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Japan Cooperation CP - UM 7wk

Japan Cooperation CP - UM 7wk 1

Space Cooperation Now 2

***AFF*** 2

***AFF*** 2

Cooperation (generic) Now 4

Using SCC Now 5

Relations Low 6

Alliance = Weak 10

Alliance = Resilient 12

Cooperation Impossible 13

Japan Relations Bad - Russia 14


Space Cooperation Now
Current U.S.- Japanese exchange of scientists and instruments solves the alliance

Elachi, 11 – Dr. Charles Elachi, Directior of the Jet Propulsion Laboratory, Vice President of the California Institute of Technology (2011, Interview with JAXA, “Japan’s Role in Space Exploration”, http://www.jaxa.jp/article/interview/vol37/index_e.html) MH

One of JAXA's recent missions was the rendezvous and landing on an asteroid by Hayabusa. That was a major challenge. I mean, even here in the U.S. such a mission would be a major challenge. I think the involvement of ISAS both in studying asteroids and in conducting the KAGUYA (SELENE) mission to the moon, which is now in orbit, really shows the leadership that Japan is taking in planetary exploration. JAXA has had a number of programs that involved international activity, not only in planetary exploration but also in Earth science. So we at JPL have participated many times in Earth observation missions for which Japan had developed the spacecraft. And we've also had a number of scientists from Japan involved in our missions here. These international exchanges, where either scientists or instruments from the U.S. fly on Japanese spacecraft or vice versa, build a strong scientific and human relationship between countries. That's very important in science and space exploration, and you have been very proactive in doing that.
US and Japan already cooperating over space

Space Foundation, February 2011, “Event Celebrates U.S. - Japan Space Cooperation”, http://newsletters.spacefoundation.org/spacewatch/articles/id/745 KC

Space policymakers and industry executives celebrated United States-Japan space cooperation at a reception Jan. 31 at the Washington, D.C., residence of the Ambassador of Japan to the United States, Ichiro Fujisaki. Sponsored by the Space Foundation, the Ambassador and the Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency (JAXA), the event recognized the long and rich history of cooperation in space that began in 1969 and extends to the present day. Areas of cooperation include the transportation of astronauts and cargo to the International Space Station, Earth-observation data-sharing and other scientific satellite missions.

Japan and the U.S. are currently working on an International space X-Ray project together

Friedman, 11 – Louis Friedman, Executive Director of The Planetary Society (2/21/11, The Space Review, “The case for international cooperation in space exploration”, http://www.thespacereview.com/article/1782/1) MH

The European Space Agency has to make decisions long in advance of their technical necessity. They will probably decide this year or next on their next big step in space exploration and choose a mission that will probably not launch until well into the 2020s. They are considering their first outer planets mission: an orbiter of Jupiter and its giant moon Ganymede, to fly as a companion to NASA’s putative Europa orbiter. An International X-Ray Observatory is also being considered in cooperation with both NASA and JAXA, the Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency. It would be a large telescope companion to the James Webb Space Telescope at the Sun-Earth Lagrangian point, L2. The third candidate in the science competition is a gravity wave detector called LISA, Laser Interferometer Space Antenna. It would be a cooperative mission with NASA, utilizing three satellites.
Japan and US already cooperating over GPS and other space navigation systems

The National Executive Committee for Space-Based Positioning, Navigation, and Timing, 1/13/2010, “Joint Announcement on United States–Japan GPS Cooperation”, http://www.pnt.gov/public/docs/2011/japan.shtml KC
During the meeting, the United States (U.S.) representatives described the status of Wide Area Augmentation System (WAAS) and GPS modernization and the United States’ international GPS cooperation with third parties. Representatives of the Government of Japan reported on the status of the MSAS and QZSS programs and on Japan’s international Global Navigation Satellite System (GNSS) – related cooperation activities. Both Governments reaffirmed the importance of providing open access to basic space-based positioning, navigation and timing (PNT) services for peaceful purposes, free of direct user fees. Both Governments reiterated that GPS and its augmentations have become indispensable for modern life in the U.S., Japan and the world, providing essential services and increased efficiencies in a broad range of applications, such as aviation and maritime safety-of-life, geodetic surveying, car and personal navigation, mobile telephone timing, international financial transactions and electric power transmission. Representatives of both Governments reviewed the ongoing work of the GPS/QZSS Technical Working Group (TWG), which was established to foster close cooperation during the development of QZSS. The TWG reaffirmed that GPS and QZSS are designed to be compatible and highly interoperable. Both Governments noted with satisfaction that the Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency (JAXA) and the U.S. National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) have commenced operations of a QZSS Monitoring Station (MS) on NOAA property in Guam. A similar effort between JAXA and the U.S. National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) to establish both a QZSS MS and a Two-Way Satellite Time and Frequency Transfer station at a NASA facility in Hawaii, in support of Japan’s National Institute of Information and Communications Technology (NICT) and the U.S. Naval Observatory (USNO), is expected to be completed shortly. Both Governments intend to continue cooperation in protecting spectrum used for GNSS and also reaffirmed the importance of pursuing the interoperability and compatibility of all current and planned GNSS with GPS and QZSS. This 8th Plenary meeting strengthened cooperative relations between the United States and Japan. Both Governments acknowledged the important future contribution of QZSS to the space-based PNT services of Japan. They affirmed that continued close cooperation in the area of navigation satellite system will contribute to the peaceful development of the Asia-Pacific region and promote global economic growth. In that regard, both Governments welcomed the 6th meeting of the International Committee on Global Navigation Satellite Systems (ICG-6) to be held in Tokyo, September 5-9, 2011 and the 3rd Asia Oceania Regional Workshop on GNSS to be held in Japan’s fiscal year 2011.

