343 Regnum Hungariae sanctae Romanae ecclesiae proprium est a rege Stephano beato Petri olim cum omni jure et potestate sua oblatum et devote traditum, Reg., II. 13; Migne, 373.
44 Reg., I. 18; Migne, 300.
545 Reg., I. 70, VII. 23; Migne, 345, 565 sqq., etc.
646 "Hubert, your legate in your behalf has bade me to do fealty to you and your successors, and to think better in the matter of the money which my predecessors were wont to send to the Roman Church. The one point I agreed to, the other I did not agree to. Fealty I refused to do, nor will I do it, nor do I find that my predecessors did it to your predecessors." The letter of William the Conqueror to Gregory, written after 1076, the date being uncertain. See Gee and Hardy, Documents of Eng. Ch. Hist., p. 57. The efforts of Gregory to secure William’s support in his controversy with Henry IV. failed. Reg., VI. 30, VII. 1; Migne, 535, 545.
747 See Mirbt, p. 278.
848 Mirbt, Publizistik, 259, says that there was no such thing as a general observance of celibacy in Western Europe.
949 Kirchengesch., 339.
050 Kirchengesch., 271. It will be remembered that in Spain, in the eighth century, King Witiza formally abolished the law of clerical celibacy.
151 So Bonizo of Sutri ad amicum, lib. V.
252 So Damiani. See Mirbt, 248.
353 Gregory, Reg., II. 10.
454 Incontinentes sacerdotes et levitae ... sacerdotes concubinati.
55 Reg., II. 30.
656 In a letter to Sicardus, abp. of Aquileja, Jan. 24, 1074, Gregory complained of princes who treated the Church as a servant-maid, quasi vilem ancillam, etc. Reg., I. 42; Migne, 148, 322.
757 Gregory, Reg., II. 29, III. 4, commanded him to root out "clerical fornication."
858 Hauck, III. 780 sq.; Mirbt, Publizistik, 269 sqq.; Hefele, V. 30 sqq.
959 Lea, p. 309.
060 importabilia ideoque irrationabilia.
161 Lea, p. 341.
262 investitura per baculum et annulum.
363 Humbert’s work, adversus simoniacos, is giveninlibelli de lite and Migne, vol. 153. Wido of Arezzo and Damiani expressed the same views. See Mirbt, Publizistik, 463-471. Of those who received lay investiture it began to be said "that they entered not in by the door,"non per ostium intraverant.
464 ut per laicos nullo modo quilibet clericus aut presbyter obtineat ecclesiam nec gratis nec pretio, Mansi, XIX. 898.
565 This statement is based upon the authority of Arnulf of Milan. The decree itself is lost. See Mirbt, Publizistik, 492. Arnulf says, papa ... palam interdicit regi jus deinde habere aliquod in dandis episcopatibus omnesque laicas personas ab investituris ecclesiarum summovet.
66 "Si quis deinceps episcopatum vel abbatiam de manu alicujus laicae personae susceperit, nullatenus inter Episcopos vel Abbates habeatur ...Si quis Imperatorum, Regum, Ducum, Marchionum, Comitum, vel quilibet saecularium potestatum aut personarum investituram episcopatus vel alicujus ecclesiasticae dignitatis dare praesumserit, ejusdem sententiae vinculo se adstrictum sciat." Pagi, Crit. ad ann. 1075, No. 2; Watterich, I. 365; Hefele, V. 47; Reg., VI. 5.
767 "Descende, descende." Bruno, De bello Saxonico, in Pertz, VII. 352 sq. There are several variations of the letter of Henry, but the tone of imperious defiance and violence is the same.
868 Bernried, Vita Greg., c. 68 sq. (in Migne, 148, p. 74); Jaffé, 223;Mirbt, Quellen, 100; Hefele, V. 70 sqq.
969 The papal sentence against Henry made a profound impression upon Western Europe. Bonizo says, universus noster romanus orbis contemruit, postquam de banno regis ad aures personuit vulgi. See Mirbt, 139.
070 The excommunication of Henry in 1076 and again in 1080 called forth a controversial literature of some proportions, Mirbt, Publizistik, 134-239, as did Gregory’s attitude towards simony and clerical celibacy. The anti-Gregorians took the ground that the excommunication was unjust and even called in question the pope’s right to excommunicate a king. Gregory’s letters make reference to these objections. Writing to Hermann of Metz, Reg., IV. 2, Gregory said that there were some who openly declared that a king should not be excommunicated, regem non oportet excommunicari. Gregory justified his act on the ground of the king’s companionship with excommunicated persons, his refusal to offer repentance for crimes, and the rupture of the unity of the Church which resulted from the king’s course, Reg., IV. 1, etc. The Council of Tribur, Oct. 16, 1076, discussed the questions whether a pope might excommunicate a king and whether Gregory had acted justly in excommunicating Henry. It answered both questions in the affirmative. A hundred years after the event, Otto of Freising, Gesta Friderici, I., speaks of the sentence as unheard of before, quo numquam ante haec tempora hujusmodi sententiam in principem romanum promulgatam cognoverat.
