Rt rok prostitution Neg Off-Case Dartmouth 2010 Index



Download 102.51 Kb.
Page1/3
Date14.05.2016
Size102.51 Kb.
  1   2   3

RT ROK Prostitution Neg Off-Case Dartmouth 2010

Index



Index 1

1NC – Victimization K 2

2NC – Link Wall 5

Victimization – Links 7

Victimization – Turns Case 9

Victimization – Alternative 11

Victimization – They Say “Perm” 16

Links – Heteronormativity 19

Links – Western Feminism 20

Links – Essentialism 21

1NC – EEA CP 22

EEA CP – Solves Victimization 23



1NC – Victimization K
The Affirmative represents sex workers as sexual objects that are victimized by male sexual violence

Kamala Kempadoo, Assistant Professor in Women's and Sociology at the University of Colorado, Associate Professor of Latin American and Caribbean Studies at York University and Associate Professor of Sociology, Sex Workers Rights Organization and Anti-Trafficking Campaigns, Spring 2001 [“Women of Color and the Global Sex Trade: Transational Feminist Perspectives”, Meridians, Vol. 1, No. 2, pp. 28-51, www.jstor.org/stable/40338451, BBQ]



Feminist accounts of prostitution have barely scratched the surface here. Too often we still rely heavily on older feminist formulations. In the 1970s, prostitution, along with marriage and the family, was defined by Western feminism as an expression of patriarchy and violence to women, illustrating the way in which female sexuality and the female body were controlled, subordinated, and exploited by male and masculine interests. Kathleen Barry made popular the term "sexual slavery" to refer to some of the conditions that women faced under patriarchy, asserting that sex constituted the primary basis for power and authority in society (1984, 194). The concepts of sex and gender were given primacy in this analysis of prostitution, and the cause for prostitution defined as universal in nature. Sheila Jeffreys continues this approach, arguing that "since the 1970s radical feminists have analyzed prostitution uncompromisingly as the ultimate in the reduction of women to sexual objects which can be bought and sold, to a sexual slavery that lies at the roots of marriage and prostitution and forms the foundation of women's oppression" (1997, 2). The central tenet of the report by Janice Raymond of the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women (catw) to the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women in 1995 was to include prostitution as a "category of violence against women"; prostitution was defined unambiguously as "sexual harassment, sexual abuse and sexual violence" (1995, 1, 13). Dorchen Leidholdt, co-executive director of the catw, reinforces this position in the following statement: "When we bring our knowledge about violence against women and girls to an analysis of the global sex industry, what we see is not labor or work, but an institution of male dominance at its most virulent, a system of power and control that keeps women and girls inside it in conditions of perennial gang rape" (2000, 9). With this classic radical feminist definition in hand, and repeatedly using the term "victims" to identify women who are drawn from Third World countries into the sex trade, Leidholdt names several large U.S.-based organizations that have worked together with this understanding of the global sex trade- the National Organization of Women, Equality Now, Catholics for Free Choice, the Feminist Majority and, her own, the catw. From Leidholdt' s perspective, those who do notadhere to this analysis of the sex industry are complicit in upholding the system of violence to women. Indeed, she brands the UN Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, Rhadika Coomarswamy, a “madame" for moving toward a definition of prostitution that includes notions of sexual labor and women's agency. Since the 1980s sex work has been made synonymous with sexual slavery by various women's organizations in various parts of the world. The notion of sexual slavery has been widely used in relation to "comfort women" who were "drafted" from Korea, China, Taiwan, Indonesia, Thailand, the Philippines and Japan to sexually service Japan's Imperial Army during the 1930s and 1940s, and to agitate for compensation for these abused and exploited women (Hicks 1994; Howard 1995; Bang- Soon Yoon 1997; Henson 1999). The international circulation of ideas about prostitution and other forms of sex work exclusively in terms of "violence to women" or "sexual slavery" has also more generally informed the contemporary discourse of international human rights agencies. Notions of "a modern form of slavery," for example, were cen- tral to research on Burmese women in prostitution in Thailand by the Asia Watch Women's Rights Project10 and to the Global Survival Network's studies on the traffic of Russian women for prostitution (gsn 1997). In Asia and Africa sexual slavery is the term chosen by some women's organizations to define and speak out about the exploitation, coercion, and brute force that women from these regions of the world are facing. The Asian Women's Human Rights Council (awhrc), for example, met with foreign ministers of several South Asian countries in

