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316 Somerville, Whistler, 354, 395-396. Compare Arch, Joseph Arch, 35; Snell, Annals, 352.

317 Arch, Joseph Arch, 47; Hudson, Shepherd's Life, 55, 57-58, 62-63; Commission on Employment in Agriculture, BPP, 1867-68, 58.

318 Despite Jeffries obviously stereotypes Hodge, his account about "The Low 'Public'" contains enough subtleties to show it should be taken seriously. Hodge, 2:80-92; Snell, Annals, 359-63; Snell, Annals, 354, especially footnote 97; Gillis, Development of European Society, 6.

319 Snell, Annals, 354; Committee on New Poor Law, BPP, 1837, 50, 53-54. However, in some rather confusing, seemingly contradictory testimony, Arthur Daintrey, a member of this union's board of guardians, said the New Poor Law discouraged the marriage of already pregnant women because obtaining an order of affiliation under it cost so much.

320 Snell, Annals, 356.

321 Since the slaves themselves chose to emulate the traditional sexual division of labor after emancipation, this implicitly was how they judged their own situation. To apply Snell's point about letting the poor themselves judge what constitutes the quality of life can produce results that historians employing contemporary values may find disagreeable. Snell, Annals, 9-14.

322 Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:242-43.

323 Jeffries, Hodge, 1:165-67.

324 See Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:223-24.

325 Snell, Annals, 9-10, 13-14, 369 (quote).

326 Interestingly, Snell's approach turns the Whig interpretation of history on its head. What is now privileged are the values of a majority of average people in the past, instead of emphasizing the (relatively few) originators and developers of present-day values in various movements or individuals in the past.

327 At least, by c. 1700 this seemed to be the case in Virginia. Kolchin, Unfree Labor, 32; 454-55, n. 27.

328 Gundersen, "Double Bonds of Race and Sex," 367.

329 Kemble, Journal, 28, 121, 122, 151-52 (Ned).

330 Dill, "Our Mother's Grief," 418.

331 Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:216-17, 201-2; Drew, Refugee, 44; Northrup, Twelve Years a Slave, 116-17; White, "Female Slaves," 250, 251. Fogel and Engerman maintain that "plow gangs were confined almost exclusively to men, and predominantly to young men," but this is unduly dogmatic. Time on the Cross, 1:141.

332 Davis, Plantation Life, 77, 78, 79, 80, 86, 121, 125, 141, 234, 243, 247, 252, 304, 305, 310, 315, 344.

333 Spinning as a symbol of femininity is discussed in Norton, Liberty's Daughters, 15, 18-20.

334 Davis, Plantation Life, 355; similar expressions are found on 99 and 188.

335 Ibid., 86, 142, 223, 252, 256, 317, 344.

336 Ibid., 77, 78, 93, 105, 121, 154, 222, 300, 304.

337 Ibid., 80, 82, 105, 211, 212, 222, 223, 234, 243, 246, 252, 256, 305, 310, 315, 317. The disproportion of men trashing cotton compared to women stems largely from Barrow’s tendency to have the women spin on rainy days, but the men trash cotton.

338 Ibid., 80, 93, 192, 317.

339 Drew, Refugee, 217-18, 233; White, "Female Slaves," 251.

340 Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 1:141. Note the general descriptions of these two groups--"the men between" and "men of skill" (my emphasis)--in Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, 365-98.

341 Washington, Up from Slavery, 17; Blassingame, Slave Community, 180-81; Kemble, Journal, 182-83. See also 79. Kemble, for her part, could scarcely keep herself composed during the latter's request, having been struck at the sentimental center of her life; White, "Female Slaves," 251-53; Michael P. Johnson, "Smothered Slave Infants: Were Slave Mothers at Fault?," Journal of Southern History 47 (Nov. 1981): 512-14; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, 353-61.

342 Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 1:206-207. For communal cooking, note Bassett, Plantation Overseer, 31.

343 For examples of this system, see Armstrong, Old Massa's People, 23, 68-69; Douglass, Narrative, 22; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:239; Boney, "Blue Lizard," 354; Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, 147.

344 Kemble, Journal, 31; Drew, Refugee, 141.

345 Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:318; Armstrong, Old Massa's People, 212.