Cooperation (generic) Now

NUQ-Japan and United States already consulting

Measures for Defense of Japan ’09 (Part III http://www.mod.go.jp/e/publ/w_paper/pdf/2009/31Part3_Chapter2_Sec2.pdf)

Japan and the United States have been engaged in consultations on the future Japan-U.S. Alliance, including force posture realignment, in recent years. As a result, the two countries have reached various epoch-making agreements for further enhancing the future Japan-U.S. Alliance. Japan and the U.S. are engaged in all types of efforts in close coordination based on the Japan-U.S. Alliance, including the May 2006 agreement on force posture realignment
NUQ-Japan and US recently renewed defense agreements

RTT ’11 (6/22/2011 RTT Staff Writer “US, Japan To Strengthen Security, Defense Cooperation” RTT News, http://www.rttnews.com/Content/TopStories.aspx?Id=1651487&SM=1)

(RTTNews) - In order to address the evolving regional and global security environment, the United States and Japan have agreed to ensure the security of Japan and strengthen peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region as well as to enhance the capability to address a variety of contingencies affecting the two allies. At the end of the Security Consultative Committee (SCC) meeting in Washington between U.S. State Secretary Hillary Rodham Clinton and Defense Secretary Robert Gates and their Japanese counterparts Takeaki Matsumoto and Toshimi Kitazawa, a comprehensive joint statement articulating common strategic objectives and efforts to enhance the U.S.-Japan alliance was released. Based on the assessment of the changing security environment, they reviewed and updated the Alliance's Common Strategic Objectives and took the following decisions: Deter provocations by North Korea and achieve its denuclearization; Strengthen trilateral security and defense cooperation with both Australia and South Korea. Encourage China's responsible and constructive role in regional stability and prosperity, its cooperation on global issues, and its adherence to international norms of behavior, while building trust among the United States, Japan and China. Improve openness and transparency with respect to China's military modernization and activities and, strengthen confidence building measures. While welcoming the progress to date in improving cross-Strait relations, encourage the peaceful resolution of cross-Strait issues through dialogue. Realize full normalization of Japan-Russia relations through resolution of the Northern Territories issue. Discourage the pursuit and acquisition of military capabilities that could destabilize the regional security environment. trengthen security cooperation among the United States, Japan, and ASEAN and support ASEAN's efforts to promote democratic values and a unified market economy. Welcome India as a strong and enduring Asia-Pacific partner and encourage India's growing engagement with the region. Promote trilateral dialogue among the United States, Japan, and India. Promote effective cooperation through regional networks and rule-making mechanisms, including the ASEAN Regional Forum, the ASEAN Defense Ministers' Meeting-Plus, Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation, and the East Asia Summit. Promote non-proliferation and reduction of weapons of mass destruction and their means of delivery, and hold states accountable for violating their non-proliferation obligations. Maintain safety and security of the maritime domain by defending the principle of freedom of navigation, including preventing and eradicating piracy, ensuring free and open trade and commerce, and promoting related customary international law and agreements.