[TEXT CONTINUED]



1NC – Victimization K
Delhi in 1996 to bring to the governments' attention "the escalating form of violence and degradation of humanity caused

by trafficking in women and children" in the region. They defined the trafficking of women as a "contemporary form of slavery" (awhrc Press Release, 21 December 1996). The Women's Consortium of Nigeria (wocon) that began working on the issues of trafficking in women in 1997 employs the term "modern slavery" and is involved in international platforms on "new forms of slavery" (wocon Brochure 2000).


The sexual slavery paradigm acts as a disempowerment to sex workers furthering patriarchy

Chizuko Ueno, Associate Professor at the Heian Women’s College, Associated Professor and Professor at the Kyoto Seika University at the Department of Humanities, faculty member of Tokyo University Department of Literature in the Graduate School of Humanities and Social Studies, January 2004 [“Nationalism and Gender (Japanese Society Series)”, Sexual Violence Paradigm, translated by Beverley Yamamoto, BBQ]

Military sexual slaves does indeed seem to be appropriate terminology for understanding the comfort women given the systematic and continuous rape of the women under conditions of forced capture and confinement. Nevertheless, by overemphasising its opposition to the prostitution paradigm, the military sexual slavery paradigm falls into exactly the same kind of dilemma as that of rape trials where the agency of the victims has to be assiduously denied. For example, the purity of the victim’s sexual past, whether there was any resistance or not, and the denial of any economic motivation are all symbolically utilised, with the image of the model victim. For instance, it is easier to accept as a victim the image of a young woman who was a virgin at the time that she was taken away, and either completely duped or captured by force. In this kind of story, the woman would have planned to escape or commit suicide, but she was prevented from doing so and somehow survived. Needless to say, for the victims who speak out in public about these kinds of dreadful experiences, the application of a concept of model victim, which is a manipulative category, is truly discourteous. The problem lies not with the narrator but the listener who only hears what he or she wants to hear. Moreover, the political effect of this paradigm is that it makes it difficult for anybody who deviates from the model victim to come forward. It is much harder to gain acceptance in a case where at the time of being rounded up the victim had an experience of prostitution; or due to poverty the victim went for economic reasons although vaguely aware of what was going to happen; or alternatively that the victim had been hoarding military scrip, even if these were survival strategies from among limited choices by the women to avoid certain death. Stated more clearly, this paradigm functions to place a boundary between the ‘pure’ and the ‘impure’ victim. Furthermore, as a result of creating the image of the ‘immaculate victim’, it is capable of becoming the unintended accomplice of the patriarchal paradigm, which demands women’s purity.

1NC – Victimization K
The alternative is to reject the Affirmative’s use and representations of sex workers as “sexual slaves” and “victims” to male sexual violence
Rather than rendering sex workers as speechless victims, acknowledging them as part of translational women’s movement prevents the reproduction of hierarchies, privileges and priorities of post-modern feminism

Kamala Kempadoo, Assistant Professor in Women's and Sociology at the University of Colorado, Associate Professor of Latin American and Caribbean Studies at York University and Associate Professor of Sociology, Sex Workers Rights Organization and Anti-Trafficking Campaigns, Spring 2001 [“Women of Color and the Global Sex Trade: Transational Feminist Perspectives”, Meridians, Vol. 1, No. 2, pp. 28-51, www.jstor.org/stable/40338451, BBQ]



These experiences of women of color in the sex trade- their perspectives, visions and dreams- need to be listened to carefully by feminists of color. Rather than simply remaining silent and thus complicit with ren- dering them as victims or as oversexualized racialized subjects, we could, from our academic and other non-sex work locations, collaborate with sex workers to struggle for everyday changes and transformations in the sex trade and for policies and practices that would strengthen them as autonomous, knowing subjects. We could also acknowledge their efforts as part of the contemporary transnational women's movement. Legacies of Black radical feminism and Third World feminism position us well to listen to our "subaltern" or marginalized sisters and to avoid reproducing the hierarchies, privileges and priorities that characterize much of post- modern academic feminism. It is certainly possible, then, for us to reflect on sex worker demands as part of our feminist theorizing, and to collab- oratively build strategies for change.

