La Non-violence selon l'Ecriture et la Tradition

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J. Newman concluded his contribution to the debate with S. Windass ("The Early Christian Attitude to War," Irish Theological Quarterly, n.s., 29 [1962], 248) with the following words, "The early Christian attitude to war . . . is a noto­riously controverted subject which it would not be profitable to pursue at length." Yet it was Newman who had trotted out all the most threadbare clich~s of the traditional approach to this topic, particularly in "Modern War and Pacifism," Irish Theological Quarterly, n.s., 28 (1961), 187-188. Without Windass's spirited response, readers would never have been given any indication that this was in any sense a "con­troverted subject."

In similar fashion, Ryan began his review (Erasmus, 15 [1963], 453) by stating: "Whether the early Church was antimilitaristic or not is a problem which will never be solved historically." His conclusion is equally limp: "His [my] scholarly efforts have not been in vain because he has thrown much light on a problem which, however, remains unsolved, and is in fact insoluble." It thus appears that historically agnosticism is the last-ditch defense of those who for a long time professed to be certain that the Christian faith and military service had always been able to coexist happily in the same believer-and should do so in the future as well.

8. Roques, review, 242.

9. R. Aron, Introduction d une philosophte de l'histoire (Paris, 1938), 142.

10. Ibid., 134. On the same page Aron also stated, "The historian perhaps projects his own categories into the past. . . . The anachronism plays a legitimate part if the action had come before the awareness of it, if the present theory illuminates a behavior which had been unconscious of it."

11. D. Gu~rin, Jeunesse du soctalisme libertaire (Paris, 1959), 133-167. Guerin had previously set out his views concerning the uses and limits of anachronism in his­tory in La Lutte des classes sous la Premiere R~publique, 7th ed. (Paris, 1946), II, 396­399. It is to him that I owe the quotations from Aron and Monod.

12. G. Monod, "L'Histoire," in F. Thomas, ed., De la m~thode dons les sciences (Paris, 1909), 336-337.

13. J.-M. Hornus, "Les Pi'res de 1'Eglise et la non-violence," Cahiers de la Reconciliation, March 1962, 8', in which I gave two examples from very different periods of history. Here is the first: the fundamentally bourgeois and reactionary character of "Gaullism" after 1950 "became apparent far more quickly and far more clearly to those who had been the 'Gaul1ists of 1940' and who, having formerly exposed the Vichyist imposture, could more easily than the rest read the new version of Gaullism through the code offered them by their prior experience of having re­jected P~tainism." Here is the second: "There are some of us who cannot thoroughly understand anything about the great ecumenical councils (of the first centuries) or the lacerating schisms of the Communist International, in the fury-often stupid and al­ways revolting-of their respective major conflicts, except by illuminating through each other the behavior of the theologians and leaders of the Christian factions on the


one hand, and the Marxist theorists and authorities on the other. In each case the ele­ments are entirely different, yet a certain structure emerges which is identical and which becomes an aid to our understanding."

14. C. Martin, in Nouvelle Revue tltBologique, 84 (1962), 1001. After having given unqualified approval to my analysis up to the developments of the fourth century, Martin was unable to follow me in my assessment of those developments themselves. "The problem," he wrote, "... is a matter of theology, not of history. The answer one brings will inevitably depend upon the ideas one has formed about three great factors: the Gospel, the Church, and human society; their respective na­ture and degree of finality; and their interrelationships. As the author's [my] positions probably do not come near to my own on these different points, my silent reservations will be easily understood. But after all, these considerations extend beyond the con­clusions of the strictly historical inquiry which forms the essential part of the work."