Using SCC Now

The SCC decided to enhance further bilateral security and defense cooperation to solve for 16 issues

U.S. Department of State, 11 (U.S. Department of State, 6/21/11, Joint Statement of the U.S.-Japan Security Consultative Committee, http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2011/06/166597.htm)BR

III. Strengthening of Alliance Security and Defense Cooperation In order to address the evolving regional and global security environment, the SCC members decided to seek to enhance further bilateral security and defense cooperation. The Government of Japan established the new National Defense Program Guidelines (NDPG) in 2010. The new NDPG aims to build a “Dynamic Defense Force” that is characterized by enhanced readiness, mobility, flexibility, sustainability and versatility, reinforced by advanced technology and intelligence capabilities. The Government of the United States reaffirmed its commitment in the 2010 Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR) to strengthen regional deterrence, and to maintain and enhance its military presence in the Asia-Pacific region and also affirmed its intent to tailor regional defense posture to address such challenges as the proliferation of nuclear technologies and theater ballistic missiles, anti-access/area denial capabilities, and other evolving threats, such as to outer space, to the high seas, and to cyberspace.

Relations Low

Relations are at their all time low – the US has not bothered to make any effort for engagement

Su 10 (Alastair, The Haravard Political Review, “U.S. Japan Relations: A Friendship Grown Cold”, 10-31-2010, http://hpronline.org/hprgument/u-s-japan-relations-a-friendship-grown-cold [NT])
Yet, the “back-to-normal” sentiments conceal deeper problems that undermine relations. More than ever, Japanese are becoming disenchanted with America. In Okinawa for example, applications for base jobs have declined by nearly 50% from 15,572 applicants in 2003 to 7,611 in 2009, with positive perceptions about U.S. military involvement eroding.  Japanese students seem less interested in studying English, with enrollment in U.S. universities dropping by 27% over the last decade. On the part of the U.S., such indifference appears to be reciprocated. The last high-level meeting between both countries was almost fifteen years ago in 1996, culminating in the Clinton-Hashimoto declaration. Ever since, Washington has not mustered the effort to make an engagement of the same level, though the alliance stands in dire need of re-affirmation. Many U.S.-Japan institutions are also starved of support, such as the U.S.-Japan Parliamentary Exchange Program, a once-prestigious program that saw the enthusiastic participation of a single U.S. delegate in 2007. Finally, where the alliance once existed as an active and dynamic bilateral relationship, judging from current circumstances, it’s hard to see where the alliance derives any existential meaning apart from its role in moderating China. When discussing U.S. policy in Far East, most analysts tend to dwell on the importance of the U.S.-China-Japan “triangle” — which is perfectly understandable — but what of U.S.-Japan relations as its own entity? Apart from security issues, what happened to the robust cultural, economic and intellectual dialogues that characterized the Reischauer and Mansfield years? If officials want to ensure a healthy future for the alliance, these are considerations they cannot ignore.
Polls indicate that US Japan relations are the lowest they have ever been- cooperation unlikely.

Yomiuri Shimbun 10 ( Asia News Network December 23, 2010- http://www.asianewsnet.net/home/news.php?id=16318&sec=1)

Forty per cent of Japanese respondents to a recent opinion poll consider Japan-US relations to be "poor" or "very poor", exceeding the 33 per cent who have a positive impression of the bilateral ties. It was the first time since 2000, when the joint Yomiuri Shimbun-Gallup survey began conducting interviews by telephone, that more people had a bad opinion of Japan-US relations than those who described them as "good" or "very good". The poll was conducted December 3-5 in Japan and November 30-December 6 in the United States through random dialing by computer. A total of 1,022 eligible voters aged 20 or older in Japan and 1,002 eligible US voters aged 18 or older gave valid answers. The percentage of Japanese who said Japan-US relations were "poor" or "very poor" went up sharply from 26 per cent last year, apparently due to the lack of progress in implementing the bilateral agreement to relocate the US Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station in Ginowan, Okinawa Prefecture, to Nago in the prefecture. The base relocation issue was cited by 79 per cent of Japanese respondents as a factor that had undermined Japan-US relations "somewhat" or "very much". In the United States, 49 per cent of respondents said US-Japan relations are "good" or "very good", down from 51 per cent who said so last year. Only 10 per cent, up from 8 per cent in 2009, said they are "poor" or "very poor".
US-Japan Relations low because of prime minister scandals

Takahashi 11 (Kosuke, “Ten reasons for Japan’s revolving door”, Asia Times, http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Japan/MF11Dh01.html [NT])
Japanese premiers of the post-World War II period with long tenures were those who preserved the golden era of US-Japan relations. Among them were Yasuhiro Nakasone, who was best known for his strong relationship with president Ronald Reagan, popularly called the "Ron-Yasu" friendship, and Junichiro Koizumi, who nurtured a close personal accord with George W Bush. In sharp contrast, the late prime minister Kakuei Tanaka, who signed the Japan-China joint communique and achieved the normalization of diplomatic relations with China in 1972, was kicked out of office because of the so-called Lockheed bribery scandal. Japanese political analysts believe many allegations of bribery over Lockheed originated from the US administration, because Tanaka put relations with China ahead of the US-Japan alliance. Most recently, former prime minister Yukio Hatoyama, who tried to move the controversial US Futenma Marine air base from Okinawa prefecture and campaigned for an East Asia community involving China, had a tenure of less than nine months. 
US-Japan relations have been dropping – even the public is in agreement

