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and mobilization. He emphasized that an

openly unequal distribution of fiscal burdens has

very negative effects on the ability of social groups

to act together. He pointed out one aspect of

political and social modernization which is what

sociologists later came to call low status crystallization,

that is a lack of correspondence between

the rankings of an individual or group in terms,

respectively, of status, of political significance,

and of economic power. GIANFRANCO POGGI

To¨nnies, Ferdinand (1855–1936)

Born in Schleswig-Holstein, then under Danish

control, Ferdinand To¨nnies received a doctorate

from the University of Tubingen in 1877. He

taught intermittently at the University of Kiel

from 1881 to 1933, his position unstable because

his social democratic views conflicted with

Tocqueville, Alexis de (1805–59) To¨nnies, Ferdinand (1855–1936)


the conservative Prussian government. To¨nnies

was interested in sociological theory, statistics,

applied sociology, and crime. He cofounded the

German Society for Sociology. He is best known

for his work Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft (1887),

translated as Community and Society (1957), one

of the first sociological works to delineate

clearly major differences between traditional and

modern societies.

Gemeinschaft (community) consists of groups that

have a strong feeling of cohesiveness. Often characteristic

of rural villages, Gemeinschaft relations are

enduring and traditional. They rarely change dramatically

and involve shared trust, beliefs, and

cooperation. In the West, Gemeinschaft was being

replaced by Gesellschaft (society). Gesellschaft relationships

arose in an urban and capitalist setting,

characterized by individualism and impersonal

monetary connections between people. Social ties

were often instrumental and superficial, with selfinterest

and exploitation increasingly the norm.

To¨nnies based his distinction on a theory of human

nature, contending that Gemeinschaft referred to

the essential will, and Gesellschaft to the arbitrary

will. In everyday modern life, despite the predominance

of Gesellschaft relationships, Gemeinschaft ties

continued to exist, exemplified in the importance

of family and neighborhood.

To¨nnies’s distinction between Gemeinschaft and

Gesellschaft, like others between tradition and modernity,

has been criticized for over-generalizing

differences between societies, and implying that

all societies were following a similar evolutionary

path (see evolutionary theory).


total institution

– see Erving Goffman.


This concept is an approach to politics and society

in which the state is meant to know best what is

good for the citizens, individually and collectively,

and therefore is justified in controlling all aspects

of public and private life. There are two main

aspects to totalitarianism; the first is a moral

and philosophical position, the second is a technical

and political method. In terms of philosophical

justification, totalitarianism posits the moral

superiority of the collective over the individual, as

well as the cognitive superiority of the state (including

state officials and/or party members) over

ordinary citizens – this last point being directly

connected to other forms of paternalism. From

this perspective, because the state knows best

what is required for the good of the polity, dissent

from individuals or from the masses can only

reflect their selfish behavioral traits and/or illustrate

their limited cognitive grasp of the situation.

In political and technical terms, therefore, totalitarianism

requires that the state should be the

sole representative of the social collective and

that it should actively suppress both pluralism in

the political society and the autonomous institutions

of civil society, as these can only undermine

the well-being and flourishing of the community.

Totalitarianism is a modern phenomenon. It

can be understood as a modern form of authoritarianism

where technology and bureaucracy give

the state the means to achieve a previously unequalled

degree of control and dominance over

society. Earlier embodiments of authoritarianism,

even in their strongest forms like absolutism,

could punctually and locally claim to exercise

total control in society, but it is only with the

development of the bureaucratic state that such

systemic forms of social control became possible.

As Hannah Arendt stressed in The Origins of Totalitarianism

(1958), totalitarian systems seek to eliminate

individuality and free choice through the

complete politicization of the private sphere . In

doing so, they reinforce the atomization of society

and make the state the only remaining outlet for

public activities.

The most common political tools of the totalitarian

state fall into three main categories: ideology,

surveillance, and repression. In the first

instance, the state promotes its preferred ideology

amongst the masses by strictly controlling the

media and all forms of public discourse, as well

as by regimenting the education system. Second,

the state relies on its pervasive surveillance networks

to monitor the everyday activities of the

citizenry and ensure that they are conforming to

those professed by the state ideology. Finally, the

state utilizes its extensive repressive apparatus to

punish dissenters, and instills fear amongst those

who might be tempted to dissent.

