Early life and the Revolution. José Manuel Rafael Simeón de Mier y Terán was born 18 Feb 1789 in Mexico City, the oldest son of Manuel de Mier y Terán and María Ignacia de Teruel y Llanos. Manuel Mier y Terán Sr. was the son of Antonio de Mier y Terán and Ana María de Casuro y Peña. His mother's parents were Felipe Teruel and Anna María Llanos y Leon. He and younger brothers Juan and Joaquin served in the Mexican Revolutionary movement under Morelos. In 1824 Manuel Mier y Terán married María Joséfa Velasco de Teruel and they established a home in Mexico City. They had a son born in 1825 who died two days before Terán departed Mexico City for his inspection trip to Texas on 10 Nov 1827.
Terán was adept in mathematics and engineering, attended the Mexico City College of Mines and graduated in 1811. Like many idealistic students, he was attracted to the revolutionary ideas of the Hidalgo and Morelos movements. His theoretical knowledge of explosives and ballistics were of practical potential and he was inducted into the ranks by Ignacio Rayon on 22 Mar 1811. Prior to that time, Terán apparently had cautiously investigated the insurgent movement disguised as a mule driver in one instance where he observed battlefields, one in particularly at the Calderon Bridge. He witnessed executions of rebels as well. After joining Rayon, he quickly gained his confidence as an organizer and assistant. He then became head of an artillery division under his childhood friend, Maríano Matamoros, top assistant of José María Morelos y Pavon. Terán continued to exercise his talents in manufacture of munitions as well as training and command. Terán was instrumental as captain of artillery (forty pieces) in one of the greatest victories of Morelos against the royalists at Oaxaca on 25 Nov 1812. In the assault on Oaxaca, while Terán was attempting to protect a drawbridge for crossing a moat, he observed the young insurgent Manuel Felíx Fernandez, later known as Guadalupe Victoria, become mired in mud while attempting to cross on foot through the moat. His reaction of laughter to the comical sight of Fernandez and others mired in the moat is said to have been remembered by Victoria and a source of ill feeling between the two for life.
Melancholy and despair--the tragic final days. On 25 Jun 1832 while on his way to Croix from Hacienda de Buena Vista del Cojo, Gen. Terán received word about the events at Anahuac in Texas. His apparent last order was for Ugartechea to relieve Bradburn of his command. Terán then moved to San Antonio de Padilla with headquarters Presidio Aguaverde residing in the same rooms where Emperor Iturbide spent his last hours before execution in 1824. According to eyewitnesses, the general's behavior became erratic, he toured the village in deep thought making numerous trips to the river and the tomb of Iturbide. Watched and sometimes accompanied by his secretary Col. José María Díaz Noriega, he remarked:
"Things are in a bad way, the political horizon is ever more cloudy, and the net result will be the loss of Texas. I would give my whole life if Mexico could appreciate the beauty and fertility of that land, but no one will think of it. The men there [in Mexico] have enough to think about in their own intrigues and ambitions."
Gen. Manuel Mier y Terán was a responsive confidant of Empresario Stephen F. Austin, their relations from 1828 to his Terán's death in 1832 have been described as cordial and intimate. Terán also respected and worked with other loyal Anglo-Mexican immigrant leaders and Tejanos for peace and development of the province. Among the issues he supported in Texas was trial by jury in the colonies with review of verdicts by trained judges who periodically visited the settlements. He was for exemption of Texas from the strict letter of the slavery emancipation decree of President Guerrerro. He expressed frankly his opinion that the admission of slaves was essential to the development of Texas and use in the coastal states of the Republic of Mexico was inevitable. He predicted that slavery would make Texas an economically powerful state equal to Louisiana, but expressed reservations whether slavery was too high a price for the success. Terán expressed support to Austin for freedom of religion in Texas which was preferable to no religion at all on the frontier which appeared to the case. It is thought that this attitude probably reflected that of President Guerrerro whose administration was too short-lived to implement it as a constitutional amendment. Most importantly, Terán concurred with the views and appeals of Austin that his colonies and those of Green DeWitt were excluded from the limits on Anglo immigration in the decree of 1830 instructing commandants at San Antonio and Nacogdoches that all orders received by him from higher authorities "aimed to guarantee the colonies already established on the terms in which their contracts were granted; so that they have the right to conclude all matters pending in the part that has not yet been fulfilled."