Yomiuri Shimbun (Daily Yomiuri Online is one of the five major newspapers in Japan, Editorial, “Japan, U.S. need more private exchanges”, http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/dy/editorial/T110228004757.htm, 2-11-2010 [NT])
Japan-U.S. ties deteriorated rapidly after the Democratic Party of Japan took the reins of government in 2009. In an opinion poll conducted jointly by both countries last year, 40 percent of Japanese respondents said bilateral relations were "bad," compared with 33 percent who said they were "good." This was the first time the negative answers surpassed the positive ones, representing a symbolic shift in the Japanese public's perception of bilateral relations. The primary cause for this is undoubtedly the clumsy handling of diplomacy by the previous DPJ-led administration of former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama. Some people point out the lack of an environment in both countries that could help sustain bilateral diplomacy was another factor. Interest in Japan down According to a JCIE survey, an average of 50 U.S. members of Congress and 72 congressional staffers visited Japan every year in the latter half of the 1990s. The comparative figures dropped to 14 and 39, respectively, for the years from 2007 to 2009. The number of policy research institutes in Washington whose specialties include Japan-U.S. relations halved from 20 to 10 during the same period. These institutes have only four Japan experts, compared with 42 China experts and seven South Korea experts. Some experts regard research on Japan in the United States as facing a "silent crisis." Japan's dissemination of information abroad has stagnated due to budget shortages, and this has led to a drop in U.S. interest in Japan. This has developed into a vicious circle.

US Japan relations are low- Bad DPJ diplomacy- polls prove

The Daily Yomiuri 10 (“40% consider Japan-U.S. ties 'poor'” December 23 lexisnexis.com

Forty percent of Japanese respondents to a recent opinion poll consider Japan-U.S. relations to be "poor" or "very poor," exceeding the 33 percent who have a positive impression of the bilateral ties. It was the first time since 2000, when the joint Yomiuri Shimbun-Gallup survey began conducting interviews by telephone, that more people had a bad opinion of Japan-U.S. relations than those who described them as "good" or "very good." The poll was conducted Dec. 3-5 in Japan and Nov. 30-Dec. 6 in the United States through random dialing by computer. A total of 1,022 eligible voters aged 20 or older in Japan and 1,002 eligible U.S. voters aged 18 or older gave valid answers. The percentage of Japanese who said Japan-U.S. relations were "poor" or "very poor" went up sharply from 26 percent last year, apparently due to the lack of progress in implementing the bilateral agreement to relocate the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station in Ginowan, Okinawa Prefecture, to Nago in the prefecture. The base relocation issue was cited by 79 percent of Japanese respondents as a factor that had undermined Japan-U.S. relations "somewhat" or "very much." In the United States, 49 percent of respondents said U.S.-Japan relations are "good" or "very good," down from 51 percent who said so last year. Only 10 percent, up from 8 percent in 2009, said they are "poor" or "very poor." However, a record 52 percent of Japanese said they trust the United States "very much" or "somewhat," up from 49 percent in 2009. Thirty-seven percent, down from 41 percent in 2009, said they do not trust the country "very much" or "at all." A record 76 percent of Japanese respondents said the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty contributes to the security of the Asia-Pacific region "greatly" or "somewhat." In the United States, 64 percent of respondents, down from 66 percent in 2009, said they trust Japan "very much" or "somewhat," far exceeding the 33 percent who do not trust Japan "very much" or "at all." Regarding the security treaty, 72 percent of American respondents thought it contributes to the security of the Asia-Pacific region "greatly" or "somewhat." Asked about future Japan-U.S. relations, 71 percent of Japanese said they will stay the same, 15 percent said they will get better and 11 percent said they will get worse. In the United States, 44 percent said relations will stay the same, 35 percent said they will improve and 19 percent said they will deteriorate. Asked which nations or regions would become a military threat to Japan, 84 percent of Japanese respondents chose North Korea, while 79 percent chose China and 59 percent Russia. Multiple answers were allowed. Seventy-nine percent of American respondents chose North Korea as a potential military threat, while 76 percent said the Middle East and 58 percent said China. This is the first time North Korea was selected as the No. 1 threat for the United States. DPJ's poor diplomacy to blame The survey highlights the Japanese public's concern that Japan-U.S. relations have deteriorated due to the poor diplomacy of the Democratic Party of Japan-led government. The fallout from that poor diplomacy includes confusion over issues related to the relocation of Futenma Air Station.

