1a. No. Although the work of the “Freedom Riders” in 1961 raised the national consciousness concerning civil rights, their work did not lead directly to passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. See pages 533-534.
1b. No. Kennedy had to deal with a Congress controlled by conservative Republicans and southern Democrats. As a result, he was not very successful in getting Congress to act on his programs. See pages 533-534.
1c. Correct. Although black activism and television news programs raised the national consciousness concerning civil rights, it took the tragedy of President Kennedy’s assassination to convince reluctant politicians that action on civil rights was necessary. See pages 533-534.
1d. No. Although SNCC’s involvement in the sit-ins, the Freedom Rides, and voter registration drives in the South did raise the national consciousness concerning civil rights, it did not lead directly to passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. See pages 533-534.
2a. No. These were not provisions of the 1965 Elementary and Secondary Education Act. See page 535.
2b. Correct. This act, which granted $1.3 billion to school districts on the basis of the number of needy children, was the first general program of federal aid to education. See page 535.
2c. No. This was not a provision of the 1965 education bill, and such certification is still left in the hands of the states. See page 535.
2d. No. The establishment of a federal job-placement service for teachers was not a provision of the 1965 education bill. See page 535.
3b. Correct. Whereas only 29 percent of the South’s black population was registered to vote in 1960, around 66 percent was registered by 1969. See page 535.
3c. No. Literacy and other voter tests were suspended by the Voting Rights Act of 1965 in those states where such tests had been used to bar qualified people from the voting rolls and where less than half of the voting-age residents were registered. See page 535.
3d. No. The act authorized federal supervision of voter registration in areas where less than half of the voting-age minority residents were registered, but it did not require all eligible voters to register through federal registrars. See page 535.
4a. No. The Court did not sanction required nondenominational prayers in public schools. See pages 535-536.
4b. No. The Court did not rule that God has no place in the public schools. See pages 535-536.
4c. Correct. The Court held that the state could not require the reciting of an official prayer in public schools. See pages 535-536.
4d. No. The Court did not ban all prayers in public schools. See pages 535-536.
5a. No. These cases did not deal with religious issues and did not broaden the definition of religion. See page 536.
5b. No. Freedom of expression was not at issue in these cases. See page 536.
5c. Correct. These criminal cases extended coverage of the Fourteenth Amendment to include the right of a poor person charged with a felony to a state-appointed lawyer and the right of a suspect to be informed of his or her rights. See page 536.
5d. No. These cases did not deal with sexual issues. See page 536.
6a. Correct. The civil rights movement had been largely southern in focus and did not deal with the deteriorating conditions of blacks in inner-city ghettos. Black frustration was expressed through urban riots and in the voices of black nationalism. See page 537.
6b. No. There is no evidence to support the contention that there was “communist infiltration” of civil rights groups and that such infiltration caused the urban race riots of the 1960s and the emergence of black nationalism. See page 537.
6c. No. Northern blacks had long had and exercised the right to vote. See page 537.
6d. No. The SCLC, under the direction of Martin Luther King, Jr., continued to use the nonviolent tactic of passive resistance. See page 537.
7a. No. The drug culture of the 1960s is associated more with the counterculture than with the New Left. See page 539.
7b. No. The counterculture’s desire to build a “Woodstock nation” based on love, drugs, and rock music was not very realistic. Furthermore, the New Left was not a single movement with a single set of goals. See page 539.
7c. Correct. Although the New Left tended to be political in its orientation and used direct-action tactics, the counterculture used music to attack the status quo. See page 539.
7d. No. Student activists, the New Left, and the counterculture were united in their opposition to the Vietnam War. See page 539.
8a. Correct. The riot that erupted between police and the gay patrons of the Stonewall Inn is considered to be the beginning of the gay rights movement. See page 539.
8b. No. The Stonewall riot did not occur in Atlantic City and was not undertaken by radical feminists. See page 539.
8c. No. The Stonewall riot occurred in New York City and was not associated with the 1968 Democratic Convention in Chicago. See page 539.
8d. No. The Stonewall riot was not related to King’s assassination. See page 539.
9a. No. George Wallace ran for president under the banner of the American Independent Party in 1968. In 1972 he was a candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination and was seriously wounded by a would-be assassin. See page 541.