171 Reg IV. 2; Migne, 148, 455.
272 The castle was destroyed by the inhabitants of Reggio in 1255. The site affords a magnificent view of the Apennines towards the south, and of the plain of the Po towards the north, and the cities of Parma, Reggio, and Modena. An excursion from Reggio to Canossa and back can be made in eight hours. For Gregory’s own account of the meeting, see Reg., IV. 2, in Migne, 148, 465, and Mirbt, Quellen, 101. See also Hauck, III. 792 sqq.
373 "Illic," says Berthold (Monum. Germ. SS., V. 289)."laneis indutus, nudis pedibus, frigorosus, usque in diem tertium foris extra castellum cum suis hospitabatur." During the night the king was under shelter. See Hefele, V. 94 sq.
474 The last point is omitted by Berthold, but expressly mentioned by Lambert of Hersfeld, and confirmed by Gregory, who says in his account of the Canossa event to the German prelates and princes, that he received Henry only into the communion of the Church, without reinstating him in his reign (losum ei communionem redidi, non tamen in regno ... instauravi), and without binding the faithful to their oath of allegiance, reserving this to future decision. Jaffé, p. 402; Hefele, V. 96. The same view he expresses in the sentence of the second excommunication. In view of these facts it is strange that Giesebrecht (III. 403) should discredit the report of Lambert, and hold that Henry regained with the absolution also the royal prerogatives.
575 This story, first told by Lambert of Hersfeld, who in the main sided with Gregory against Henry, is discredited by Giesebrecht, III. 401; Ranke, VII. 284; Mirbt, 194-199; and the Catholic historians, Döllinger and Hefele(V. 98), reject it as a fable. The pope had no need to protest his innocence, and had referred the charges against the king to a German tribunal; the king had previously promised him to appear before this tribunal; his present purpose was simply to get rid of the interdict, so as to be free to act. By declining the ordeal he would have confessed his guilt and justified the pope, and superseded the action of the German tribunal. On the historical value of Lambert’s Annales, see Giesebrecht, III. 1030-1032, and Wattenbach, Deutschlands, Geschichtsquellen, II. 87 sqq. Gregorovius repeats the story as authentic.
676 Lambert refutes this slander (M. G., V. 257), and the best modern historians. Protestant as well as Catholic, reject it. See Neander, Ranke. (VII. 280), and Hefele (V. 67 sq.). Ranke says: "Solche Verhältnisse giebt es ja zwischen Individuen beiderlei Geschlechtes, die sich nur auf geistigem Boden entwickeln, in welchen ohne sinnliche Annäherung die tiefste innere Vereinigung der Gesinnungen und Ueberzeugungen besteht. Die Markgräfin glaubte an die Wahrhaftigkeit und den geistigen Beruf des Papstes, und der Papst andererseits bedurfte ihrer Hülfe."
878 Mirbt,Publizistik, 181-200, seeks to make out that Henry’s act at Canossa was regarded by his age as an act of humility and not of humiliation. The contemporary writers speak of it as an act of unheard of and wonderful humility, "mira inaudita humilitas, officium humilitatis." In view of the profound reverence for the Church which prevailed it may be taken as certain that the people looked upon it as an act of humble piety. But for Henry it was a different thing. As Mirbt agrees, the king was not moved by deep religious concern but by a desire to hold on to his crown. For him Canossa was a humiliation and before the bar of historic judgment the act wherein the State prostrated itself at the feet of the pope must be regarded as a humiliation. For other instances of princely submission to the pope, see Mirbt, p. 198, note.
979 See the extract in §11, p. 32, and Latin text of the address in Mansi, Harduin, Jaffé, and Shailer Mathews, 51-54.
080 The Rock gave the crown to Peter and Peter gives it to Rudolf.
181 This fact is reported by Albericus of Trois-Fontaines, but doubted by Sybel (Gesch. des ersten Kreuzzugs, p. 218) and Hefele (V. 150, note).
282 For a good description of the battle, see Giesebrecht, III. 516 sqq.
383 Hildebert’s poem, lamenting the ruins of Rome, is found in Migne, 171, 1441 sq.
484 "Praeter Henricum regem dictum omnes absolvo et benedico, quicumque me hanc habere specialem potestatem in vocem apostolorum Petri et Pauli credunt indubitanter." Paulus Bernriedensis, Vita Greg., c. 12; Baronius, Ann. XVII. 566.