15. Martin, review, 1000. Similarly, P.-Th. Camelot concluded his review of EL as follows (RSPT, 45 [1961], 530): "With this thesis . . . the historian can only express his agreement, at least in its main lines: the facts and texts quoted are too numerous and fit together too well for one to reject the conclusions as a whole." Gerest ("Les premiers chr~tiens," 17) wrote that the "motives for this Christian antimilitarism were many. There was a dread of idolatry . . . but the most frequently mentioned reason was the horror at the she8ding of blood." See also Dumas ("L'Eglise d'avant Constantin," 314-316), who was more cautious in his agreement at this level because he did not feel that he had sufficient historical qualifications. Mehl (" Le Chris­tianisme primitif"), on the other hand, wrote of this book: "If he [Hornus] is right in his unwillingness to discard the evangelical refusal to shed blood as one of the motives for Christian conscientious objection . . . I still think that he is wrong to make it the first and most obvious motive; the rejection of idolatry operated strongly from the outset." Perhaps it is not so important to know which of the two motives was the first, once one accepts that the two coexisted. I have, in fact, indicated above that I agree with Roques in'seeing the core of the Christian attitude as the recognition of "God's absolute primacy." I have also shown that I still find today-in the nation-states of the late twentieth century-the idolatry of those nations or states, even if perhaps in slightly subtler forms, to be the core of military ideology. Even Fontaine ("Christians and Military Service," 114), whose assessment of the rest of my work was rather severe, nevertheless recognized as a fact "the gradual chance in the Christian attitude toward the militiaarmata." For me, at any rate, that is the basic historical point.

16. H. Chavannes, L'ObJectton de conscience (Lausanne, 1961), 71. Similarly, in a clear though rather embarrassed way, an editorial in the hyper-Constantinian France catholique was obliged to admit: "No doubt absolute conscientious objection can invoke the support of certain Church Fathers of the first centuries: a period in which divergencies were the sign of a thought trying to find forms of expression and to become articulate; admirable and sometimes abrupt beginnings, in minority com­munities, whose Christian ethic on temporal matters had scarcely been worked out. With St. Augustine and the advent of a largely Christian society, such an ethic be­came progressively more explicit. Absolute conscientious objection ceased to be allowed in the Catholic Church. . . . The Church then retained only the obligation to total nonviolence for certain people who were consecrated to God in the priestly or re­ligious life" (Luc Baresta, "L'Objection de conscience," France catholique, no. 848 [March 1, 1963]). I have italicized ceased and then retained only because these words show how much historical ground the author had conceded with relation to the former official thesis.

17. Windass, Christianity Versus Vtolence, 126. For an account of this attitude of

"Protest," and for its extension even into the early part of the "Constantinian" pe­riod, see ibid., 1-27; for a discussion of the extremely significant internal contradiction in St. Augustine's thought, see pp. 80 and 88-89. See also Gerest (" Les premiers chr~tiens, ' 14-22), who generously sent me an offprint of his article inscribed "To M. Hornus-my presentation of this article to him is really a'restitution.' "

18. J. Comblin, Th~ologte de la Paix, II, Applications (Paris, 1963), 9-19, 21-24. Visser ("Christianus sum," 8) observed, "One thing seems evident: the primitive Church never formally accepted the use of violence as a necessary evil in order to defend a just cause." For a similar statement, see L. Vischei s review of EL (ThZ, 17 [ 1961 ], 67 ).

19. [The recent article by John Helgeland ("Christians and the Roman Army, A.D. 173-337," Church History, 43 [1974], 149-163, 200), which is based on his University of Chicago doctoral thesis of 1973, indicates that, for one scholar at least, the issue has not been as definitively settled as Dr. Hornus-writing in 1970­thought. ]

20. A. F. Villemain, Tableau de l'eloquence chr~tienne au IV"' si~cle (Paris, 1849), 81.

21. CombIin,ThEologiedelaPaix,22. 22. Roques, review, 242.

23. Comblin, Th~ologie de la Paix, 22. Camelot (see n. 15 above) was the first of my reviewers-earlier but less emphatic than C. Martin-to perceive and state clearly that, regardless of the agreement with which he could respond to my thesis on the his­torical level, there remained a difference between our two ecclesiologies which he was not free to surmount. In my reply (" Les Pyres de I' Eglise," 16 n. ) I expressed the hope that the Catholic theologians themselves might be able to attempt a new formulation in this field. But at that time I did not dare to think that this might come to pass so soon as a result of the Second Vatican Council.