The main political systems that have exemplified

totalitarianism in the twentieth century were

fascism and Communism. Although many states

have been called totalitarian in recent times, totalitarianism

is an extremely difficult political

system to obtain in practice. True totalitarianism

could be said to exist only in fictional dystopias

such as George Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949),

which was inspired by Stalin’s Soviet Union. In the

modern period, most totalitarian states are in fact

authoritarian regimes whose claims to organize

all the relevant aspects of their subjects’ life are

total institution totalitarianism


somewhat overstated. This does not make these

regimes less brutal, however, as the role of the

repressive apparatus often increases when the

ideological and surveillance capabilities of the

would-be totalitarian state decrease.


Touraine, Alain (1925– )

A luminary of postwar French sociology, and

indeed of international sociology, Touraine had

an enormously productive career of research, analysis,

and theorizing, and first-hand knowledge

of Europe and the western hemisphere (from

French-speaking Canada and the United States to

Chile and Argentina). Following his early training

in history, he has drawn on (and criticized) various

intellectual currents, including Marxism, Sartrean

existentialism, and Parsonian system theory, to

formulate in successive decades and works a distinctive

“action” approach to two major sociological

fields: the question of social change and

the question of modernity.

A general frame of his analysis is that the social

order of modernity is neither a static nor a functional

totality; it is, rather, a terrain of conflict

between social forces competing for power, between

governing elites and the dominated. In

the postindustrial society, which he analyzed relatively

early in Post-Industrial Society (1969 [trans.

1971]), control over cultural practices replaces

earlier struggles by the labor movement for control

over work practices. He founded the Center

for the Study of Social Movements (now ADIS) as

the E´cole des Hautes E´ tudes en Sciences Sociales

in Paris. A key unit of analysis and research for

Touraine and his associates is the study of various

social movements, from the anti-nuclear movement,

to regional movements of autonomy in

Europe, to the Solidarity movement in Poland,

and, more recently, the feminist movement. Social

movements are collective actors of change, not

only as reactions against the abuses of governing

power but also as (potential) cultural innovators

of advanced modernity (as the labor movement

had been in the nineteenth century). Touraine

proposed, as a method of studying social movements

called “sociological intervention,” an enriched

form of participant observation with the

sociologist as a catalyst assisting collective actors

to articulate, express, and pursue actively their

objectives – a position he explored in The Voice

and the Eye (1978 [trans. 1981]).

Advanced modernity is not a period of successive

crises but of fundamental transformation and

structural changes for which a new sociological

approach is needed, to seize, in different domains,

the dynamics of change. Hence Touraine’s advancing

concepts such as “self-production of society,”

subjectification (in polar tension but also complementarity

with rationalization), and “historicity”

(the adaptation of society to its environment with

cultural initiatives, in contrast to historicism and


His Critique of Modernity (1992 [trans. 1995]) is a

powerful critical interpretation of main currents

that have marked the western experience, and

brings into relief his views of the basic relation

of the individual to society. Though highly sensitive

to the role of the collective Subject as innovator

of the social process, Touraine, in this and

later works such as What is Democracy? (1997), gives

primacy to the freedom and creativity of the more

individual Subject (Touraine faults George Herbert

Mead’s treatment of socialization). Sociology

is thus an emancipatory discipline, helping actors

(and not just Man but also Woman) to increase the

space of democracy). And behind this, one may

see in the action image of society of Touraine a

resemblance to the perspective of Pierre-Joseph

Proudhon (1809–65), who saw the historical process

as a continuing battleground for social justice.



The word tour was used in the early eighteenth

century to mean “to take a turn in or about a

place,” or to make a circuitous journey, and by

1811 tourism referred to traveling for pleasure.

The development of the railway booms in Britain

in the 1830s and 1840s saw the emergence of the

tourist car to accommodate railway tourists. The

railways launched a new age of popular tourism.

The grand tour had once been the preserve of the

rich and the famous in the age of romantic travel

and was associated in particular with the Italian

journey of Johann Wolfgang von Goethe in 1786–8,

which created the tradition of self-discovery

through foreign travel. In the early decades of

the twentieth century, the creation of annual holidays

for the working class formed the basis of the

holiday as an important component of popular

leisure. In this respect, tourism illustrates the

impact of social stratification on leisure activities.