585 "Dilexi justitiam et odi iniquitatem; propterea morior in exilio." The first two sentences are from Ps. 46:8; the last is put instead of "propterea unxit te Deus." His enemies spread the false report that he repented of the controversy which he had excited. Mon. Germ. Script., VIII. 470; Baxmann, II. 424 sqq.
686 His monument, erected in 1578 in the cathedral of Salerno, bears the Inscription: "Gregorius VII. Soanensis, P.O. M., Ecclesiae libertatis vindex acerrimus, assertor constantissimus, qui dum Romani Pontificis auctoritatem adversus Henrici perfidiam strenue tueretur, Salernae sancte decubuit. Anno Domini 1085, oct. Cal. Jun." Hefele, V. 184; Gregorovius, Die Grabmäler der Päpste, p. 49; Giesebrecht, III. 578. Rome, which has so many papal monuments, has none for Gregory VII., except an inscription on a stone In S. Prudentiana, where he is called "Vir benedictus, moribus ecclesiam renovavit." See Gregorovius, IV. 246.
787 Hauck, III. 754 sqq.
88 In a single letter to Hermann of Metz, Reg., IV. 2, Gregory quotes at least nine passages of Scripture.
989 Ubi Deus Petro principaliter dedit potestatem ligandi et solvendi in terra et in caelo, nullum excepit, nihil ab ejus potestate subtraxit. Reg., IV. 2; Migne, 148, 456.
090 Weltgesch. VII. 34 sqq.
191 Hist. of City of Rome, IV. 256. Of Canossa this author had said, IV. 207: "The weaponless victory of the monk Gregory has more claim on the admiration of the world than all the victories of an Alexander, a Caesar, and a Napoleon." Like other Protestant German historians he has no sympathy with Gregory’s papal scheme of papal absolutism, but most of the German Church historians, as Mirbt and Hauck, are inclined to magnify the courage and manly vigor of Henry, as well as the justice of his cause, and to underestimate or question the moral quality of Gregory in his conflict with the emperor, and the immediate results of the event at Canossa. Hauck, III. 805, omits a detailed description of that remarkable scene with the remark that it was so well known to Germans as not to need retelling. He pronounces the estimate usually put upon Gregory’s intellectual gifts as too high, and declares that the title "Great" is properly associated with the name of the first Gregory and not with the seventh pope of that name. Hildebrand had convictions enough, but lacked in native force, p. 832 sq.
292 Dated March 15, 1081, Reg., VIII. 21; Mirbt, Quellen, 105-112; Migne, 148, 594-604.
393 Guelfi, Welfen, from Welf, Wolf, a family name of the dukes of Bavaria. Ghibellini, Ghibellinen, from Waiblingen, the patrimonial castle of Conrad of Hohenstaufen in Swabia. Comp. Ferrari, Histoire des révolutions d’Italie, ou Guelfes et Ghibellins, Paris, 1858, 4 vols. From the Guelphs descended the house of Brunswick and Hanover, and the royal family of England since George I., 1714.
494 Praxedis or Eupraxia, or (as the Germans called her) Adelheid was a Russian princess, who married Henry in 1089, two years after Bertha’s death. She had preferred the same horrible charges before a synod at Constance in 1094. See Pertz, Tom. VII. 458, XVII. 14; Hefele-Knöpfler, V. 211 sq. and 216; Greenwood, IV. 561.
595 The tract is more eloquent than accurate. It is ascribed by Goldast, Floto, and Gieseler to Bishop Otbert of Lüttich (Liège); by Dr. Jaffé, to an unknown writer in Mainz (see the preface to his German translation, Das Leben Kaiser Heinrich des Vierten, Berlin, 1858); by Druffel and Giesebrecht, to Bishop Erlung of Würzburg, who was chancellor of the emperor from 1103 to 1105. For a good characterization of Henry IV. see Giesebrecht, III. 764-768, and on this biography, pp. 1050 sq.
696 It is said of the later Anglo-Saxon clergy that they were scarcely able to stammer out the forms of divine service, and that any one who knew "grammar" was regarded as a prodigy.
797 On the effects of the Norman Conquest, see the fifth volume of Freeman’s great work. Comp. also Schaff’s essay on the cosmopolitan character and mission of the English language, in his Literature and Poetry, New York, 1890, pp. 1-62.