US Japan relations low- alleged remarks by a US diplomat have hurt relations

The Daily Yomiuri 3/11 (“Alleged remarks hurt Japan-U.S. alliance” 2011 lexisnexis)

If actually said, the remarks reportedly made by a senior U.S. diplomat maligning the people of Okinawa Prefecture were indeed inappropriate, damaging the Japan-U.S. alliance. It has been alleged that Kevin Maher, director of the Office of Japan Affairs at the U.S. State Department, said in December that the people of Okinawa are "masters of manipulation and extortion" of the Japanese government. U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Kurt Campbell on Wednesday called the alleged remarks by Maher both inaccurate and not reflective of Washington's position, and said he would offer apologies to Japan on behalf of the U.S. government. Campbell was apparently trying to bring the situation under control following the protest made by Chief Cabinet Secretary Yukio Edano to U.S. Ambassador to Japan John Roos, as well as resolutions adopted by prefectural and municipal assemblies in Okinawa objecting to the remarks. It is a matter of course for the U.S. side to apologize. 'Culture-based extortion' The alleged remarks were made during a lecture, said to have been off the record, to American students scheduled to visit Okinawa. According to notes taken by students and others, Maher said Japanese use their culture of harmony based on consensus as a means of extortion, trying to get as much money as possible by pretending to seek consensus. This has been interpreted as meaning that the people of Okinawa are demanding the central government promote Okinawa's local economy in return for the prefecture's hosting U.S. bases. Maher was even said to have used such malicious, defamatory expressions as "lazy" regarding Okinawans. Maher, who once served as U.S. consul general in Naha, is known as a Japan expert. His remarks were likely prompted by frustration over the Democratic Party of Japan-led administration, which has caused the issue of relocating the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station to stray off course as a result of its naive diplomatic policies. If Maher did in fact make the alleged remarks, they would hurt not only the feelings of the people of Okinawa Prefecture, who have been forced to bear an excessive burden in hosting U.S. bases, but those of all the Japanese people. The relationship of trust built over many years between the two countries could crumble.

Disputes threatening alliance and lowering relations

Bruce Klinger, Senior Research Fellow for Northeast Asia in the Asian Studies Center at The Heritage Foundation, 1/20/2010, “Military Base Dispute Strains U.S.–Japan Alliance”, http://s3.amazonaws.com/thf_media/2010/pdf/wm_2769.pdf KC

On January 19, U.S. and Japanese leaders issued laudatory remarks commemorating the 50th anniversary of the U.S.–Japan bilateral defense treaty. These remarks were made partly to deflect attention from an ongoing dispute that has caused tensions in the military partnership between the two nations. At the heart of the controversy is the newly elected Democratic Party of Japan’s (DPJ) refusal to abide by a 2006 bilateral agreement for the realignment of U.S. military forces in Japan. While some U.S. experts have minimized the important security concepts inherent to base relocation, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama underscored these concepts’ significance by asserting that solving the Futenma issue 1 is a litmus test for developing the U.S.–Japan security arrangement. 2 U.S. officials see the dispute as the canary in the coal mine, i.e., the initial indicator of potentially worse difficulties to come in the alliance—an analysis that has triggered broader U.S. concerns over the DPJ’s long-term security plans. As one U.S. official commented, the DPJ is raising issues that question virtually every aspect of the fundamentals of the alliance.

Natural disasters are causing Japan to drift from the US Japan alliance.

Tay 11 (Simon Tay, The Hakarta Post- 6/16/2011- http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2011/06/16/politics-japan%E2%80%99s-next-crisis-after-triple-tragedy.html)