24. This contemporary ethical concern is prominent in the introduction to Rordorf's article ("Tertullians Beurteiling," 105), and also in "Problemi de non violenza," Protestantismo (1967), 186-187. Visser ("Christianus sum," 6) put it like this: "The problem for the Church of old, and not only for the Church of old, is: can a Christian in good conscience be a soldier?" Similarly, the title given by E. de Peyer to his review of my book (Journal de CenPoe, 28 June 1960) was significantly "The Church on its road towards fidelity." M. Gavillet ended his review (Le Lien de l'Eglise ~uangElique du Canton de Vaud, November 24, 1960) by referring to the pamphlet of R. Hegnauer (Ge Combattant non-violent [Lausanne, 1960]), which is a manual for practical action today. R. Rouget s review (Vie Protestante, December 2, 1960) did the same. And Mehl (" Christianisme primitif" ) wrote that I was tackling "a problem which has lost none of its relevance and indeed seems likely during the coming decades to acquire additional topical and tragic importance."

25. Dumas, "L'Eglise d'avant Constantin," 309. This idea was borrowed from P. Ricoeur, "L.a merveille, 1'errance, I'enigme," Esprit, 28 (1960), 1670. P. R. Regamey ("La conscience chr~tienne et la guerre," Cahiers St. Jacques, no. 27 [1962]) argued that "so long as the Christians were a minority in the empire, they could be mere minors politically. . . . But then the responsibility for the earthly city in the political sphere fell to the Christians as well. Then they were obliged to reach political maturity." The whole problem is to decide whether that "responsibility for the earthly city" must necessarily consist of giving to it a general coat of whitewash of a vaguely religious coloration, or whether it rather should consist of working within it like the leaven and salt of which the gospel speaks. On this point, the conclusion of Dumas (p. 309) is excellent. I am also grateful to Dumas for having grasped that it was


the very complexity of the historical record which made it "a living question for us to­day."

26. On this point see the important book by B. Besret, Incarnation ou esc­hatologie (Paris, 1964) and my review of it in "Christianisme," 671-673. My original intentions in Eoangile et Labarum were clearly perceived by M. Gavillet, in a review/ editorial under the title of "Un problcme a revoir' (A Problem to be Reconsidered) (see n. 22 above): "The great merit of this book lies in its being an objective study, made in the perspective of present-day theology-the eschatological perspective­and in not being a piece of special pleading. This is how he [the author] seizes the at­tention of his readers and wins them over. In this perspective, conscientious objection no longer appears as a flight from the world or as `a refusal to defend one's neighbor, but rather as a confession that there was no one anywhere who was not one's neighbor.' So the `no' is a `yes,' a very bold one in fact to the mission given by Christ to his Church: that of being by men's side, not as judges, but as witnesses to Jesus Christ, who takes on himself the sin of his brethren." Mehl ("Christianisme primitif" ) also observed, "Hornus rightly emphasizes that by losing its eschatological dimen­sions, Christian thought has increasingly been ready to accept the regime of Caesaro­papism."

27. Dumas, "L'Eglise d'avant Constantin," 312; Meslin, review, 185.

28. See my comments on these "perfectionist" experiments in "Les Peres de 1'Eglise," 12, and concerning a particularly typical case in "Du edtB des Mennonites," CS, 69 ( 1961 ), 698-701.

29. This set of problems has always been central to the reflections on this topic in the journal Esprit. See especially its issues of February 1949 ("Revision de Pa­cifisme" ) and of August-September 1954 (" Les Pacifismes et la guerre" ). I can contribute a small personal anecdote to the catalog of ambiguities inherent in deci­sions concerning concrete political ethics. I originally wrote the article "Les Peres de 1'Eglise" for Esprit as a rejoinder to Dumas's article. Since the editors of Esprit were not interested in it, I resubmitted it to the more modest Cahiers de la Reconciliation. But even that journal would only publish it if they could delete a whole section of the conclusion in which I argued that resistance of a violent type was inevitable in certain situations (e.g., the landing of paratroops on Paris which Michel Debra in April 1961 had announced to be imminent). For such a suggestion had contradicted the consistent nonviolence position which the editors of the Cahiers were dedicated to maintain. And Paix et Coexistence, to which I then agreed to give the same text as well so that it might appear at least once in its entirety, eventually also published the expurgated textinstead!