2NC – Link Wall


The Affirmative reaffirms the idea that sex workers are exclusively “victims” to “sexual slavery” and reduce sex workers solely to sexual objects – that’s Kempadoo.
Western feminists position women of color as sexual objects that are “ideal” for male sexual violence functioning under the constructions of patriarchy, racism and sexuality

Kamala Kempadoo, Assistant Professor in Women's and Sociology at the University of Colorado, Associate Professor of Sociology, Sex Workers Rights Organization and Anti-Trafficking Campaigns, Spring 2001 [“Women of Color and the Global Sex Trade: Transational Feminist Perspectives”, Meridians, Vol. 1, No. 2, pp. 28-51, www.jstor.org/stable/40338451, BBQ]



Examinations of particular colonial, imperial, and neocolonial histories in the construction of prostitution and of the "erotic-exotic" woman of color are needed for feminist frameworks that purport to study, analyze, and produce knowledge about sex work and the global sex trade, for without taking these relations of power and dominance into account, commonalities and differences in social histories, lives, and experiences of women around the world are erased, and various complicities and contestations ignored. For several centuries women of color have been positioned as sexual servants to the white world. The eighteenth and nineteenth centuries for example witnessed the use of "native" colonized women for the satisfaction of sexual desires and to construct colonial and imperial white male power and privilege outside the confines of marriage and citizenship (Stoler 1991). Colonized women were frequently positioned in the colonies and under slavery as concubines, mistresses, or sexual servants. At the same time, Black women's wombs were incorporated into planta- tion economies to increase the size of the slave population. The notion of Black women as "breeders" on plantations during slavery throughout the Americas has not gone unnoticed in feminist historiography. Abraham-van der Mark notes about the Jewish male elite in nineteenth-century Curasao in the Dutch Caribbean, that "concubinage gave them the benefits of a category of children which, if necessary, provided labor but could not make any legal demands and were excluded from inheritance" (1973, 46). In other instances in the Caribbean, Black slave women were put to work as prostitutes by the owner or plantation manager during slumps in the plantation economy and when extra cash was needed for the plantation household (Beckles 1989). In these and other studies a continuous theme is the unconditional sexual access that white men had to Black and Brown women's bodies and the force and coercion that was involved. How such practices informed white women's identities, sexuality, and struggles in history remains for the most part unproblematized, yet complicities with an assumed racial superiority and the economic privileging that accompanied histories of Empire for white European women are an integral part of the narrative and require explo- ration (C. Hall 1995, Lewis 1996). Similarly, prostitution and other types of sex work under these conditions have not been extensively examined in the light of Black and Brown women's agency and subjectivity, or as pos- sible sites of resistance and power to (neo) colonial oppressions. The positioning of Asian, African, Caribbean, and Latin American women as sexual objects, and the obfuscations of their agency, in particular relations of power and domination, have not ground to a halt but rather can be seen to extend into the twenty-first century in both theory and practice. Women of color remain in various ways racialized as highly sexual by nature, and positioned as "ideal" for sex work. They continue to be overrepresented globally in "body-work"- as sexual, domestic, and un- or semi-skilled manual workers- and are underrepresented in intellectual activities in which social theory is produced. The agency of Brown and Black women in prostitution has been avoided or overlooked and the perspectives arising from these experiences marginalized in dominant theoretical discourse on the global sex trade and prostitution. Our insights, knowledges, and understandings of sex work have been largely obscured or dominated by white radical feminist, neo-Marxist, or Western socialist feminist inspired analyses that have been either inca- pable or unwilling to address the complexities of the lives of women of color. Third World, transnational, or postcolonial feminisms have offered possibilities for theorizing prostitution within the matrix of gendered, racialized, sexualized, and international relations of power, as well as from the experiences and perspectives of women of color in prostitution (Mohanty 1991;