Terán was strongly critical of the increasing minority of native Mexicans were who he described as of "the lowest class--the very poor and ignorant." He concluded that, because of this, foreigners in Texas would not assimilate with them because the natives had nothing to teach or impart to them. He agreed that the Anglo colonists complaint of "political disorganization on the frontier" was justified and needed remedy by attention of the government of Mexico. He was for balancing the perceived problems caused by an Anglo majority of immigrants with native born Hispanic immigrants from the interior while his successor, Tadeo Ortiz de Ayala, promoted the idea that Texas could be attractive to European immigrants that could more easily be assimilated into the Mexican way of life. Stephen F. Austin had written Terán after passage of the Bustamante Decree of 1830 "My hopes are fixed on you to save Texas." A week before his death he had written Austin "The affairs of Texas are understood by none but you and me, and we alone are the only ones who can regulate them." His successor, Ortiz de Ayala, died in the cholera epidemic of 1833. One month after the death of Ortiz on 15 Nov 1833, the Mexican Senate rescinded the anti-immigration law of 1830. In Jan 1834, Goméz Farias sent Juan Nepomuceno Almonte to investigate the situation in Texas and it is believed he expected to become the successor of Terán and Ortiz as"director of colonization" of Texas with similar aims. Almonte returned in 1836 as a major figure in the military force sent to subdue the Texas independence movements. sdct teran
Bustamante's Decree, 6 April 1830. In 1828, General Manuel Mier y Terán was commissioned by President Guadalupe Victoria as early as 1827 to help in negotiating the boundary between the Republic of Mexico and the United States of the north and determine the situation in the colonies in more detail after the Fredonian Rebellion. He was the head of a scientific commission spending most of the time in Nacogdoches in 1828 gathering data for a boundary survey. Teran described the condition in Texas to President Victoria:
"The whole population here is a mixture of strange and incoherent parts without parallel in our federation; numerous tribes of Indians, now at peace, but armed and at any moment ready for war, whose steps toward civilization should be taken under the close supervision of a strong and intelligent government; colonists of another people, more aggressive and better informed than the Mexican inhabitants, but also more shrewd and unruly; among these foreigners are fugitives from justice, honest laborers, vagabonds and criminals, but honorable and dishonorable alike travel with their political constitution in their pockets, demanding the privileges, authority, and officers which such a constitution guarantees. Added to this motley mixture were the slaves beginning to learn the favorable intent of the Mexican law toward their unfortunate condition and held with an iron hand to keep them in a state of subjection. The Mexican natives were poor and ignorant, and the local civil officers venal and corrupt; and the colonists, imagining that they were typical, despised all Mexicans. The incoming stream of new settlers was unceasing; and the first news of them came by discovering them on land which they had already long occupied; the old inhabitants would then set up a claim of doubtful validity, a law suit would ensue, and the alcalde had a chance to come out with some money."
In 1829 when he became Commandant of the Eastern Interior Provinces with Texas in his jurisdiction in response to agitation in the United States for purchase of Texas, he denounced such methods in the following to the minister of war:
"Instead of armies, battles, or invasions, which make a great noise and for the most part are unsuccessful, these men lay hands on means which, if considered one by one, would be rejected as slow, ineffective, and at times palpably absurd. They begin by assuming rights, as in Texas, which it is impossible to sustain in a serious discussion, making ridiculous pretensions based on historical incidents which no one admits---such as the voyage of La Salle, which was an absurd fiasco, but serves as a basis for their claim to Texas. Such extravagant claims as these are now being presented for the first time to the public by dissembling writers. The efforts that others make to submit proofs and reasons are by these men employed in reiterations and in enlarging upon matters of administration in order to attract the attention of their fellow countrymen, not to the justice of the claim, but to the profit to be gained from admitting it. At this stage it is alleged that there is a national demand for the step which the government meditates. In the meantime, the territory against which these machinations are directed, and which has usually remained unsettled, begins to be visited by adventurers and empresarios; some of these take up their residence in the country, pretending that their location has no bearing upon the question of their government's claim or the boundary disputes; shortly, some of these forerunners develop an interest which complicates the political administration of the coveted territory; complaints, even threats, begin to be heard, working on the loyalty of the legitimate settlers, discrediting the efficiency of the existing authority and administration; and the matter having arrived at this stage---which is precisely that of Texas at this moment--diplomatic manoeuvers begin."