30. This staggering over-simplification is evident in H. Chavannes' L'Objection de conscience. Even though he recognized the soldier's right to "Refuse to carry out certain particularly odious acts" (p. 89), he declared that basic distinction between the assassin and the soldier is that the soldier is constrained to do what he does, on pain of the most severe sanctions, and so becomes "the instrument of the state's vio­lence" (p. 74). But this did not stop him from asserting immediately afterwards that the good soldier who dies for his country is the temporal transposition of Christ who died for the world's salvation (p. 75). Finally this pearl: "It is because the army exists that peace is assured" (p. 68). For, as everyone knows, it is the antimilitarists who start wars and wage them!

31. Dumas, "L'Eglise d'avant Constantin," 316 n.

32. Gregarious influence and propaganda are so potent-once a country is catapulted into the unknown territory of war-that almost everyone lets himself be dragged into it. Only too late do people discover the extent of their blindness, unless

they have previously and unconditionally fortified their consciences by deciding to refuse to allow their bodies and minds to participate in large-scale butchery-which is what every international war is. This psychological dimension has been neglected by the Barthian conception of the "commandment for the moment." And for that reason, although from the theological point of view it is theoretically irreproachable,

"Dieu et la uerre " 580-590 . . it remains completely inadequate in practice (cf. my g , ) J M. Domenach ("Les pacifismes et la guerre," Esprit, 22 [1954], 161-175) put forward some interesting views concerning the need for any pacifism to be sociologically rooted in the interests of a given group. He also discussed changes in the world situa­tion which had resulted from technological "advances" in the destructive potential of weaponry. Since then "nuclear pacifism" such as his has made some progress in the Christian and humanist consciences. But I am still surprised to see it so little followed up in concrete commitment. As Mehl ("Christianisme primitif") wrote, "In the perspective of a total and ideological war using atomic weapons and involving every country in the world, it becomes futile to look for the dividing line between a just and an unjust war. The means employed are bound by their very nature to lead to corrupt ends."

Visser ("Christianus sum," 19) was ready to accept that prior to Constantine most Christians had favored total nonviolence. But he argued that that had only been because they had not realized that a government could vindicate justice only by resorting to a limited amount of violence. Therefore an "adult" Christian thought must now free itself from the naivety-characteristic of early Christianity-of a state deprived of a "secular arm." But simultaneously, he emphasized, it must free itself from the madness of the motto si ois pacem, parra bellum, which motto has been inherited from the false and godless "wisdom of the nations." Domenach, on the other hand, appealed (p. 173) to nonviolent pacifists to "intervene so as to break a vi­cious circle-to intervene not by setting itself [pacifism] up as an absolute ideal, as [they do] . . too often, but by becoming involved in the order of means, in the actuality of situations."

It is on this basis that one must judge the most recent prob­lem in this field-revolutionary violence. Insofar as the revolutionary intends, by us­ing a lesser violence, to prevent worse violence, he is morally identifiable with the po­liceman. But it is his duty beforehand to take as clear a view as possible of the point beyond which his violence would cease to be justifiable and would become absurd.

33. See, for example, R. B. Gregg, The Power of Nonoiolence (London, 1961 ). P. Ricoeur (" L'homme nonviolent et sa presence a I'histoire," Esprit, 18 [ 1949], 229) was perfectly justified in issuing a warning against a pacifism which is overly facile in belief and practice. For pacifism is an attitude which can be costly, and its adherents must honestly assess its price. But Ricoeur was also right in regretting that we in the nonviolent Christian movement have spent so little time studying Gandhi's "tech­niques" in detail. In fact, the example of India's liberation, although it has no norma­tive character (ef. the stern demystifying study of M. Biardeau, "Gandhi, histoire et I~gende," Esprit, 22 [1954], 176-214), nevertheless has value as a historical experi­ment. And there have been others since. Taken as a method of political effectiveness, it is through the analysis of such experiences that nonviolence must be tested, its possibilities defined, and its techniques and limitations assessed.

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II,16(182) Funeral Oration for Theodosius (De Obitu Theodosii)

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I I I,12,91(125 ) IV,4,14-16(268); 8,60(268);8, 61(159); 13,91(268);14 96(125); 22,141(268)

VI,5,41(103); 12,103(269); 14, 112(269); 18,167(20) VII,3,21(269); 11,62(159); 11,

66(269); 13,83(269); 14, 84(159-160); 16,100(269) Extracts from Theodotus (Excerpta ex Theodoto)

Ed. & traps. F. Sagnard, SCH, 23(1948); ed. & traps. R. P. Casey

(Studies and Documents,l)~ (London, 1934).

