increase. But if the whole people will march forward with death-defying determination, devoting their entire efforts to their own duties and to refreshing their fighting spirit, I believe that we will be able to overcome all difficulties and accomplish our war aims.

Judging from the trends within enemy countries and considering the developments in the international situation, I cannot help feel strongly that the only way for us is to fight to the last. With this conviction I undertook the organization of the new Cabinet under the command of His Imperial Majesty.

It is truly a critical time. I wish to be able to fulfill my desire to serve His Majesty with the support of the whole people. These are the reasons that this - extraordinary session of the Diet was called, where new bills will be submitted for deliberation.

[Japanese Leaders]

August 14, 1945

New York Times


After pondering deeply the general trends of the world and the actual conditions obtaining in our empire today, we have decided to effect a settlement of the present situation by resorting to an extraordinary measure.

We have ordered our Government to communicate to the Governments of the United States, Great Britain, China and the Soviet Union that our empire accepts the provisions of their joint declaration.

To strive for the common prosperity and happiness of all nations as well as the security and well-being of our subjects is the solemn obligation which has been handed down by our imperial ancestors and which we lay close to the heart.

Indeed, we declared war on America and Britain out of our sincere desire to insure Japan's self-preservation and the stabilization of East Asia, it being far from our thought either to infringe upon the sovereignty of other nations or to embark upon territorial aggrandizement.

But now the war has lasted for nearly four years. Despite the best that has been done by everyone-the gallant fighting of the military and naval forces, the diligence and assiduity of our servants of the State and the devoted service of our 100,000,000 people-the war situation has developed not necessarily to Japan's advantage, while the general trends of the world have all turned against her interest.

Moreover, the enemy has begun to employ a new and most cruel bomb, the power of which to do damage is, indeed, incalculable, taking the toll of many innocent lives. Should we continue to fight, it would not only result in an ultimate collapse and obliteration of the Japanese nation, but also it would lead to the total extinction of human civilization.

Such being the case, how are we to save the millions of our subjects, or to atone ourselves before the hallowed spirits of our imperial ancestors? This is the reason why we have ordered the acceptance of the provisions of the joint declaration of the powers.

We cannot but express the deepest sense of regret to our allied nations of East Asia, who have consistently cooperated with the Empire toward the emancipation of East Asia.

The thought of those officers and men as well as others who have fallen in the fields of battle, those who died at their posts of duty, or those who met with death [otherwise] and all their bereaved families, pains our heart night and day.


The welfare of the wounded and the war sufferers and of those who have lost their home and livelihood is the object of our profound solicitude. The hardships and sufferings to which our nation is to be subjected hereafter will be certainly great.

We are keenly aware of the inmost feelings of all of you, our subjects. However, it is according to the dictates of time and fate that we have resolved to pave the way for a grand peace for all the generations to come by enduring the [unavoidable] and suffering what is unsufferable. Having been able to save * * * and maintain the structure of the Imperial State, we are always with you, our good and loyal subjects, relying upon your sincerity and integrity.

Beware most strictly of any outbursts of emotion that may engender needless complications, of any fraternal contention and strife that may create confusion, lead you astray and cause you to lose the confidence of the world.

Let the entire nation continue as one family from generation to generation, ever firm in its faith of the imperishableness of its divine land, and mindful of its heavy burden of responsibilities, and the long road before it. Unite your total strength to be devoted to the construction for the future. Cultivate the ways of rectitude, nobility of spirit, and work with resolution so that you may enhance the innate glory of the Imperial State and keep pace with the progress of the world.


Source: U.S. National Archives, Record Group 77, Records of the Chief of Engineers, Manhattan Engineer District, Harrison-Bundy File, folder #76.
On July 17, 1945, Leo Szilard and 69 co-signers at the Manhattan Project "Metallurgical Laboratory" in Chicago petitioned the President of the United States.

July 17, 1945


Discoveries of which the people of the United States are not aware may affect the welfare of this nation in the near future. The liberation of atomic power which has been achieved places atomic bombs in the hands of the Army. It places in your hands, as Commander-in-Chief, the fateful decision whether or not to sanction the use of such bombs in the present phase of the war against Japan.

We, the undersigned scientists, have been working in the field of atomic power. Until recently, we have had to fear that the United States might be attacked by atomic bombs during this war and that her only defense might lie in a counterattack by the same means. Today, with the defeat of Germany, this danger is averted and we feel impelled to say what follows:

The war has to be brought speedily to a successful conclusion and attacks by atomic bombs may very well be an effective method of warfare. We feel, however, that such attacks on Japan could not be justified, at least not unless the terms which will be imposed after the war on Japan were made public in detail and Japan were given an opportunity to surrender.

If such public announcement gave assurance to the Japanese that they could look forward to a life devoted to peaceful pursuits in their homeland and if Japan still refused to surrender our nation might then, in certain circumstances, find itself forced to resort to the use of atomic bombs. Such a step, however, ought not to be made at any time without seriously considering the moral responsibilities which are involved.

The development of atomic power will provide the nations with new means of destruction. The atomic bombs at our disposal represent only the first step in this direction, and there is almost no limit to the destructive power which will become available in the course of their future development. Thus a nation which sets the precedent of using these newly liberated forces of nature for purposes of destruction may have to bear the responsibility of opening the door to an era of devastation on an unimaginable scale.

If after this war a situation is allowed to develop in the world which permits rival powers to be in uncontrolled possession of these new means of destruction, the cities of the United States as well as the cities of other nations will be in continuous danger of sudden annihilation. All the resources of the United States, moral and material, may have to be mobilized to prevent the advent of such a world situation. Its prevention is at present the solemn responsibility of the United States -- singled out by virtue of her lead in the field of atomic power.