In A Local Habitation (1988), Richard Hoggart

recalls how working-class families with working

mothers would save money for public holidays

that occurred around Whit Monday and Easter

Monday to escape from the grind of everyday life.

Touraine, Alain (1925– ) tourism


By the 1930s trips to northern sea-side resorts such

as Bridlington and Filey had become a feature of

popular cultural activity. After World War II,

cheap transportation and package holidays began

to constitute modern tourism as a feature of consumer

society. Whereas the working class sought

leisure in popular destinations in Spain and

France, tourism to more exotic and remote destinations

in Asia or Africa was an aspect of status

distinction and cultural capital. With globalization

and the growing affordability of international

travel, there are few areas that are any longer

remote or exclusive. There has been an inevitable

McDonaldization of tourism. The commodification

of leisure now also includes sex tourism and, with

the growth of regenerative medicine and the

aging of the populations of the developed world,

there are the beginnings of health tourism. For

example, in Caribbean resorts private health corporations

offer cosmetic surgery and medical

treatment for degenerative diseases. Because exclusive

and exotic destinations have now been

heavily influenced by consumerism, the exotic

has to be manufactured or invented. These developments

have led some sociologists, such as John

Urry in The Tourist Gaze: Leisure and Travel in Contemporary

Societies (1990), to explore the transformation

of familiar landscapes into exciting and

exotic places. Tourism has become an aspect of

postmodernity in which there are socially constructed

tourist destinations. Disneyland is an

aspect of this postmodern landscape. As terrestrial

tourism has become overcrowded, wealthy tourists

are being offered the opportunity, for example

by the Russian space research agency, of travel

to outer space. Space tourism is being used as a

financial contribution to scientific exploration.


trade unions

These are formal organizations of workers that

seek to represent the interests of their members

through collective organization and activity, offsetting

the weakness of individual employees compared

with the power of employers and managers.

A central objective of most unions is to pressure

and persuade employers to improve the employment

position of their members, though union

agendas can embrace wider issues of power,

equity, and justice in and beyond the workplace

and address the state as well as employers.

Effective unionism depends upon the mobilization

of power in collective organization and

action (strikes or other sanctions), though that

power is often translated into accommodations

with employers, while unions may also pursue

their objectives through wider alliances and political

campaigns. Thus, the capacity of unions to

represent their members may involve agreements

and even cooperative relations with employers

and/or the state. However, unless such relations

are based on autonomous collective organization

and leverage, relationships of dependency risk

compromising the unions’ capacity to pursue

their members’ interests in conflicts with employers

or the state, as analyzed by C. Offe and H.

Wiesenthal in “Two Logics of Collective Action”

in Offe’s Disorganised Capitalism (1985).

In articulating the interests of workers and pursuing

collective action, unions depend upon membership

activity and solidarity but also seek to

focus and control such activity. Thus unions combine

democratic and bureaucratic features,

though different participants – members, activists,

officials, leaders – may have different priorities

and participate in different ways in these

democratic and bureaucratic processes. Furthermore,

unions differ in the scope of their potential

membership (some organize particular occupations,

enterprises, or sectors of employment, while

others open their membership more widely), and

in the proportion of potential recruits who are

actual members (union density).

The character, possibilities, and limits of trade

unionism were widely debated from the rise of

organized labor movements in western Europe

during the nineteenth century. Founding figures

included Karl Marx, Robert Michels, Vladimir

Ilich Lenin, S. Perlman who wrote Theory of Labour

Movement (1928), Sydney Webb (1859–1947), and

Beatrice Webb (1858–1943), while P. Fosh and

E. Heery, in Trade Unions and their Members (1990),

identify pluralist, neocorporatist, Marxist, conservative,

and feminist positions in recent discussions.

These positions involve contrasting

analyses of the employment relationship, of the

interests and powers of workers and employers,

and thus of the scope and limits of conflict and

accommodation between workers and employers.

They also differ in their accounts of unities and

divisions among workers (are some groups, such

as women or the unemployed, marginalized?) and

in their conceptualizations of the relationship between

industrial relations and the state (is the

state partisan in conflicts between employers

and workers?).