9b. Correct. With polls showing him as the leading presidential candidate among Democrats and having just won the California primary, Robert Kennedy was assassinated on June 5, 1968. See page 541.
9c. No. McCarthy challenged President Johnson’s war policies in 1968, and his victory in the New Hampshire primary was a factor in Johnson’s decision to withdraw as a candidate. But McCarthy was not assassinated. See page 541.
9d. No. Edmund Muskie was not a Democratic candidate for the presidency in 1968. See page 541.
10a. No. In the late 1960s radical feminists were more likely to support the gay rights movement than were members of NOW. See page 542.
10b. No. Radical feminists were concerned with the political, social, and economic inequality of women. They also challenged women’s legal inequality and sex-role stereotyping. See page 542.
10c. No. Although Friedan inspired the founding of NOW, she was not repudiated by the radical feminists. See page 542.
10d. Correct. While NOW concentrated on lobbying for legislation and testing laws through the courts, radical feminists became involved in direct action to achieve their goals. See page 542.
11a. No. Nixon did not advocate national health insurance and even strongly opposed expansion of Medicare, which applied only to the elderly. See page 543.
11b. No. Nixon had instituted his Vietnamization policy; but, while American ground troops were being withdrawn, the air war widened. See page 543.
11c. No. Nixon imposed wage and price controls in August 1971, nine months after the November 1970 congressional elections. See page 543.
11d. Correct. The speeches of Vice President Agnew provide evidence that the Nixon administration deliberately tried to associate the Democratic Party with radicalism and violence prior to the 1970 congressional elections. See page 543.
12a. Correct. Middle-class Americans were frightened by McGovern’s proposals and demonstrated their fear at the polls. See page 544.
12b. No. Nixon’s attorney general, John Mitchell, worked to prevent extension of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and, in the process, pleased many southerners. See page 544.
12c. No. Although Nixon had run as a fiscal conservative in 1968, he had authorized large budget deficits. See page 544.
12d. No. Much of the environmental-protection legislation that passed in the early 1970s was due to the support of Congress, not necessarily that of Nixon. See page 544.
13a. No. James McCord, one of the defendants in the Watergate break-in and a former security coordinator of CREEP, revealed in a letter to Judge Sirica that the defendants had been pressured to plead guilty and that perjury was committed at the trial. See page 545.
13b. No. John Mitchell, who resigned as Nixon’s attorney general to head the President’s reelection campaign, knew of the payments but did not authorize them. See page 545.
13c. Correct. President Nixon authorized CREEP to pay over $460,000 to keep Hunt and others from implicating the White House in the Watergate burglary. See page 545.
13d. No. John Ehrlichman, Nixon’s adviser on domestic affairs, had knowledge of the payments but did not authorize them. See page 545.
14a. Correct. The committee voted for impeachment on three counts: obstruction of justice, defiance of a congressional subpoena, and abuse of power through the improper use of the CIA, FBI, and IRS. See page 546.
14b. No. The article of impeachment accusing Nixon of demeaning the office of the presidency by misconduct of his personal financial affairs was voted down by a vote of 26 to 12. Furthermore, one cannot be declared guilty as the result of impeachment hearings. See page 546.
14c. No. The committee voted on the articles of impeachment brought against Nixon and made a recommendation to the full House. See page 546.
14d. No. The committee held hearings to determine if there was just cause to refer articles of impeachment to the full House, not to determine Nixon’s guilt or innocence. See page 546.
15a. Correct. The act, in an attempt to put some restrictions on the president’s war-making powers, required the president to consult with Congress “in every possible instance” before sending troops into foreign wars. See page 546.
15b. No. In an effort to put restrictions on the president’s war-making powers, the act required the chief executive to withdraw troops after sixty days (as opposed to 10 days) unless Congress authorized otherwise. See page 546.
15c. No. The president, as commander-in-chief of the armed forces, still had the authority to respond to threats to national security and send troops to foreign territory. See page 546.
15d. No. The president, as commander-in-chief of the armed forces, still had the authority to respond to threats to national security and send troops into a foreign war without getting a declaration of war from Congress. See page 546.