The added material strength which this lead gives to the United States brings with it the obligation of restraint and if we were to violate this obligation our moral position would be

Szilard PETITION continued

weakened in the eyes of the world and in our own eyes. It would then be more difficult for us to live up to our responsibility of bringing the unloosened forces of destruction under control.

In view of the foregoing, we, the undersigned, respectfully petition: first, that you exercise your power as Commander-in-Chief, to rule that the United States shall not resort to the use of atomic bombs in this war unless the terms which will be imposed upon Japan have been made public in detail and Japan knowing these terms has refused to surrender; second, that in such an event the question whether or not to use atomic bombs be decided by you in light of the considerations presented in this petition as well as all the other moral responsibilities which are involved.

Signers listed in alphabetical order, with positions added:

1. DAVID S. ANTHONY, Associate Chemist

2. LARNED B. ASPREY, Junior Chemist, S.E.D.
3. WALTER BARTKY, Assistant Director
4. AUSTIN M. BRUES, Director, Biology Division
5. MARY BURKE, Research Assistant
6. ALBERT CAHN, JR., Junior Physicist
7. GEORGE R. CARLSON, Research Assistant-Physics
8. KENNETH STEWART COLE, Principal Bio-Physicist
10. JOHN CRAWFORD, Physicist
11. MARY M. DAILEY, Research Assistant
12. MIRIAM P. FINKEL, Associate Biologist
13. FRANK G. FOOTE, Metallurgist
14. HORACE OWEN FRANCE, Associate Biologist
15. MARK S. FRED, Research Associate-Chemistry
16. SHERMAN FRIED, Chemist
18. MELVIN S. FRIEDMAN, Associate Chemist
20. NORMAN GOLDSTEIN, Junior Physicist
21. SHEFFIELD GORDON, Associate Chemist
22. WALTER J. GRUNDHAUSER, Research Assistant
23. CHARLES W. HAGEN, Research Assistant
24. DAVID B. HALL, position not identified
25. DAVID L. HILL, Associate Physicist, Argonne
26. JOHN PERRY HOWE, JR., Associate Division Director, Chemistry
27. EARL K. HYDE, Associate Chemist
28. JASPER B. JEFFRIES, Junior Physicist, Jr. Chemist
29. WILLIAM KARUSH, Associate Physicist
30. TRUMAN P. KOHMAN, Chemist-Research
31. HERBERT E. KUBITSCHEK, Junior Physicist
32. ALEXANDER LANGSDORF, JR., Research Associate
33. RALPH E. LAPP, Assistant to Division Director
34. LAWRENCE B. MAGNUSSON, Junior Chemist

37. GEORGE S. MONK, Physicist
38. ROBERT JAMES MOON, Physicist
40. ROBERT SANDERSON MULLIKEN, Coordinator of Information
41. J. J. NICKSON, [Medical Doctor, Biology Division]
42. WILLIAM PENROD NORRIS, Associate Biochemist
43. PAUL RADELL O'CONNOR, Junior Chemist
44. LEO ARTHUR OHLINGER, Senior Engineer
45. ALFRED PFANSTIEHL, Junior Physicist
47. C. LADD PROSSER, Biologist
49. WILFRED RALL, Research Assistant-Physics
50. MARGARET H. RAND, Research Asst., Health Section
52. B. ROSWELL RUSSELL, position not identified
53. GEORGE ALAN SACHER, Associate Biologist
54. FRANCIS R. SHONKA, Physicist
54. ERIC L. SIMMONS, Associate Biologist, Health Group
56. JOHN A. SIMPSON, JR., Physicist
57. ELLIS P. STEINBERG, Junior Chemist
59. GEORGE SVIHLA, position not identified [Health Group]
60. MARGUERITE N. SWIFT, Associate Physiologist, Health Group
61. LEO SZILARD, Chief Physicist
62. RALPH E. TELFORD, position not identified
63. JOSEPH D. TERESI, Associate Chemist
65. KATHERINE WAY, Research Assistant
68. ERNEST J. WILKINS, JR., Associate Physicist
69. HOYLANDE YOUNG, Senior Chemist


excerpts from

The Franck Report, June 11, 1945
Report of the Committee on Political and Social Problems

Manhattan Project "Metallurgical Laboratory"

University of Chicago, June 11, 1945

(The Franck Report)

Members of the Committee:

James Franck (Chairman)

Donald J. Hughes

J. J. Nickson

Eugene Rabinowitch

Glenn T. Seaborg

J. C. Stearns

Leo Szilard

Source: U.S. National Archives, Washington D.C.: Record Group 77, Manhattan Engineer District Records, Harrison-Bundy File, folder #76.

Copyright Notice: The original of this document is believed to be in the public domain. Its transcription and formatting as an e-text, however, is copyright 1995-1998 by Gene Dannen ( The URL of this page is:

excerpt from the “Preamble”
Scientists have often before been accused of providing new weapons for the mutual destruction of nations, instead of improving their well-being. It is undoubtedly true that the discovery of flying, for example, has so far brought much more misery than enjoyment or profit to humanity. However, in the past, scientists could disclaim direct responsibility for the use to which mankind had put their disinterested discoveries. We cannot take the same attitude now because the success which we have achieved in the development of nuclear power is fraught with infinitely greater dangers than were all the inventions of the past. All of us, familiar with the present state of nucleonics, live with the vision before our eyes of sudden destruction visited on our own country, of Pearl Harbor disaster, repeated in thousandfold magnification, in every one of our major cities.

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