346 Angela Davis, "Reflections on the Black Woman's Role in the Community of Slaves," Massachusetts Review, winter-spring 1972, 88-89; Dill, "Our Mothers' Grief," 422; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, 451, 501.

347 On the subject of women being pushed out of the labor force, see Rab Houston and K.D.M. Snell, "Historiographical Review: Proto-Industrialization? Cottage Industry, Social Change, and Industrial Revolution," Historical Journal, 27 (June 1984):487; Snell, Annals, 21, 40-66, 156-58; 1834 Report, as quoted in Cunningham, "Employment and Unemployment of Children," 135. For a general analysis of men’s nature relative to women’s and its influence on their sex roles, see George Gilder, Men and Marriage.

348 An evident exception to this generalization concerned largely pastoral areas such as Dorset, where by the late nineteenth century (c. 1885), women did field work only uncommonly. Snell, Annals, 392-394. However, Jeffries' account of women field workers in Wiltshire, another heavily pastoral county in southwestern England, points in another direction. Jeffries, Hodge, 2:61-62.

349 Morgan, Harvesters and Harvesting, 11, 15, 20, 21, 24, 26, 52, 93, 102, 109-10, 115, 152.

350 Even though Snell's subtitle mentions 1660-1900, his work only sparsely covers the last half of the nineteenth century, especially when discounting his discussion of the inaccuracies in Thomas Hardy's portrayal of English rural life.

351 Commission on Employment in Agriculture, BPP, 1867-68, p. x.

352 Ibid., pp. xiii, xiv; Agar, "Bedfordshire Farm Worker," 15, citing Culley's investigation for this report. Conspicuously, the sample Bedfordshire farm employed fourteen men and eight boys, but no women, while the Northumberland one did, befitting the difference in the sexual division of labor between the north and south broadly speaking, at least for arable districts.

353 Patrick, "Agricultural Gangs," 22-26; Report on Employment in Agriculture, BPP, 1867-68, pp. xvi, xxii (Humber-Wold) xxvi (Northampton); Jeffries, Hodge, 2:61-62.


355 Snell, Annals, 40-45, 158; Deborah Valenze, "The Art of Women and the Business of Men: Women's Work and the Dairy Industry c. 1740-1840," Past & Present, no. 130 (Feb. 1991), 142-69; Jeffries, Hodge and his Masters, 1:85.

356 Commission on Employment in Agriculture, BPP, 1867-68, pp. vii, x (generally), xxiv (Yorkshire), xiii (Northumberland), xviii (Nottingham/Lincolnshire); See Stilton in Patrick, "Agricultural Gangs," 25. Caird found in Norfolk condemnations of female field work similar to the 1867-68 Report’s: "They contend that it [regular field work for women] has a most demoralising effect, causing women thus employed to lose all feeling of self-respect, rendering them bad housewives when married, and unfit, from want of experience, to exercise that strict economy in expenditure, and to provide those small fireside comforts which are so necessary in a labourer's wife." English Agriculture, 175-76.

357 Somerville, Whistler, 147, cf. 42; Cobbett, Rural Rides, 219-220; See also Snell, Annals, 67-71; Jeffries, Hodge, 2:97, 100-108.

358 Snell, Annals, 51-57, 66. Although left unstated, presumably the economic rationalization Snell mentions involved the increasing use of scythes in place of sickles for the harvesting of grain. But the substitution of one for the other was hardly an overnight process, since various methods of harvesting grain were sometimes employed side-by-side. The slow place of technological progress still allowed some women to do harvesting work even late in the nineteenth century. Morgan, Harvesters and Harvesting, 17-20, 25-29, 97-98, 115.

359 Valenze, "Women's Work and the Dairy Industry," 168; Commission on Employment in Agriculture, BPP, 1867-68, p. xviii; Jeffries, Hodge, 2:62.

360 Committee on Allotments, BPP, 1843, 18, 107; William Bear's report, 1893 Royal Commission on Labour, BPP, 1893-94, XXXV, as found in Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, 31.

361 Snell, Annals, 408; see also 304, 309, 369-73, 399-410. Of course, centralized work places did have their practical advantages for home life, as George M. Trevelyan comments: “The working class home often became more comfortable, quiet and sanitary by casing to be a miniature factory.” English Social History (New York and London: Longmans, Green & Company, 1942), 487, as cited by Robert Hessen in Ayn Rand, Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal (New York: The New American Library, 1967), 116.