[TEXT CONTINUED]



2NC – Link Wall
Grewal and Kaplan 1994; Alexander 1997), yet it is remarkable that to date, very little has been explicitly advanced as a transnational or postcolonial feminist approach to the subject of prostitution.
Portraying women as “victims” of male sexual violence creates a universal principle of sex work

Kamala Kempadoo, Assistant Professor in Women's and Sociology at the University of Colorado, Associate Professor of Latin American and Caribbean Studies at York University and Associate Professor of Sociology, Sex Workers Rights Organization and Anti-Trafficking Campaigns, Spring 2001 [“Women of Color and the Global Sex Trade: Transational Feminist Perspectives”, Meridians, Vol. 1, No. 2, pp. 28-51, www.jstor.org/stable/40338451, BBQ]

The global sex trade has received increasing attention since the mid 1990s from a variety of researchers, activists, organizations, law and policy makers, and international agencies, particularly under the rubrics of "trafficking" and "sexual slavery." The assumption commonly underpinning the widespread interest it has aroused is that the sex trade is premised upon a universal principle of male violence to women. Indeed, even though several feminists and scholars, including this author, have argued for more complex and nuanced approaches, we are often asked to participate in discussions on the subject in the context of conferences and public events that concentrate on violence to women. Similarly, among non-governmental organizations and increasingly in the mainstream media, the global sex trade is more often than not portrayed through this one dimension, with the women involved represented as "victims" of male sexual violence. In this article, I expand the argument that the global sex trade cannot be simply reduced to one monolithic explanation of violence to women. Research and theorizing require a framework that embraces the realities, contradictions, and intersections of various global relations of power. To illustrate this point, I draw on recent feminist studies showing that colo- nialisms, recolonizations, and cultural imperialisms, as well as specific local cultural histories and traditions that shape the sexual agency of women are important for any account of global manifestations of sex work. The goal is to articulate a framework that will allow us to explore and theorize differences and commonalities in meanings and experi- ences in the sex trade. Here, I focus particularly on experiences of, and definitions by, women of color,1 tracing the contours of what may be named a "transnational feminist" framework for studies of prostitution and sex work. While this article may offer to some readers new insights and arguments, it does not represent a new study. Rather it aims to bring together and further circulate ideas and knowledge produced by and about women of color in the global sex trade and to make explicit the framework that underpins this current trend of feminist theorizing.2

Victimization – Links


Western feminist imagery portrays sex workers as victimized Brown, Asian, or Black women

Kamala Kempadoo, Assistant Professor in Women's and Sociology at the University of Colorado, Associate Professor of Latin American and Caribbean Studies at York University and Associate Professor of Sociology, Sex Workers Rights Organization and Anti-Trafficking Campaigns, Spring 2001 [“Women of Color and the Global Sex Trade: Transational Feminist Perspectives”, Meridians, Vol. 1, No. 2, pp. 28-51, www.jstor.org/stable/40338451, BBQ]



The representation of women from Third World or postcolonial countries as "trafficked victims" combines with descriptions of conditions of excessive force and violence. Debt-bondage, where sums of up to $20,000 are loaned to families and paid back by women and girls through work in underground or informal sectors; indentureship, where women are forced into prostitution, domestic work, or sweatshops and are required to pay the trafficker for travel and documents;5 and slavery-like condi- tions, where women are locked into rooms or a building, chained up, or otherwise held against their will, forced to have sex both with clients and their "protectors" and traffickers, are raped and abused by their "managers," and are starved or are not allowed freedom of movement, are most commonly linked with Third World and non-western women's experiences in the global sex trade. The dominant image in the West of the trafficked, victimized sex worker is of a young Brown, Asian, or Black woman, an image refracted through mainstream television programs and newspaper reports, as well as in some feminist writings and in international debates on trafficking.6
The notion of women as victims creates a dichotomy between Western feminists and the Third World porstitutes

