No link – they don’t have evidence to prove overturning the death penalty would crush movements against police brutality



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Aff AT Movements DA
the gutters, 2nc Lansing Rnd5, 1AC Practice 10-20, Speech 1ac Ag runoff 8-31 12AM, Speech 1AC CAFOs personal, send cards, 2nr , Con Side, Movements DA, Marijuana Neg, Federalism DA, Court Packing DA, Death Penalty Negative, Death Penalty Affirmative

1AR

1ar uniqueness

The movement is only huge because of the pandemic – not durable


Covert, a contributor at The Nation and a contributing op-ed writer at The New York Times. Her writing has also appeared in The Washington Post, the New Republic, New York magazine, Slate, and others, and she won a 2016 Exceptional Merit in Media Award from the National Women’s Political Caucus, 2020
(Bryce, 6/29/20, The Nation, “How to Make Defunding the Police a Reality,” https://www.thenation.com/article/society/police-reform-defund-activism/, accessed 7/13/20, tmur)
It’s no coincidence that these protests and the demands issuing from them are happening in the midst of a historic health crisis. “When you live in a pandemic for three months and lose jobs and lose family members and think about how society is organized, it becomes much easier to say, ‘Well, maybe we do need to get rid of the cops,’” Pierre said. “We got rid of going outside. So maybe we should get rid of the cops.”
Not to mention that black people have been disproportionately dying of Covid-19. Everyone has watched the federal government’s paralysis in the face of the crisis, and many feel that the $1,200 stimulus checks and enhanced unemployment benefits don’t go far enough to cushion such an enormous blow. The protests are “happening in the context of the US government abandoning its people under the coronavirus,” Blackmon said. “It’s almost like a perfect storm that has now exploded and blossomed into a nationwide resistance movement.”

1ar movements fail

Ideological issues undermine movement success


Dyke and Amos 17 [Nella and Bryan, both professors at University of California-Merced, Sociology Compass, "Social movements coalitions: Formation, longevity, and success" Vol 11(7) March]

Numerous studies demonstrate that ideological differences can inhibit coalition formation (Barkan, 1986; Diaz Veizades & Chang, 1996; Gerhards & Rucht, 1992). Obviously, we would not expect groups with diametrically opposed goals, such as pro‐ and anti‐LGBT rights, to work together. However, even organizations within the same movement who share broadly similar goals may hold ideological positions inimical to coalition. Roth (2010) demonstrates that many women's organizations in the early 1970s failed to form coalitions across racial and ethnic lines because of a widely shared belief that activism is best pursued by those whose direct interests are at stake and that others should not take action on others' behalf. Lichterman (1995) describes an environmental group unwilling to join a coalition because of their construction of activism as an individualistic rather than community project—shared goals


and multi‐cultural values notwithstanding. Thus, while some elements of two groups' ideologies may overlap, they may hold other positions that prevent collaboration.

A broad ideology coupled with opportunities for interaction can help overcome status differences and enable alliances. Enriquez (2014: 155) shows how a broad social justice ideology encouraged interaction among undocumented and citizen college students, noting, “conflict among members can be best negotiated through the development of discursive and interactive spaces that allow individuals to engage across their different social locations.” A lack of social ties and spaces for interaction can prevent groups from seeing their shared interests and thereby inhibit coalition formation. Ferree and Roth (1998), in their study of a strike of day care workers in Berlin, show how feminist organizations never joined a coalition with the day care workers because the feminists were focused on other issues, not viewing the plight of day care workers as an issue worthy of pursuit. The lack of social connections, or bridge builders,


between the two movements meant that there was no one within the feminist organizations to make the case for the striking day care workers. Staggenborg (1986: 384) observes, “a lack of overlap in membership among diverse groups exacerbates ideological differences, creating many disagreements and misunderstandings which might be avoided with better communication.”


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