Security a permanent challenge for cities



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Franz Vanderschueren


(2014)

Security


a permanent challenge
for cities.”

Un document produit en version numérique par Jean-Marie Tremblay, bénévole,

professeur de sociologie au Cégep de Chicoutimi

Courriel: jean-marie_tremblay@uqac.ca

Site web pédagogique : http://www.uqac.ca/jmt-sociologue/
Dans le cadre de: "Les classiques des sciences sociales"

Une bibliothèque numérique fondée et dirigée par Jean-Marie Tremblay,

professeur de sociologie au Cégep de Chicoutimi
Site web: http://classiques.uqac.ca/
Une collection développée en collaboration avec la Bibliothèque

Paul-Émile-Boulet de l'Université du Québec à Chicoutimi

Site web: http://bibliotheque.uqac.ca/



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Jean-Marie Tremblay, sociologue

Fondateur et Président-directeur général,

LES CLASSIQUES DES SCIENCES SOCIALES.

Cette édition électronique a été réalisée par Jean-Marie Tremblay, bénévole, professeur de sociologie au Cégep de Chicoutimi à partir de :


Franz Vanderschueren
Security – a permanent challenge for cities.”
In Françoise Lieberherr-Gardiol and Germán Solinís (editors), CITIES INTO THE FUTURE. Chapter 5, pp. 178-209. A Book translated from the French version Quelles villes pour le 21e siècle ? published with the support of l’Université de Genève, la Faculté des Lettres, La Maison de l’histoire and La Fondation Hélène et Victor Barbour by Les Éditions Infolio, Suisse, 2012, 448 pp. Chicoutimi: Les Classiques des sciences sociales for the English Version, 2014, 323 pp.
[Autorisation formelle accordée conjointement par l’auteur ainsi que par Françoise Lieberherr-Gardiol et German Solinis, d'une part, et par la maison d'édition, infolio Éditeur, d'autre part, le 11 février 2014 de diffuser la version anglaise de ce livre en accès ouvert et gratuit à tous dans Les Classiques des sciences sociales.]

Emails: Françoise Lieberherr-Gardiol: franlieb@bluewin.ch

Germán Solinís: G.Solinis@unesco.org

Franz Vanderschueren: franzv33@gmail.com
Polices de caractères utilisée :
Pour le texte: Times New Roman, 14 points.

Pour les notes de bas de page : Times New Roman, 12 points.


Édition électronique réalisée avec le traitement de textes Microsoft Word 2008 pour Macintosh.
Mise en page sur papier format : LETTRE US, 8.5’’ x 11’’.
Édition numérique réalisée le 26 mai 2014 à Chicoutimi, Ville de Saguenay, Québec.




UN LIVRE INÉDIT EN ANGLAIS
Nous sommes reconnaissants aux auteurs du livre ainsi qu’à la maison d’édition, infolio Éditions, de nous avoir autorisé, le 11 février 2014, la diffusion, en versions numériques, en texte intégral et en accès libre et gratuit à tous, de la version anglaise du livre sous la direction de Françoise Lieberherr-Gardiol et German Solinis, intitulé: Quelles villes pour le 21e siècle ?, sous le titre: CITIES INTO THE FUTURE.
La version française du livre, en édition papier, est disponible auprès de l’éditeur.
Emails: Françoise Lieberherr-Gardiol: franlieb@bluewin.ch

Germán Solinís: G.Solinis@unesco.org


Suisse: Gollion; France: Paris: info@infolio.ch.

infolio Éditions: https://www.infolio.ch/livre/quelles-villes-pour-le-21e-siecle.htm.
Jean-Marie Tremblay,

Sociologue,

Professeur associé, Université du Québec à Chicoutimi

Président-directeur général et fondateur des Classiques des sciences sociales.


Lundi, le 26 mai 2014.

Franz Vanderschueren


Security – a permanent challenge for cities.”

In Françoise Lieberherr-Gardiol and Germán Solinís (editors), CITIES INTO THE FUTURE. Chapter 5, pp. 178-209. A Book translated from the French version Quelles villes pour le 21e siècle ? published with the support of l’Université de Genève, la Faculté des Lettres, La Maison de l’histoire and La Fondation Hélène et Victor Barbour by Les Éditions Infolio, Suisse, 2012, 448 pp. Chicoutimi: Les Classiques des sciences sociales for the English Version, 2014, 323 pp.
The author
Franz Vanderschueren, sociologist, director of the urban security programme at the Alberto Hurtado Jesuit University, Santiago de Chile (Faculty of Law), adviser for many Latin America countries, former coordinator of Safer Cities Programme at UN-Habitat, Nairobi (Kenya).
Email: franzv33@gmail.com
Contents

Part II.