72,1-2(73); 85,3(73) Exhortation (Protrepticus) Ed. & traps. C. Mondtssert, SCH, 2, 2nd ed. (1949); ed. & traps., G. W. Butterworth, LCG(1919), 2-263

X,93,2(72); Ioo(724);108, 4(102); 116,1-4(72)

The Tutor (Paedagogus)

Ed. O. Stahlin GCS, 12, 3rd ed.(1972); ed. ~& traps. H.-I. Marrow, M. Harl, C. Mond~sert & C. Matray, SGH, 70(1960), 108(1965), 158(1970); traps. W. Wilson, ANG, 4(1867), 113-346

I,12,98(90); 12,99(159) II,2,32(90); 4,42(90) (159); 13, 121(21)

III,8,1(102) Who Is the Rich Man That Is

Saved?(Quis dives salvetur?)

Ed. O. Stahlin, GCS, 17(1909); ed. & traps. G. W. Butterwo rth, LCL(1919), 270-367

25(269); 34(269); 42,1-15(317) Clement, of Rome, St. (end 1st c. ) Letter

Ed. H. Hemmer, HL, 10, 2nd ed.(1926); ed. & traps. C. C. Richardson, LCC, 1(1953), 43-73

1,1(ss); 8,4(x4) (so);12,7(s4); 13,1(317); 13,3(222); 19(317); 21,4(70); 30, 3&8(317); 36,6­37(70); 45,7(70); 60,4(27); 60, 4-61,3(81)

Clement of Rome (Pseudo-)

Sermon Called the Second Letter of Clement (II Clement, Ep.)

Ed. H. Hemmer, HL, 10, 2nd ed.(1926); ed. & traps. C. C. Richardson, LCC, 1(1953), 193­212

5,1(100); 5,4(100); 5,6-7(100­

lol); 6,1(101); 6,3(101); 7(70); 8(101) Clementine Recognitions

Ed. B. Rehm, GCS, 51(1954); traps. T. Smith, ANL, 3(1867), 140-471

IX,15(259) Commodian (mid 3rd c. or 5th c. ) Carmen Apologeticum

Ed. B. Dombart, CSEG, 15(1887), 115-188; ed. J. Durel, Revue tunisienne, 19(1912), 369-383; 20(1913), 46-61

805 ff.(108) (262); 887(262); 887-892(108); 891(262); 920­926(276);933-935(262) Instructiones

Ed. B. Dombart, CSEG, 15(1887), 3-112; ed. J. Durel, Les Instructions de Commodien (Paris 1912); traps. A. Roberts & J. Donaldson, ANL, 18(1870), 434-474

1,34(277); II,9-10(64); II,9-11, 20(269); II,12(74); II,22(74) Coptic Church, Acts of the Martyrs of the

Ed. A. Amelineau, Les Actes des Martyrs de CEglise copte (Paris, 1890)

(139-141) (221) Coronati, Passion of the Four

Ed. ASS, November, 3( 1910), 765-784

(129) Cyprian, St. (210?-258)

Acts of Cyprian (Acta Cypriani) Ed. Monceaux, 192-198; Musurillo, 168-175

2(257) The Advantage of Patience (De Bono Patientiae)

Ed. C. Moreschini, CCL, 3a, ii(1976), 118-133; ed. & traps. M. G. E. Conway, PSt, 92(1957)

12(74);14(ISO); 21(ss) To Demetrianus (Ad De­metrianum)

Ed. M. 5imonetti, CCL, 3a, ii( 1976), 35-51 ~ traps. R. E. Walks, ANL, 8(1868), 423-443

2(45); 3(36-37); 5(45); 11(44­45); 17(36-37); 17,25(218­219); 20(t33)

To Donatus (Ad Donotum) Ed. M. Simonetti, CCL, 3a, ii(1976), 3-13; traps. R. E. Wallis, ANL, 8(1868), 1-13 6-10(160)

The Dress of Virgins (De Halritu Virginum)

Ed, & traps. A. E. Keenan, PSt, 34(1932)

11(87) Exhortation to Martyrdom (Ad Fortunatum)

Ed. R. Weber, CCG, 3(1972), 185-216 traps. R. E. Wallis, ANG, 13(1869), 52-77

13(74) On Jealousy and Envy (De Zelo et livore)