The fact that Japanese PM Naoto Kan recently survived no confidence motion signals that the country’s triple tragedy is being compounded by a fourth. After the earthquake and Tsunami, and with on-going uncertainty over nuclear power plants, the Japanese society has responded with stoicism and solidarity. But Japanese politics is an emerging tragedy. Kan survived only by giving a vague promise to quit after the current crisis abates. His is only the latest twist in a long drawn out crisis of confidence, seeing five Premiers in four years. Political divisions are not just between the ruling Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) and the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), so long in power, but also within factions of the DPJ. PM Kan does not enjoy widespread support. But nor does any other politician. Now in opposition, the LDP is threatening to block the budget for reconstruction even as the country grapples with the aftermath, with 100,000 still homeless from the Tsunami and the Fukushima nuclear yet to be contained. The LDP has attacked Kan’s handling of the nuclear crisis, with little self-awareness that it regulated the nuclear power industry since its infancy. Hope is fading that in response to the tragedy, Japan might rally, reform and restart growth. The dysfunction of the Japanese political system is of concern, and not just to the country itself. The Japanese economy still matters. Disruptions in Japan have rippled through global supply chains, affecting production in Thailand and other Asian manufacturing locations. With the American economy facing a double-dip and European softness, the number 3 economy in the world needs to do better. Japan also matters in the regional politics. This is some question the nature of a rising China and the capacity of a more constrained America to continue its forward presence in the Asia Pacific. Japan cannot and should not seek to contain China. But its active diplomacy could an important component in the region’s overall balance. Conversely, internal preoccupations and a revolving door of leaders will increase concerns about Chinese dominance. The normal politics is not working and Japanese need to think of abnormal solutions. If PM Kan cannot control factions in the DPJ, including former PM Hatoyama, should he not appeal directly to citizens? PM Kan asked for a grand alliance between his DPJ-led government and the LDP but this was rejected. Should Kan look to beyond the current leaders to someone like retired PM Koizumi who left while still popular and tried to reform the LDP from within? While politicians bicker, the Imperial household has been appreciated for its attention to the victims of the tragedy. Might not this symbolic institution of the country try to foster consensus? Many may dismiss these suggestions as unrealistic. But this is an extraordinary time for Japan, akin to the aftermath of war, and demands extraordinary answers. Japanese must themselves think outside of the Bento-box of political divisions. Otherwise, two trends are emerging. First, American influence on Japan is increasing and the US-Japan alliance has re-strengthened. This results from both the quick and generous support the US has given to the tragedy as well as the real Japanese concerns arising from the dispute with China over the Senkaku islands. The US — concerned about Asia but facing domestic issues and budget tightening — may also find it useful to lean on Tokyo. While their alliance is a given, an assertive America and a drifting Japan will make for over-dependence. Japan’s role in Asian regionalism will be colored accordingly, especially if relations with China grow tense. The second trend is that citizens and corporations in Japan are not looking to the politicians to provide answers. Self help groups and community organizations have grown to shoulder many of the burdens post-crisis. Japanese corporations have been responding to the disruptions to get their businesses and exports back to normal. The emerging responses is for corporate and civic improvisations, and not government action. But this does not happily translate to a consistent policy for foreign engagements. Looking past government can be especially dangerous given the amount of rebuilding that must come next, and the already enormous government debt in the country. Confidence in the Japanese government is important. Historically, American black ships opened up Japanese to foreign trade and, post-WWII, Japan was effectively run and remade by MacArthur. Today’s Japan needs a re-opening and reform, as PM Kan has already recognized and called for. But a solution — and perhaps an unorthodox one to break the present politics and head off the next crisis — needs to come from Japan itself.

Alliance = Weak

US-Japan alliance falling apart

Bruce Klinger, Senior Research Fellow for Northeast Asia in the Asian Studies Center at The Heritage Foundation, 1/20/2010, “Military Base Dispute Strains U.S.–Japan Alliance”, http://s3.amazonaws.com/thf_media/2010/pdf/wm_2769.pdf KC

A year ago, the 50th anniversary of the U.S.–Japan defense treaty was seen as an opportunity for transforming the military alliance to a broader security relationship. Now, discussion is focused primarily on repairing the status quo or even saving the alliance. It is worrisome that U.S. officials are expressing growing frustration and mistrust of DPJ intentions, particularly when North Korean and Chinese security threats to Asia are expanding.

US-Japan alliance weak- support falling apart

Norihide Miyoshi, Program on U.S.-Japan Relations, Harvard University, 2006, “COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE ATLANTIC ALLIANCE AND THE JAPAN-U.S. ALLIANCE AFTER SEPTEMBER 11”, http://www.wcfia.harvard.edu/us-japan/research/pdf/06-09.Miyoshi.pdf KC

But the ostensibly robust alliance relationship seems to be partially based on an intimate personal relationship between Koizumi and Bush. Skepticism that the Japan-U.S. alliance has a fragile basis still persists. As in South Korea, there is a concern that anti-U.S sentiment has been growing both from left and right wings of Japan’s political spectrum. The Japanese, especially those who live in Okinawa, are not happy with the location of huge U.S. bases on their soil.
Alliance inevitably low due to political tensions

Emma Chanlett-Avery, Specialist in Asian Affairs, and Weston S. Konishi, Analyst in Asian Affairs, 7/23/2009, “The Changing U.S.-Japan Alliance:

Implications for U.S. Interests”, http://fpc.state.gov/documents/organization/128832.pdf KC

Further, after enjoying a period of extremely close relations, the U.S.-Japan relationship slipped somewhat when the Bush Administration adjusted its policy on North Korea. As the Bush Administration moved aggressively to reach a deal on denuclearization with North Korea in the Six-Party Talks, distance emerged between Washington and Tokyo. The Obama Administration has subsequently sought to reassure Tokyo that the United States remains committed to the bilateral alliance. Political uncertainty in Tokyo calls into question how robustly alliance reform efforts will proceed. Specifically, the opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) appears poised to take over the government in August 30 Lower House elections. As discussed below, members of the DPJ have objected to an active role in coordination with the U.S. military. Thus, political changes, both in and between Washington and Tokyo, could undermine a regional security strategy that depends on unwavering ties.

US-Japan alliance doomed to fail- too many fundamental differences

Emma Chanlett-Avery, Specialist in Asian Affairs, and Weston S. Konishi, Analyst in Asian Affairs, 7/23/2009, “The Changing U.S.-Japan Alliance:

Implications for U.S. Interests”, http://fpc.state.gov/documents/organization/128832.pdf KC

After converging for several years, some U.S. and Japanese national security interests are not as closely aligned. Until 2007, similar views on North Korea and the global war on terrorism, as well as the personal chemistry between Koizumi and Bush, facilitated agreements to strengthen the alliance. Actual and potential political differences, however, could derail efforts to build a more sound security relationship. Although ties remain strong fundamentally, the Bush Administration shift on North Korean nuclear negotiations, the July 2007 House resolution criticizing the Japanese government for past “comfort women” policies, and the apparent decision not to consider exporting the F-22 to Japan may have somewhat shaken Japanese confidence in the robustness of the alliance over the past two years. 27 Partly in response to these concerns, the Obama Administration has reiterated to Tokyo that the bilateral alliance remains the “cornerstone” of the U.S. strategic commitment to Asia. Other potential differences remain as well. Iran, upon which Japan depends heavily to meet its energy needs, and Burma, with which Japan has normalized relations, are examples of states that the United States has worked to ostracize; public differences on these and other foreign policy issues could at some point degrade the strong relations between Tokyo and Washington. In the 1980s and 1990s, differences over trade policies frayed bilateral ties; echoes of the old disputes were heard in Japan’s ban on importing U.S. beef because of mad cow disease fears from December 2003-July 2006. Some members of Congress have indicated concern with Japan’s treatment of World War II history issues, particularly the comfort women controversy and the depiction of the conflict in the Yushukan museum adjacent to the Yasukuni Shrine. 28 Others have at various times voiced frustration with Japan’s agricultural protectionism, stalled economic reform efforts, and alleged currency manipulation.

Alliance = Resilient

Alliance resilient- agreement and cooperation over a wide range of issues

Joseph Donovan, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, 3/17/2010, “U.S.-Japan Relations: Enduring Ties, Recent Developments”, http://www.state.gov/p/eap/rls/rm/2010/03/138481.htm KC

Mr. Chairman, Mr. Manzullo, and Members of the Subcommittee, it is a privilege to appear before you today. In 2010, the United States and Japan are celebrating the 50th anniversary of our Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security, a historic milestone that is both an opportunity to reflect on the successes of the past half century and also an opportunity to look ahead toward future challenges and possibilities. In 2010, Japan is also host of the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum, which will culminate in an APEC leaders meeting in Yokohama in November. Japan is among our most important trading partners and a staunch and important ally. We work together on a broad range of important issues: from the United Nations and the Six-Party Talks to increasing regional economic integration, promoting democracy and human rights, climate change, nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament, and coordinating humanitarian assistance and disaster relief. Japan continues to be an increasingly active partner in global affairs, and our bilateral and multilateral cooperation transcends the Asia-Pacific region. Japan is working with us and others on post-earthquake recovery in Haiti and Chile, is a vital international supporter of reconstruction, reintegration, and development in Afghanistan, and is combating piracy off the Horn of Africa to ensure freedom of navigation and safety of mariners. Whatever challenges we may face in the next half century, I am confident that our relationship with Japan will be an important element of our success. Our relationship continues to develop and evolve, and continues to contribute to peace, prosperity and security throughout the region and the globe.