The emergence of regulations within globalisation

Chapter V. Security – a permanent challenge for cities
by Franz Vanderschueren
The city, symbol of security

The urbanisation shapes security

Initial urbanisation changes insecurity

An institutional response: the police

Generating an ideological consensus

The crisis of the early metropolises in America

The consumer society restructures security

Exponential growth of criminality

The range of urban causes

The emergence of new crimes

Crimes linked to drug-trafficking

Organised crime

Cyber crime

Awareness of domestic violence

The narrowing of the gap between serious crime and petty crime

Attempts to respond

Privatised security

The wave of police reforms

The new urban context

The new governance of security

Promising practices

The priorities

Conclusion: the beginning of a long road

References
Part II.
The emergence of regulations within globalisation

V
Security – a permanent challenge
for cities

by Franz Vanderschueren

The city, symbol of security



TOC

Ever since the first urban centres were formed until today, the city has always been a symbol of security for citizens. Citizens expect security from city authorities, security which will protect them from the dangers present outside and inside the city. Three periods of the functioning of urban security can be distinguished in the history of cities.

The first period includes cities until the end of the Middle Ages, when the city was first and foremost a refuge for commercial activity, and had to face danger coming from outside. It was the army that then ensured security.

At the beginning of the 14th century, when cities began to have their own feudal powers, the particularity of democracy emerged, but no security structure was universally institutionalised in cities which rarely had more than 50,000 inhabitants, often being City States. Internal security was, however, perceived as a condition of the democratic development of cities and of citizens’ quality of life.

With the period of industrialisation and urbanisation that began in the early 19th century, when the first large cities emerged, internal security was taken care of by policing structures. This is the model that still prevails today. But over the past thirty years, growing insecurity and the expansion of cities and their peripheral areas have shown that there are limits to this model which is based on the existence of a criminal justice system.

There is ample debate on this subject, and in this article it will be tackled from the viewpoint of the relationship between security and urbanisation. Two preliminary observations must be made. On the one hand, the subject of urban insecurity is vast and heterogeneous since it covers a whole range of issues: theft and attacks on citizens, sexual crimes, fraud and contraband, the trading of favours and all white-collar crimes, domestic violence, violence in schools, cyber-crime, organised crime, human trafficking, the mafia, in certain cases, and all kinds of abuse of power. In addition, it is inseparable from the range of urban and social policies since many crimes and violent behaviour are closely related to citizens’ living conditions. (Weatherburn and Lind, 2001).

On the other hand, tackling the question of urban insecurity means considering two distinct sets of themes which are often confused at the level of citizens: real insecurity based on the direct experience of crime, and the perception of insecurity or a feeling of fear which is independent of victimisation and indicates a lack of confidence in the ability of the authorities or of the community to confront the insecurity (Kessler, 2009; Robin C., 2004).

The urbanisation shapes security

Historically, security has gone through changes linked to the development of urbanisation. From the beginning of industrialisation, which is to say the creation of medium and large cities, two specific periods can be distinguished in these changes.

The first one corresponds to the beginning of industrialisation, between 1800 and 1840, and extends, depending on the country, between this period and the first half of the 20th century.

This phase marks the transformation of a population which was predominantly rural (90%) to a population which tended to become urban in the industrialised countries and in Latin America. Such population made a living in industrial activities or by having formal and informal work.



Global rate of urbanisation

Year

Rate

1800

9%

1900

16%

1950

38%

2000

50%

Source: P. Bairoch and UN-HABITAT

The second period coincides with the current period of globalisation of urbanisation when, in the 20th century, the mainly rural world population became urban, Asia and Africa became massively urbanised, and the number of metropolises increased, particularly in developing countries.

Initial urbanisation changes insecurity

The first period of urbanisation took place at the beginning of the 19th century in the advanced countries of Europe, and progressively spread to North and South America between 1850 and 1940. The colonial regimes prevented this transformation from taking place in Africa and in Asia. A notable exception was Japan, which became industrialised very early on.

