Marijuana Negative Solvency

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Marijuana Neg
the gutters, 2nc Lansing Rnd5, 1AC Practice 10-20, Speech 1ac Ag runoff 8-31 12AM, Speech 1AC CAFOs personal, send cards, 2nr , Con Side, Movements DA, Federalism DA, Court Packing DA, Death Penalty Negative, Death Penalty Affirmative, Aff AT Movements DA

AT Racism/Adv

1NC — Doesn’t Solve Racism

Aff doesn’t reduce racial disparities or long-term consequences

Ross 18---reporter for NBC BLK who writes about race, politics and social issues. (Janell, “Legal marijuana made big promises on racial equity — and fell short”, December 31st, 2018, NBC News,
In 2015, a group of 24 investors managed to get a marijuana legalization measure on the ballot in Ohio. Along with sanctioning small quantities of recreational weed, the measure limited mass growing operations to just 10 pieces of land controlled by the investment group. The Cleveland Plain Dealer reported the investors put in $4 million each, enough to buy the land and fund a campaign for legalization centered on addressing criminal justice inequity while creating an economic boon. The New York Times described it as a potential monopoly. The Columbus Dispatch identified just one black investor in the overwhelmingly white group, a former NBA player. Others in the investor group included the progeny of former President William Howard Taft and a former boy band star. This was a group of Ohio’s richest, locking in an exclusive opportunity to get richer, while making an argument based on the uneven social consequences of the drug war. The measure failed 64 percent to 36 percent. But the sweeping claims of racial justice and inclusive business opportunities reappeared in the marijuana legalization debates that followed in California, Maine, Nevada, Michigan and elsewhere. Despite these claims, research conducted by groups in favor of legalization has shown that it does not eliminate racial disparities in marijuana arrests or come close to equally distributing legal weed’s economic rewards. While marijuana arrests have declined and tax revenue has begun to flow in most states that have legalized pot, the gains have accrued most heavily to white residents, even though black Americans paid the drug war’s biggest costs, according to a statistical analysis conducted by the Drug Policy Alliance, a nonprofit group that advocates drug policy reform. The results in Colorado, the District of Columbia and the nine other states where recreational marijuana became legal from 2012 to 2018 have left some lawmakers and even marijuana legalization advocates skeptical of broad social-justice claims. For that reason, lawmakers in New Jersey and New York — two of the three states expected to legalize marijuana in 2019 — are now pushing for detailed criminal justice and business equity measures as part of any legalization package. “I think we’ve just reached the point where there’s enough information, where just saying the right things on social justice or hinting at the right things on business opportunities won’t cut it,” said Roseanne Scotti, New Jersey state director for the Drug Policy Alliance. The efforts in New Jersey and New York come as the inequities in other states have grown clearer. In Colorado, the Drug Policy Alliance found, the number of black juveniles arrested on marijuana charges grew after legalization. In 2016, a Colorado Department of Public Safety analysis found that black people living in that state remained three times more likely than white people to be arrested for selling or possessing marijuana. In Washington state, an ACLU analysis found that in 2014, the first year in which marijuana became available in legal retail stores, a black adult remained three times more likely to face low-level marijuana charges than a white adult. The truth behind those figures is complex, as state legal systems have not fully caught up to the new reality of legalized recreational pot. “Law enforcement officials and prosecuting attorneys continue to struggle with enforcement of the complex and sometimes conflicting marijuana laws that remain," according to the 2016 Colorado Department of Public safety report. Some of the arrests involve people buying or selling small quantities on the black market, often to avoid new taxes. Public consumption is illegal in many states where recreational, small-scale possession is not. And, many criminal justice reform advocates say that fundamental problems in policing and prosecuting — including arrest goals and individual and institutional bigotry — remain. States have also faced the question of what should happen to people who have criminal records for low-level marijuana offenses that are no longer crimes post-legalization. In Colorado, Washington and Nevada — a trio of early legalization adopters — state officials refused to take up bills or vetoed measures that would have sealed or expunged criminal records of people convicted of low-level marijuana crimes before legalization. In 2017, criminal justice and drug policy reform advocates convinced Colorado lawmakers to pass a bill allowing people convicted of misdemeanor possession or marijuana use to have those records sealed if the case would no longer constitute a crime. The records are not expunged. Oregon did something similar in 2015. In Missouri, which legalized medical marijuana, lawmakers have trimmed the waiting periods for those who want to have their misdemeanor criminal records erased from 10 to three years. In Maryland, Massachusetts and Vermont, where minor marijuana convictions can be expunged, people still must initiate and then navigate the process and pay the costs. A drug conviction can make it difficult to impossible to obtain work, student loans and even government-subsidized housing.

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