From his position in fall 1829 as Commanding General of the Eastern Interior Provinces which included Tamaulipas, Nuevo Leon and Coahuila y Texas, his opinions had considerable influence in Mexico City. Author Alliene Howien summarized Teran’s recommendations for action in the Southwestern Historical Quarterly in 1913 as:
(1) The removal to the Nueces River of several companies of troops now on the Rio Grande;
(2) The establishment of a permanent garrison at the main crossing of the Brazos River, that there might be an intermediate force in the unsettled region, separating Nacogdoches and Bexar;
(3) The reinforcements of existing garrisons by troops of infantry properly belonging to them;
(4) The occupation and fortification of some point above Galveston Bay, and another at the mouth of the Brazos River, for the purpose of controlling the colonies;
(5) The organization of a mobile force, equipped for sudden and rapid marches to a threatened point and;
(6) The establishment of communication by sea, such being more prompt and less expensive than by land.
The political ways and means recommended by Teran were summarized by author Howien as:
(1) settlements of convicts in Texas;
(2) encouragement of immigration of Mexican families to Texas;
(6) appropriation of the portion of the customs receipts shared by the maritime States to the support of the troops destined for Texas;
(7) free importation into Texas of food supplies for the troops;
(8) alteration of Austin's contract to give the government control of the coast leagues;
(9) establishment of new Mexican settlements, and the support of the same for a time, at government expense;
(10) the creation of a loan fund for voluntary colonization of Mexican families and;
(11) special awards or bounties to successful agriculturists among Mexican colonists.
The suggestions by Teran found enthusiastically receptive ears in the form of ursurperAnastacio Bustamante who had just seized control of the government of the Mexican Republic as President. His minister, Lucas Alaman, became an aggressive proponent of legal codification of Teran’s views. On 6 Apr 1830, the following laws were passed by the Congress. Ironically, the laws pushed through by Alaman contained articles 3, 9 and 10 which created a commission to inspect the colonies, enforce slavery laws and prohibit immigration from the United States (highlighted below). These principles were not among Teran’s recommendations and are thought to have been the articles in the act that were most objectionable to Texian colonists and precipitated eventual separation of Texas from the Mexican Republic:
Articles of the Bustamante Decree of April 1830
Article 1. Cotton goods excluded in the law of May 22, 1829, may be introduced through the ports of the Republic until January 1. 1831 and through the ports of the South Sea until June 30, 1831.
Article 2. The duties received on the above-mentioned goods shall be used to maintain the integrity of the Mexican territory to form a reserve fund against the event of Spanish invasion, and to promote the developments of national industries in the branch of cotton manufacturers.
Article 3.The government is authorized to name one or more commissioners who shall visit the colonies of the frontier states and contract with the legislatures of said states for the purchase, in behalf of the Federal government, of lands deemed suitable for the establishment of colonies of Mexicans and other nationalities; and the said commissioners shall make, with the existing colonies, whatever arrangements seem expedient for the security of the republic. The said commissioners shall supervise the introduction of new colonists and the fulfilling of their contract for settlement, and shall ascertain to what extent the existing contracts have been completed.
Article 4. The chief executive is authorized to take such lands as are deemed suitable for fortification or arsenals and for the new Colonies, indemnifying the States for same, in proportion to their assessment due the Federal government.
Article 5. The government is authorized to transport the convict soldiers destined for Vera Cruz and other points to the colonies, there to establish them as is deemed fit; the government will furnish free transportation to the families of the soldiers, should they desire to go.
Article 6. The convict soldiers shall he employed in constructing the fortifications, public works and roads which the commissioners may deem necessary, and when the time of their imprisonment is terminated, if they should desire to remain as colonists, they shall be given lands and agricultural implements, and their provisions shall be continued through the first year of their colonization.
Article 7. Mexican families who voluntarily express a desire to become colonists will be furnished transportation, maintained for one year, and assigned the best of agricultural lands.