898 On Lanfranc’s connection with the Berengar controversy, see Schaff, vol. IV. 556 and 567 sq.
99 Norman Conquest, II. 165.
0100 Freeman, V. 169: "He was one of the few princes of that age whose hands were wholly clean from the guilt of simony. His ecclesiastical appointments for the most part do him honor; the patron of Lanfranc and Anselm can never be spoken of without respect."
101 Reg. Greg., VI. 30, IX. 20; Migne, 148, 621, 643.
2102 Gee and Hardy, 57 sq.
3103 The Synod of London, 1075. See Wilkins, I. 363; Gee and Hardy, 54.
4104 Per sanctum vultum de Luca. A figure of the crucified Saviour in wood which was said to have been carved by Nicodemus, and was preserved in the cathedral at Lucca.
5105 These rare traits of character are mentioned by Eadmer in his Vita Anselmi. Freeman, V. 25.
6106 Eadmer (Hist. Nov., in Migne’s edition of Anselm, II. 368): "Indomitum taurum et vetulam ac debilem ovem in aratro conjungere sub uno jugo," etc. Ranke, Weltgesch., VIII. 115, makes here a curious mistake by putting into Anselm’s mouth the saying that England’s plough must be drawn by "two noble and powerful bulls" (von zwei edlen und kräftigen Stieren, dem König und dem Primas).
7107 Soon after he was made archbishop, Anselm sent the king £500, a sum far below what the king expected. On another occasion when the king was starting on a campaign against Wales, Anselm sent what the king regarded as a beggarly contingent of ill-trained knights.
8108 The matters in dispute were discussed at Rockingham at a meeting of barons and bishops with Anselm at their head. See Freeman,W. Rufus, I. 476 sqq.
9109 Hist. Nov., II., Migne’s ed. 169, 402.
0110 According to Eadmer, Hist. Nov., Migne’s ed. 159, 414, it was due to Anselm’s intercession that Urban withheld from William Rufus the anathema.
111 Freeman, Norm. Conq., V. 147.
2112 While in England, Anselm had celebrated the marriage of Henry to Matilda, or Eadgyth (as her English name was), daughter of the Scotch king Malcolm. Her aunt, a nun at Romsey, had placed the veil upon Eadgyth when she was a child as a protection against violence. There was a difference of opinion as to whether this was to be construed as a vow. Anselm pronounced her free. Ladies at the time of the Norman Conquest had temporarily put on the veil as a protection to their virtue. Lanfranc afterwards declared them free to marry.
3113 See Fuller,Ch. Hist. of Britain, I. 340.
4114 A previous council had been held at Westminster in 1102. See Freeman, V. 221, 226, and Gee and Hardy, pp. 63 sq.
5115 Freeman, V. 223: "The newly devised rigor only led to laxity of a worse kind, which it was intended to stop. But, at any rate, it was now that the rule of celibacy became for the first time the universal law of the English Church. Anselm’s counsel at Westminster [that of 1102] thus marks an era in our ecclesiastical history."
6116 The canonization by Alexander III. came to nothing, but was renewed by Alexander VI. Dean Church says that Anselm "suffered the indignity of a canonization at the hands of Borgia."
7117 The name was derived by legend from the distribution of bread in time of famine by one of the ancestors of the family. Its coat of arms represented two lions rampant, holding a loaf of bread between them. Gregorovius. IV. 404.
8118 The thorough investigation of Mühlbacher is unfavorable to the validity of the election of Gregory (Innocent II.), and Deutsch (note in his edition of Neander’s St. Bernhard, I. 110 sq.) agrees with him, and bases his claim on purely moral grounds.
9119 See the chapters on the Second Crusade and St. Bernard.
0120 Otto von Freising calls him "singularitatis amator, novitatis cupidus, " and ranks him with those characters who are apt to produce heresies and to make schismatic disturbances. St. Bernard denounces him as the author of a schisma pessimum, but bears testimony to his ascetic piety, yet with the cruel charge of satanic thirst for the blood of souls: "Homo est neque manducans neque bibens, solo cum diabolo esuriens et sitiens sanguinem animarum."
121 Von Freising: "Praeter haec [his views on Church property]de sacramento altaris, et baptismo parvulorum non sane dicitur sensisse." Some Baptists claim him for his supposed rejection of infant baptism. The attempts to bring him into contact with the Waldenses (who are of later date) have no foundation.
2122 Freising: "Arnaldus iste et Italia, civitate Brixia oriundus, ejusdemque ecclesiae clericus ac tantum lector ordinatus, Petrum Abailardum olim praeceptorem habuerat." St. Bernard seems to place the acquaintance at a later period: "Execratus a Petro apostolo, adhaeserat Petro Abailardo."