Ed. M. Simonetti, CCG, 3a, ii(1976), 75-86; traps. R. E. Wallis, ANL, 13(1869), 39-51

2(74); 5(264) Letters (Epistolae)


Ed. & traps. L. Bayard, CUF, 2 vols.(1925); traps. R. E. Walks, ANG, 8(1868), 1-332

39,3(126); 73,4(160); 73, 10(74)

On the Mortality (De Mortalitate) Ed. M. Simonetti CCG, 3a, ii(1976), 17-32; ed. & traps. M. L. Harman, PSt, 36 (1933)

2(59); 26(102)

Three Books of Testimonies Against the Jews (Testimonia) Ed. W. Hartel, CSEL, 3, i(1868), 33-184; traps. R. E. Walks, ANL, 13(1869), 78-198

II,16(265); III,13(36); III,117(74); III,3,8,22,23,49, 106(317)

That the Idols Are Not Gods (Quod Idola dii non sint) Ed. W. Hartel, CSEL, 3, i(1868), 17-31; traps. R. E. Wallis, ANG, 8(1868), 443-451; Quasten, Patrology, II, 364 (on authorship)

4ff.(45); 10(61); 12(61) Cyprian (Pseudo-)

Against the Jews (Adversus ludaeos)

Ed. W. Hartel, CSEL, 3, iii(1871), 133-144: traps. S. D. F. Salmond, ANL, 9(1869), 41­45

6(264); 6-8(63); 9(87)

The Computation of Easter (De Pascha Computes)

Ed. W. Hartel, CSEL, 3, iii(1871), 248-271 10(74); 15(63)

Cyril of Scythopolis (6th c. )

Ed. E. Schwartz, TU, 49, ii(1939) Life of Euthymius

8(274); 25-26(76-77) Life of Sabas

86(274); 92-93(76); 99(270) Life of Theodosius

235(274); 239(77)

Damasus I, St. (Bishop of Rome, 366­384)

Inscription in Memory of Nereus

and Achilleus

Diehl, no. 1981 (152) Dasius, Martyrdom of (Acta Dasii) Knopf, 91-95; Monceaux, 273­278; Musurillo, 272-279

6(274); 6-10(128)

Didache (The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles) (probl. first half of 2nd c. ) Ed. T. Klauser, Doctrina Duodecim Apostolorum, Florile­gium Patristicum, 1 (Bonn, 1940); ed. & traps. C. C. Richardson, GCC,1(1953), 161-179

1,2-4(317); 2,6-7(317); 3,2(317) Didascalia Apostolomm (mid 3rd c. ) Ed. E. Hauler, Didascaliae apostolorum fragmenta Veronens~ia latina (Leipzig, 1900); ed. F. X. Funk (see under Apos­tolic Constitutions); ed. & traps. R. H. Connolly, Didascalia Apostolorum (Oxford, 1929); ed. & traps. F. Nau, La Didascalie, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1912)

I,2,1-2(318); II, 6,1(318); II,6, 6-11(75); II,45,1(318); II,46,

2(318); v,l,l(21); v,14, 22(318); VI,14,10 & 12(188­189); VI,19,1(57-58); XVIII,6, 4(307)

Didymus Alexandrines (the Blind) (313?-398?)

Commentary on 2 Corinthians PG, 39, 1677-1732

1,13(264) Diognetus, Letter to (2nd c.?)

Ed. & traps. H. I. Marrow, SCH, 33( 1951 ); ed. & traps. E. H. Fairweather, GCC, 1(1953), 205­224

5,4-5(105); 5,s-s(los); x,1­3(105); 6,7-8(105)

Dionysius of Rome (Bishop of Rome, 259-268 )

PL, 5, 99-136 Elvira, Synod of (306)

Hefele, VI, i, 221-264; Mansi, II, 1-20

Canon 56(170)

Epiphanies of Salamis (315?-403) Medicine Chest (Panarion)

Ed. K. Holl, GCS, 25(1915), 31(1922), 37(1930) 68,2(256); 68,8(208)

Eusebius of Caesarea (263?-340?) Chronicle

Ed. R. Helm, GCS, 24(1913) 238 olymp., XIII(129) Ecclesiastical History (Historia Ecclesiastica (HE))