Article 8. All the individuals above mentioned shall be subject to both the Federal and State colonization laws.
Article 9. The introduction of foreigners across the northern frontier is prohibited under any pretext whatsoever, unless the said foreigners are provided with a passport issued by the agent of the republic at the point whence the said foreigners set out.
Article 10. No change shall be made with respect to the slaves now in the states, but the Federal government and the government of each state shall most strictly enforce the colonization laws, and prevent the further introduction of slaves.
Article 11. In accordance with the right reserved by the general congress in the seventh article of the law of, August 18, 1824, it is prohibited that emigrants, from nations bordering on this republic shall settle in the states or territory adjacent to their own nation. Consequently, all contracts not already completed and not in harmony with this law are suspended.
Article 12. Coastwise trade shall be free to all foreigners for the term of four years, with the object of turning colonial trade to ports of Matamoras, Tampico and Vera Cruz.
Article 13. Frame houses and all classes of foreign food products may be introduced through the ports of Galveston and Matamoros, free of duty for a period of two years.
Article 14. The government is authorized to expend five hundred thousand dollars (pesos) in the construction of fortifications and settlements on the frontier; in the transportation of the convict-soldiers and Mexican families of same, and their maintenance for one year, on agricultural implements---on expenses of the commissioners or transportation of troops; on premises to such farmers among the colonists as may distinguish themselves in agriculture, and on all the other expedients conducive to progress and security, as set forth in the foregoing articles.
Article 15. To obtain at once one-half of the above sum, the government is authorized to negotiate a loan on the custom proceeds which will be derived from the ordinary classes of cotton goods. Said loan to pay a. premium of three per cent monthly, payable at the expiration of the periods fixed in the tariff schedule.
Article 16. One-twentieth of the said customs receipts shall be listed in the promotion of cotton manufactures, such as in the purchase of machines and looms, small sums being set aside for the installing of the machinery, and any other purpose that the government shall deem necessary; the government shall apportion these funds to the states having this form of industry. The said funds shall be tinder the control of the minister of relations for the purpose of promoting industries of such importance.
Article 17. Also three hundred thousand dollars (pesos) of the above-mentioned customs receipts shall be set aside as a reserve fund on deposit in the treasury, tinder the strict responsibility of the government, which shall have power to use same only in ease of Spanish invasion.
Article 18. The government shall regulate the establishment of the new colonies, and shall present to congress, within a year, a record of the emigrants and immigrants established under the law, with an estimate of the increase of population on the frontier.
MIER Y TERÁN, MANUEL DE (1789–1832). José Manuel Rafael Simeón de Mier y Terán, Mexican general, was born in Mexico City on February 18, 1789, the eldest of three sons of Manuel de Mier y Terán and María Ignacia de Teruel y Llanos. In February 1824 he married Josefa Velasco de Teruel. He visited Texas twice: first, as leader of a boundary-commission expedition to Nacogdoches in 1828–29; and second, as commandant general of the Eastern Interior Provinces (seePROVINCIAS INTERNAS), in which role he visited Galveston Bay in November 1831. Mier, who showed special aptitude for mathematics and engineering, graduated from the College of Mines in Mexico City in 1811. He joined José María Morelos in the movement for Mexican independence in 1811 and fought under Ignacio Rayón. In 1821 he joined future emperor Agustín de Iturbide to expel the Spaniards under the Plan de Iguala. He served in the first constituent congress in 1822 as a member of the committee on colonization of unoccupied lands. He was made a brigadier general in 1824 and served nine months as minister of war. In 1827 President Guadalupe Victoria named him to lead a scientific and boundary expedition into Texas to observe the natural resources and the Indians, to discover the number and attitudes of the Americans living there, and to determine the United States-Mexico boundary between the Sabine and the Red rivers.