In addressing these questions, there is growing

recognition that trade unions vary considerably,

between countries, occupations, and sectors of the

economy, and over time. One approach to such

trade unions trade unions


differences compares professional and white-collar

associations with manual workers’ unions. Their

unionateness is assessed on such criteria as engagement

in collective bargaining, strike action,

and alliances with labor parties, which are seen

as characteristic of manual workers’ unions.

However, how far such differences coincide closely

with occupational hierarchies has remained

contentious, as debated in contributions to R.

Hyman and P. Price (eds.) The New Working Class?

White-Collar Workers and Their Organizations (1983).

Another approach argues that trade unions face

persistent dilemmas in their organization and

mobilization of workers, in terms of their orientation

to market bargaining or class mobilization or

as actors in civil society. Unions can then be

mapped in terms of their responses to such dilemmas,

to illuminate the controversies that arise

within and between unions and the range of

different union traditions found within and between

societies, as in R. Hyman, Understanding

European Trade Unionism (2001).

Contemporary social changes, such as the decline

of traditionally unionized sectors, labor

market flexibilization, and new international divisions

of labor, have also prompted recent debates

on the merits of newer forms of unionism

that may depart from earlier union traditions. In

particular, discussions of organizing unionism

and social-movement unionism give fresh emphasis

to the active mobilization of new constituencies

of workers, but also recognize that unions

continue to face major challenges and dilemmas.



A comprehensive treatment of this topic can be

found readily available under “Tradition” in the

International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral

Sciences (2001, ed. Neil Smelser and Paul B Bates),

where there are several separate essays by R.

Bauman, Edward Tiryakian, and S. Langlois. Understood

generically as customary ways and beliefs

handed down (usually by oral communication,

ritual, and/or imitation) from the past for present

action, tradition is an integral component of every

family, group, organization, and nation. It is an

important legacy of the past to the present, albeit

on many occasions and in many historical settings,

the present may reconstruct the customary past as

illustrated in Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger,

The Invention of Tradition (1984). While tradition

carries with it a positive evaluation in everyday

life and in marketing (as in “prime ribs are a tradition

at Simpson’s”), it can also appear to be a

burden for innovation by devaluating the present.

In any event, the transmission of tradition is

ubiquitous if tacit in all processes of socialization.

While an old tradition may be lost as a result of

social change and the dispersal of members of

a community that observed it, new traditions

emerge, even unwittingly, as Sumner realized

long ago, in the passage of folk ways into mores.

Sociologists have dealt with traditions, including

their own, in several ways. With some ambivalence,

the early sociologists noted a vast

transformation in the West with a modern ethos

(first grasped by the writer Charles Beaudelaire

(1821–67) and sociologically analyzed by Ferdinand

To¨nnies in his classic Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft,

1887 [trans. 1957]). Processes (including the rise of

large urban agglomerations, rural exodus, rise of

crime rates) involved in the search for and the

transformation to a new social order to replace

or renovate the premodern one became a rich

terrain of inquiry for conservatives of the Le Play

school, liberals such as Auguste Comte and E´mile

Durkheim, and radicals such as the Marxists. The

ambivalence of sociologists and other intellectuals

regarding tradition is brought out in the important

study on Tradition (1981) by Edward Shils, who

himself emphasized the functional importance of

tradition in societal integration.

The theoretical analysis of tradition owes

much to Max Weber’s seminal ideal-type discussion

of traditional domination or traditionalism

(well discussed by Reinhard Bendix in Max Weber,

An Intellectual Portrait, 1977) as one mode of the

legitimation of power “legitime Herschaft”. Arguably,

Weber saw traditionalism, especially that

borne by a sacred tradition, as vestigial in the

rationalization process of modernity. This post-

Enlightenment perspective (common to liberal

and radical positions) carried over into the

1950s and 1960s in sociological and economic

approaches to growth and development which

saw tradition as providing non-rational obstacles

to the development of new nations and to the

development of a modern mentality. Illustrative

here is the classical modernization study of the

Middle East, Daniel Lerner’s The Passing of Traditional

Society (1958), which stressed the diversity

of the Arab-Islamic world but in retrospect underestimated

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