Alliance strong and resilient- cornerstone of US role in Asia

Joseph Donovan, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, 3/17/2010, “U.S.-Japan Relations: Enduring Ties, Recent Developments”, http://www.state.gov/p/eap/rls/rm/2010/03/138481.htm KC

As President Obama said in his Tokyo speech last November, the U.S.-Japan alliance is not a historic relic from a bygone era, but an abiding commitment to each other that is fundamental to our shared security. The U.S.-Japan Alliance plays an indispensable role in ensuring the security and prosperity of both the United States and Japan, as well as regional peace and stability. The Alliance is rooted in our shared values, democratic ideals, respect for human rights, rule of law and common interests. The Alliance has served as the foundation of our security and prosperity for the past half century, and we are committed to ensuring that it continues to be effective in meeting the challenges of the 21st century. The U.S.-Japan security arrangements underpin cooperation on a wide range of global and regional issues as well as foster stability and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region. The Alliance is the cornerstone of our engagement in East Asia. That is a phrase oft-repeated by U.S. officials, but I think it is important and perhaps timely to step back and consider what that means. This cornerstone role began and grew out of the farsighted vision of American leaders at the end of World War II, a vision that recognized the importance of building strong partnerships with democratic market economies to meet the challenges of the second half of the 20th century, not just with our wartime allies, but equally with those who had been our adversaries. This vision was predicated on an idea, validated by the passage of time, that U.S. interests are best served by the emergence of strong, prosperous and independent democracies across the Pacific, as well as the Atlantic. Those leaders built an alliance with Japan based both on common interests and shared values, an alliance formally consecrated 50 years ago. That alliance not only helped secure peace and prosperity for the people of Japan and the United States, but it also helped create the conditions that have led to the remarkable emergence of Asia as the cockpit of the global economy that has helped lift millions out of poverty and gradually spread the blessings of democratic governance to more and more countries of that region.

Cooperation Impossible

Space cooperation not possible- lack of funding

Marcia Smith, 10/16/2010, “Global Economic Woes Mean More International Space Cooperation, Should Include China, Say International Space Reps”, http://www.spacepolicyonline.com/pages/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1174:global-economic-woes-mean-more-international-space-cooperation-should-include-china-say-international-space-reps&catid=91:news&Itemid=84 KC
Norimitsu Kamimori, head of the Washington office of the Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency (JAXA) explained the constrained funding for his civil space agency, pointing out that some plans, like future robotic lunar exploration, have been put on hold. And while Japan would like to cooperate more with the United States on earth science missions, funding shortfalls make that difficult.

Japan Relations Bad - Russia

Japanese security alliance critically undermines US relations with Russia.

DiFilippo 3 (Anthony, Professor of Sociology, Lincoln University, The Challenges of the US – Japan Military Alliance, East Gate Books, 2002 [NT])
The crisis in Yugoslavia also took a toll on U.S.-Russian relations. Since Washington circumvented the United Nations during the crisis, Moscow saw U.S.-led NATO actions in Yugoslavia as politically unac¬ceptable and got the distinct impression that America had hegemonic intention. Complicating the relationship between Washington and Mos¬cow was the proposal by the Clinton administration to alter the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty so that the United States could develop a NMD system. For some observers, both the Yugoslavian cri¬sis and the American proposal to change the ABM Treaty has put the United States in the position of aggressor (the Soviet Union was cast in this role during the Cold War). Certainly, President Bush's decision to withdraw from the ABM Treaty has increased Moscow's concerns. In East Asia, almost any conceivable military action that brings into play the U.S.-Japan security alliance will be seriously criticized by Russia and will critically damage Moscow's bilateral relationship with both Washington and Tokyo. But even without any activities that involve the actual deployment of American and Japanese military forces, Moscow has been very critical of statements by the United States that it plans to develop and

Relations key to energy security and global warming

Graham 09 (Thomas, senior director at Kissinger Associates, Inc. , “ Resurgent Russia and U.S. Purposes” The Century Foundation, http://tcf.org/events/pdfs/ev257/Graham.pdf [NT])
Providing sufficient energy for powering the global economy at affordable prices and in an environmentally friendly way is critical to long-term American prosperity. Fossil fuels, barring a major technological breakthrough, will remain the chief source of energy for decades to come. Much needs to be done in locating and bringing online new fields, ensuring reliable means of delivery to consumers, protecting infrastructure from attack or sabotage, and reducing the temptation to manipulate energy supplies for political purposes. Nuclear energy is enjoying a renaissance, but that raises proliferation concerns. Intensive scientific work will be necessary to develop new sources of energy for commercial use and to deal with climate change. As the world’s largest producer of hydrocarbons, a leader in providing • civil nuclear energy, and a major energy consumer itself, Russia is indispensable to guaranteeing energy security and dealing with climate change. As one of the world’s leading scientific powers, Russia has an important role to play in developing new sources of energy, using traditional fuels more efficiently, and managing climate change.

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