The Comisión de Límites (Boundary Commission) left Mexico City on November 10, 1827, and reached San Antonio on March 1, 1828, San Felipe on April 27, and Nacogdoches on June 3. Mier y Terán traveled with a military escort in a huge coach inlaid with silver along with Rafael Chovell, a mineralogist and later military commander at Lavaca; Jean Louis Berlandier, a botanist, zoologist, and artist; and José María Sánchez y Tapíaqv, cartographer and artist. All kept diaries that have been published in part. Illness and muddy roads delayed the commission, and the general remained in East Texas until January 16, 1829, when he started for Mexico City. In his report on the commission, Mier y Terán recommended that strong measures be taken to stop the United States from acquiring Texas. He suggested additional garrisons surrounding the settlements, closer trade ties with Mexico, and the encouragement of more Mexican and European settlers. His suggestions were incorporated into the Law of April 6, 1830, which also called for the prohibition of slavery and closed the borders of Texas to Americans.
After the completion of his reports, Mier y Terán was ordered to Tampico to help repulse a Spanish invasion in August 1829. He was made second in command under Antonio López de Santa Anna, and the pair became heroes of the nation by their successful expulsion of the Spanish force on August 20. Early in 1830 President Anastasio Bustamante named Mier y Terán commandant general of the Eastern Interior Provinces, a position in which he supervised both political and military affairs in Texas, Coahuila, Nuevo León, and Tamaulipas. His headquarters were near the new port of Matamoros, which had just opened. The general visited Anahuac from November 9 to 24, 1831, to install George Fisher as collector of customs there. Displeased by the attitudes of the Texans who refused to pay taxes, the general ordered Fisher to enforce collection of the national tariff on the Brazos River, even though the deputy for that post had not arrived. He also ordered John Davis Bradburn to enforce national laws regarding titles and to disband an ayuntamiento recently installed without government authorization at Liberty. These orders caused friction with the settlers, who blamed Fisher and Bradburn for acting as despots (seeANAHUAC DISTURBANCES). During his tenure as comandant general, Mier y Terán supported constituted authority whether of a Federalist or Centralist regime and continued to be concerned over the inability of incoming American settlers to assimilate into the Mexican culture. When Santa Anna pronounced against the Centralist administration in January 1832, Mier y Terán tried to defend the Eastern Internal Provinces from the Federalist rebels. In poor health and subject to depression, he grew despondent over the problems of colonization in Texas and the continuing political problems on both the state and national levels. On July 3, 1832, with the federalist forces gaining a significant victory near Matamoros and the increasing influx of Anglo-American settlers after abrogation of the Law of 1830, the general committed suicide by falling on his sword behind the church of San Antonio in Padilla, Tamaulipas. It was the same place where Emperor Iturbide had been shot after his return from exile. Mier was buried in the tomb with the former emperor until 1938, when Iturbide's remains were removed to Mexico City.
Argument against the Law of April 6, 1830
By Stephen F. Austin
The exact date of this appeal by Austin to Mexican authorities is uncertain, but thought to be written during the summer of 1833 in Mexico when he was petitioning for the repeal of the immigration articles of the Bustamante Decree.
At the period of Mexican independence in 1821, Texas was uninhabited by a civilized population, except the towns of Bexar and Goliad. It was infested by numerous bands of hostile Indians who sallied forth at pleasure to rob and desolate the settlements on the Rio Bravo, extending their depredations into the mountains to the neighborhood of Monclova and Monterey, and along the coast of Tamaulipas. The system of frontier defence used by the Spanish government of establishing military posts or presidios, was never an effectual barrier, for when those posts were in their best state of armament, the most that was done was to protect the immediate vicinity without being able to cover the whole country, or prevent the Indians from harassing the frontier settlements, and committing robberies on the public roads. The natural consequence was, that the civilized settlements were limited to the garrisoned towns. A few scanty villages were thus sustained like isolated specks in the midst of a wilderness at an enormous expense to the government and a great waste of men and money. A country thus situated could evidently yield no revenue in return for the millions expended in its defence; it could not advance much in population or improvement, nor add anything to the physical force of the nation, but on the contrary, weakened it. It may therefore be said with truth, that under the old system of presidial defence, the whole of that part of the Mexican territory situated north and east of a line from near Soto la Marina on the Gulf of Mexico to the Gulf of California was an expense and a dead weight to the government. The experience of years had already convinced the Spanish authorities of the internal provinces, of the absolute inefficacy of the old system of frontier defence, and that the only effectual and permanent barrier was population, the settlement of the frontier by a hardy and enterprising race of people before whom the savages would retire, or become submissive. The result of this new opinion was a total change of the ruinous restrictive system which had for centuries locked up the whole of the Spanish possessions from the rest of the world. The first step that was taken towards the new system of frontier defence was the grant to Moses Austin on the 17 January, 1821, to settle a colony of North Americans in the wilderness of Texas.