Kamala Kempadoo, Assistant Professor in Women's and Sociology at the University of Colorado, Associate Professor of Latin American and Caribbean Studies at York University and Associate Professor of Sociology, Sex Workers Rights Organization and Anti-Trafficking Campaigns, Spring 1999 [Positions, “Slavery or Work? Reconceptualizing Third World Prostitution”, http://positions.dukejournals.org/cgi/reprint/7/1/225.pdf, BBQ]

So how do we conceptualize prostitution in the face of this activity and self-definition by the women who practice the trade in Third World and other non-Western countries? Can we simply ignore these voices and continue to view the women as victims of patriarchy? Should we argue that sex workers’ empowerment politics is a construction of male dominance, used to hoodwink women into compliance and docility? Or can we acknowledge these perspectives and experiences as another part of feminist praxis and theory? Arguments supporting notions of women as victims of intense patriarchal systems are most commonly heard when it comes to Third World prostitution. As Kathleen Barry states, sexual slavery “prevails in preindustrial and feudal societies that are primarily agricultural and where women are excluded from the public sphere” and where women are the “property of men.”6 At the other end of the scale, she posits, are the “postindustrial, developed societies’’ where “women achieve the potential for economic independence.”7 A dichotomy between highly oppressed women in Third World/agrarian societies and potentially liberated women in Westexdindustrialized centers is constructed through such radical feminist analyses, with Third World prostitutes depicted as the most victimized of all.

Victimization – Links
The notion of sex workers as “victims” of violence dismiss the culture, historical, and socio-economic conditions in which sex work has been constructed

Kamala Kempadoo, Assistant Professor in Women's and Sociology at the University of Colorado, Associate Professor of Latin American and Caribbean Studies at York University and Associate Professor of Sociology, Sex Workers Rights Organization and Anti-Trafficking Campaigns, Spring 2001 [“Women of Color and the Global Sex Trade: Transational Feminist Perspectives”, Meridians, Vol. 1, No. 2, pp. 28-51, www.jstor.org/stable/40338451, BBQ]

Others have pointed out that legacies of racism, colonialism, and imperialism have produced conditions and situations for women that are experienced, and can be read, in quite different ways. This needs to be taken into consideration when theorizing prostitution. Ofreneo and Ofreneo, for example, insist that "Imperialism, militarism and racism provided the 'geopolitical-economic' context of military prostitution and sex tourism" in the Philippines (1998, 104). They appear to concur with Than-Dam Truong (1990) who argues for a historically and socio-cultur- ally specific conceptualization of the organization of sexual labor in order to better describe and explain Asian women's experiences in pros- titution. Rather than using the overly deterministic or reductive notion of prostitution as inherently violent to women, these perspectives propose that labor involving sexual, sensual, and erotic energies and parts of the body is not a priori gendered, nor only tied to commercial sex/prostitu- tion.13 In this framework sexual labor/sex work is viewed as having been, and continuing to be, performed and organized in a variety of ways, with no universal expression or meaning. In a similar vein, Lim notes about sex work in Southeast Asia, that, "in addition to economic bases, prostitution also has strong social bases, which have remained largely unchanged over time." She points out that in many countries the traditional role of women as family breadwinners and the duty or moral obligation placed upon children, especially girls, to "earn money to repay the care and protection given them by their parents in raising them" strongly contributes to the entrance of young women into sex work (1998, 12). Meena Poudel, of Women Acting Together for Change (watch) in Nepal, identifies several factors that facilitate the trafficking of women from Nepal, among them caste systems and traditional relations of power, poverty, patriarchy, the political system, "modernization," and the family (1996, 5-6). The role of dominant religions in historically constructing "the prostitute" is also critical to an under- standing of the social bases of prostitution.14 In other words it would seem erroneous, if not socially irresponsible, to ignore these national and geo-political contexts, as well as specific histories and experiences, when talking about women in the global sex trade. Reducing sex work to a violence inflicted upon women due to notions of a universality of patriarchy and masculinist ideologies and structures, or through the privileging of gender as the primary factor in shaping social relations, dismisses the great variety of historical and socio-economic conditions, as well as cultural histories, that produce sexual relations and desire.

Victimization – Turns Case




Share with your friends:
  1   2   3




The database is protected by copyright ©essaydocs.org 2020
send message

    Main page