This first transformation brought about urbanisation in many cities of over 200,000 inhabitants, creating the first large cities. In his reflections on the change caused by this evolution, Simmel (1903) shows the end of informal social control, solidarity and social cohesion which had existed through inhabitants’ knowing each other in small town and country communities. According to Simmel, the excessive stimulation in the urban context of the large city 1 leads, to a person becoming indifferent and blasé, dissociating himself from his fellow citizens to seek out a specialisation and an individual role in a climate of freedom and fierce competition. Such generalised individualism and the erosion of informal social control make society vulnerable to crime. The challenge this evolution posed was to find a form of substitution for informal social control through an institutional response.

Indeed, this urbanisation is expressed in most countries by the passage from crime of a rural kind (rustling, attacks on travellers, plundering, etc.) to crime that takes advantage of all the opportunities a city has to offer. Crime becomes established in the context of chaotic, poor housing conditions, particularly in the outskirts of the city. For example, in 1910, in Berlin, 35% of the residential area was comprised of single-room apartments, and 13% of the basements and attics were turned into housing, which meant 60,000 Berliners were living in 20,000 basements. (Jonas and Weidmann, 2006: 164-165) Urbanisation also marks the mass growth of prostitution in cities and the over-working of women in domestic service (Simmel, 1892), as well as an increase of what Sutherland (1949) called “white-collar crime” where usury was commonplace, and the trading of favours and abuse of power were frequent. Corruption was rife.

Furthermore, the norms, particularly with regard to the practice of the appropriation of goods, changed when the urban era began: the relative vagueness of the rural world was not functional for industrial development which needed precise rules to measure profitability. The context of urbanisation and industrialisation and its correlative, the development of the working classes, brought strong resistance to exploitation by employers. There is, therefore, some confusion between social crime (rebellion or agitation) and ordinary crime, often perpetrated by the same people. This explains the concept of “the dangerous classes” in bourgeois minds of the 19 century. In fact the distinction between the political unrest of working classes and crime was made only in the second half of the 19thth century, when social and political reforms enabled conflicts to be resolved through political or union representation. (Lea, 2006)

An institutional response: the police

This society which was becoming urbanised and industrialised also went through other transformations connected with security. Until then, the creation of the police force that guaranteed people’s protection and law and order, had been private. It was, in fact, Sir Robert Peel, when he was Home Secretary in England, who institutionalized the police force, and, later, the city of Paris adopted the same model which then spread to other countries. The English “bobby” gradually became the ideal model of a police force. Sir Robert Peel’s idea was a kind of de-militarisation of law and order, and a de-privatisation of the services that granted protection of people and property, which now were handed over to the central State or government of the city, and fell into the category of deterrent. The police force was perceived, above all, as a preventive, neighbourhood service which identified with the people. “The police are the public and the public are the police” and “the ability of the police to perform their duties is dependent upon public approval of police actions” he stated. (Chalom et al.. 2000)

The models of police which were to become widespread, responded to two trends. The British “bobby” acted first and foremost as a deterrent. Initially, he carried out numerous duties which involved controlling the working class, but later he focused on offenders. This model was a civil police force which, as a public service, was subordinated to the elected political authority that was either central (in the majority of European countries) or local (as in The United States and Canada).

A second, similar model of a police force emerged in Japan and developed after the Meiji Restoration, in 1868, which gave impetus to industrialisation in that country. It is known as the “Koban”, a polyvalent police force with officers having close contact with local communities; they pay visits to homes several times a year. This system prevails successfully in Japan, and now in Singapore. It involves a very strong link with the local community and knowledge of inhabitants on the part of the police. They fulfil several roles: intelligence unit, formal law and order, mediators and leaders of informal control. The police there provide help to the residents and maintain close links with them; all of this creates awareness of the closeness that exists between the police and the citizens. In addition they develop an approach centred on problem-solving. (Bayley, 1976; Brogden and Nijhar, 2005)

The studies on Japanese police have shown efficiency as the Koban are operating with a number of agents lower than the one of industrialised western countries (see table below) and take advantage from the influence and impact of the whole Japanese structure of social control (Chikao Uranaka, 2010)

Comparison Table: number of police agents/inhabitants (year 2005)

Japan

USA

United Kingdom

Germany

Italy

France

1/520

1/353

1/337

1/312

1/279

1/275

Source: Chikao Uranaka, 2010, 21)




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