During that year, 1821, the independence was achieved, and the lights of liberal and republican principles shed their benign influence over the whole country. One of the first acts of the new government was to open the door to the emigration of foreigners, the colonization laws were enacted, and emigrants were expressly and earnestly invited to enter. Under the faith and operation of those laws the settlement of Texas was commenced, and its wilderness was rapidly changing its uninhabited state and wild aspect, and yielding to the progress of civilized population, led on by enterprise and perseverance. The emigrants to Texas, it is well known, have never received any succors from the government-no garrisons were sent to protect them during their infancy from the hostile Indians who then fill every part of the country. They have never cost the government a cent-all they have ever received was permission to settle in the country, and a title for the lands they redeemed from the wilderness lands that were then valueless to Mexico or to civilized man. Left to their own resources and daring enterprise, they have conquer a wilderness, and made known to Mexico and to the world the true value, and developed the resources, of a large portion of the Mexican territory which was before hid in obscurity. They have also greatly contributed to the new system of frontier defense by means of population and fully tested its efficacy, for the savages have retired befor them, as they will continue to do, if the same system is pursued, until they are reduced to full subjection or settled in villages as agriculturists. It is certainly a natural and very rational inquiry: What inducements, what incentives, what hopes, could have operated so power fully upon the minds of the emigrants to Texas, as to have give them fortitude to brave the dangers of savage foes, to despise the hardships and privations of the wilderness, to support them through trials and privations at which the stoutest hearts shrink, the cry of their little children even for bread, the well-founded fears an despondency of their wives, surrounded as they were the first year of the settlement, by Indians, famine, and sickness and by the dark gloom of moments when even hope almost recoiled from the future What impulse of freedom and deeply imbedded hope bore them u and carried them through such difficulties? Was it the bare expectation of getting a piece of land in a wild wilderness and there living on the mere products of their manual labor, and degenerating into the habits of wild Indians? No-common sense, and the characters an former habits of those settlers, unite in saying- NO. But on the contrary the great and nerving hope that bore them onward, was t redeem this country from the wilderness, and convert it into the abode of civilization, of abundance and happiness, and by that means to repay themselves, their wives and children for the hardships and sufferings of their early settlement, and also to repay the government more than thousand fold for the privilige of settling in Texas, and of making wild lands valuable, that before were valueless.
On what grounds was such a hope as this founded? It was founded on the colonization laws, on the general, liberal and broad invitation given in those laws to the whole world to come and settle in Texas, on the faith of the government that such an invitation would not be thus given merely to draw a few unsuspicious emigrants to this wilderness and then to close the door and shut them out forever from their friends and relations, and in fact from the balance of the civilized world, when years of struggling through difficulties had jus begun to realize their hopes. Could the first emigrants have suppose that they would have been deprived of the privilege of settling by their sides a son or daughter, an aged father or widowed mother, a brother or sister, an old and affectionate friend or neighbor of other days and of other countries, because they did not emigrate on this or on that particular day? Could they have supposed that the general invitations of the colonization laws were mere time serving and temporary expedients which were to be changed without any apparent reason and without any violation of duty on the part of the first emigrants; is it reasonable to suppose that they would have labored as they have done, suffered what they have suffered, to bring forward this country, and give value character, and credit to it? No-they built their hopes on the permanency of the colonizing system, on the faith of the government pledged in their colonization laws, on the broad basis of philanthropy and republican freedom which they supposed had been adopted as the foundation on which the social institutions of Mexico were erected. Those hopes were certainly not entertained without a sufficient cause, and neither are they now destroyed notwithstanding the restrictions which are imposed by the Law of 6 April, 1830, which totally interdicts the emigration of North Americans, for it is confidently believed that those restrictions grew out of peculiar circumstances, party excitements and hasty jealousies which no longer exist.