Ed. & traps. G. Bardy, SCH, 31(1952), 41(1955), 55(1958); ed. & traps. K. Lake & j. E. L. Oulton, LCL, 2 vols. (1928­1932)

II,23,18(63); III,5,3,(108); IV,26,6-11(39) v,1,17ff.(21); l,ls(75); 5,3

ff.(129); 21(286) VI,5,3(37); 5,3-6(25); 21,

4(s7); 41,s(6s); 41,11(130); 41,16(22) (75); 41,22(130­131)

VI1,3,4(21); 11,20(79-80); 15(131); 30,19(37); 32,7­11(108)

VIII,1.2(37); 1,7(131) (256); I, 8-9(65); 4,2-3(131)(256) (287);6,8(95-46); 9,6(97); 9,

7(28x);10,3(21);11,1(21); 12,42(8x);14,3(21);14, 11(37); 17,5(259); app. 1(287)

IX,8,4,2(178); 9,1(65-66) (178) (259); 9,2(178); 9,5 ff.(259); 9a,12(259); 10,3(38) (259); 10,13(66)(178-17x); lo, 15(ss);11,2-7(178);11, 5(178); 11,8(259); 11,9(178)

x,1,7(66); 2,2(259); 4,so(2s9); 5,1-14(259); 5,23-24(316); 7(193) (305); 8,10(83); 8, 16(315)

Life of Constantine (Vita Constantini)

Ed. I. A. Heikel, GCS, 7(1902), 1-148; traps. A. C. McGiffert, NPNF, new ser., 1(1890), 481­610

I,preface(314); I,16 ff.(96); I,28(200); II,5-17(311 ); II,16(179); III,6(316); III,11(314); III,13(316); IV,24(211)

The Martyrs of Palestine

Ed. & traps. G. Bardy, SCH, 55(1958), 121-174 ed. & traps. H. J. Lawlor & J. E. L. Oulton (London, 1927-1928), I, 327-400

4,8-13(21); 7,2(21); 9,7(254);

ll,s(21); ll,s-12(x8);11,20­21(139)(289); 11,22(75)(289) Preparation for the Gospel (Praeparatio Evangelica)

Ed. K. Mras, GCS, 43, i(1954), ii(1956); ed. & traps. E. H. Gif­ford, 4 vols. (Oxford, 1903)

1,30);1,4 (~) (s2); 2,s(37); 4,2(37); 4,16-17(92); 5,1(92); 5,4(92); 6,1(88) (208); 6,6(37)

The Proof of the Gospel (Demon­stratio Evangelica)

Ed. I. A. Heikel, GCS, 16(1913); ed. & traps. W. J. Ferrar, 2 vols. (London, 1920)

I,2,8(275); II,2(208); III,7, 35(40); ILI,7,39(44);

vl,2o(40); vHI,2,9-45(47) Eutropius, Flavius

Breviarium ab Urbe Condita Ed. F. Ruehl (Leipzig, 1887) 10,6(313)

Fabius, Acts of (c. 303) AB, 9(1890), 123-134 (138)

Ferreolus St., Passion of (under Decius?)

ASS, September, 5(1857), 766-767 (131)(287)

Fructuosus and His Companions, Acts of (Acta Fructuosii)

Knopf, 83-85; Hamman, 132-136; Musurillo, 176-185

2,2-3(26-27); 7(268)

Gregory I, the Great, St.(c.540-604) Morals on the Book of Job

Ed. & traps. R. Gillet & A. de Gaudemarie, SCH, 32(1952); LFC, 3 vols.(Oxford, 1844-1850)


Preface,l,7(78); I,9-11,35,

4x(78); I,2o,24,34,3s(lo7); II,2,13,19,32,70,73,79(78) Gregory of Nazianzus, St. (330?-389?)

Discourse 43: in Honor of Basil the Great

PG, 36, 493-606; trans. C. G. Browne & J. E. Swallow, NPNF, ser. 2, 7(1894), 395-422

48(95); 49(104)

Gregory of Tours St. (c. 540594) Ecclesiastical History of the Franks (Historic ecclesiastica fran­corum )

PL, 71,161-572; ed. & traps. O. M. Dalton, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1927)

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