It seems to have been received as a correct opinion that the inhabitants of Texas wished to separate from Mexico and unite with the United States of the North. It seems that the virulence of party feelings even went so far as to suspect that a friendly and republican government whose territory is already too great for its population, wished to seize upon Texas. Such opinions and suspicions are evidently at variance with the conduct and avowed wishes of those emigrants, and with the true and substantial interests of Texas, on the one hand; and with the good faith and established policy and principles of the government of the United States on the other. Texas could gain nothing by a separation from Mexico, except a removal of the ruinous restrictions that now impede its progress in population and wealth, and if those restrictions were taken off, there is not a rational man in the country who would not oppose a separation. The true interests of Texas are to become a State of the Mexican confederation, and this is the desire of its inhabitants. By the law of 7 of May, 1824, forming the State of Coahuila and Texas, the latter was only provisionally annexed to the former, until it possessed the necessary elements to form a state of itself and this very law was another inducement to the emigrants to persevere, for it held out the inducement, amounting even to certainty, that Texas would be a State so soon as its population and resources were sufficient. Moral obligation, and interests are the two great cords that bind communities, states and nations together. In no instance can the principle of interest be stronger than in the present one, supposing the restriction against emigrants to be taken off. Texas must be an agricultural country, and the most of its agricultural productions will find a much better market in the Mexican ports than in those of any part of the world. The interior trade by land will also be very important. At this time, this trade is principally carried on through Missouri to New Mexico and Chihuahua but the geographical situation of the country and the practicability of roads from the harbors of Texas, evidently indicate that the natural channel of that trade is from those ports, in preference to the circuitous route by Missouri through a foreign country, subjecting merchandise to a double duty which they would be exempt from if taken from the ports of this nation. The manufactures of Texas, abounding as this country does in facilities for their establishment, would evidently lose by a separation from Mexico. In fact there is not one interest in Texas that would not be injured by a separation, not one that would not be materially benefited by the erection of this country into a state of Mexico. This being the case, why drive the people of Texas to desperation by a system of restriction, that is at variance with the inducement and well founded hopes first held out to the emigrants, and with the true interests of the country? The 11th article of the Law of 6 April, 1830, totally prohibits the immigration of North Americans and suspends contracts previously entered into by the government thereby depriving the present settlers of the consolation of settling their relatives and friends alongside of them. It also cuts off all hope of future advancements for years to come and condemns this country to a wilderness. The hope of bringing out emigrants from Europe is a faint and distant one, and will require many years and vast amount of capital to accomplish it. And, besides, what security or guarantee have they, in coming here, that they will not also be deprived of the privilege of bringing out their relations and friend after they have suffered years of hardships in preparing a home for them, as the settlers from the United States have been by the Law of April 6, 1830?
Under this view of the subject, it certainly appears evident that that part of the Law of 6 April, 1830, prohibiting the immigration o North Americans is unjust and at variance with the faith and pledge of the government and with the true and substantial interests of Texas. That law will not, and cannot prevent the introduction of hundreds and thousands into Texas, who, if they do not receive the sanction of the government to remain and acquire real estate, will as a matter of course, become restive and perhaps, jeopardize the public tranquillity. But, on the other hand, by opening the door for admission of honest and honorable men of high character and property, the moral influence of such men will correct and direct public opinion, and make the moral tie, as well as that of interest, which does and ought to bind Texas to Mexico indissolubly.
In 1832, Gen. José Manuel de Mier y Terán, liberal thinker, but conservative Mexican Republican with a vision for Texas as part of the Republic of Mexico, whose report and inspection precipitated the Bustamante Decree, took his own life. Stephen F. Austin had written Teran after passage of the Bustamante Decree of 1830 "My hopes are fixed on you to save Texas." A week before his death, Gen. Teran had written Austin "The affairs of Texas are understood by none but you and me, and we alone are the only ones who can regulate them." His successor as commander of the Provincias Internas and overseer of the colonization of Texas, Ortiz de Ayala, died in the cholera epidemic of 1833. One month after the death of Ortiz on 15 Nov 1833, the Mexican Senate rescinded the anti-immigration law of 1830. In Jan 1834, Gomez Farias sent Juan Nepomuceno Almonte to investigate the situation in Texas and it is believed he expected to become the successor of Teran and Ortiz as"director of colonization" of Texas with similar aims. Almonte returned in 1836 as a major leader in the military force sent to subdue the Texas independence movements.