362 Marx’s views on alienation are described by Fritz Pappenheim, The Alienation of Modern Man: An Interpretation Based on Marx and Tonnies (New York: Modern Reader Paperbacks, 1959), 84-97; E.P. Thompson, "Time, Work-Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism," Past and Present, no. 38 (Dec. 1967), 93, 95; M. Dorothy George, England in Transition: Life and Work in the Eighteenth Century (London: Penguin, 1953) 139, as cited by Robert Hessen in Ayn Rand, Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal (New York: The New American Library, 1967), 116-17.

363 For example, note poetic lament concerning housework piled on top of field work by the (fictional) early eighteenth century rural laboring wife "Mary Collier" in Thompson, "Time, Work-Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism,” 79.

364 A valiant attempt to square this particular circle appears in Joan Wallach Scott, Gender and the Politics of History (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), 167-77. For the view that traditional gender roles are not only based on biological differences, but that society needs to maintain them to avoid “sexual suicide,” see George Gilder, Men and Marriage.

365 On hours of work generally, see Stampp, Peculiar Institution, 73-79; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, 60-61; One sugar plantation owner disliked the poor whites living nearby because their lives of relative ease tended to demoralize his bondsmen. Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:331, 2:37, 88 (work hours); Drew, Refugee, 183; Armstrong, Old Massa's People, 87; Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, 70, 89.

366 Douglass, Narrative, 29; Armstrong, Old Massa's People, 353. Concerning overseers, note Bassett, Plantation Overseer, 12; Davis, Plantation Life, 329, 354; Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, 166; Drew, Refugee, 50 (Banks), 97 (Gowens), 190 (Sidles). Cf. Sidle's testimony with Isaac Griffin's on 199 and John C--n's on 192 from their travels on the Mississippi.

367 Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, 86; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:327-328, 337-338, 2:46-47, 239; Kemble, Journal, 303.

368 Kemble, Journal, 52, 65, 255, 260, 315; Douglass, Narrative, 88; Drew, Refugee, 52 (Johnson), 260 (Younger), 280 (Brown); Armstrong, Old Massa's People, 210; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:103 (Virginia), 2:100 (Mississippi), 2:179-80 (near Natchez); David and Temin in David, Reckoning, 211-12. These figures also are based upon the number of days worked per year, not just the hours per day that was worked. Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, 61; Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 1:208.

369 Thomas Batchelor, General View of the Agriculture of the County of Bedford (London, 1808), found in Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, 11; Thompson, "Time, Work-Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism," 60; Jeffries, Hodge, 2:57-63, 130, 132. He noted that wages were higher in summer than in winter, which corresponds to the number of hours worked daily.

370 Arch, Joseph Arch, 37-38; Batchelor as in Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, 12, 13; Somerville, Whistler, 32; Committee on Allotments, BPP, 1843, 112. The slaves normally had less time than this for meals. One of Douglass's chief complaints against Covey, to whom his master had rented him, and with which he later fought, was that he routinely cut their meal times too short. Narrative, 88.

371 As in Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, 19

372 Doyle's list as in Morgan, Harvesters, 107-8. Cf. Doyle's figures with Bear for the Royal Commission on Labour in 1893 for Bedfordshire. Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, 30.

373 Somerville, Whistler, 37; Jeffries, Hodge, 2:62; Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, 30.

374 Cf. this with the discussion of Northern versus Southern agriculture's relative efficiency in David, Reckoning, 209-11.

375 Kemble, Journal, p. 65; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:103; 2:100, 179; Armstrong, Old Massa's People, pp. 56, 87, 210; Benjamin Drew, Refugee, pp. 97, 128. In a number of these cases the exact length of the break is not given, but where it is stated or implied, often it was for a half hour or less, when it was not two hours instead!

376 Some laborers got off at five or six, and then worked on their allotments from six fifteen or six thirty to the end of the evening, but this was not done in winter. Others worked on them early in the morning at four or five, before going in to work for a local farmer or landowner. Committee on Allotments, BPP, 1843, pp. 1-2, 15.

377 Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, pp. 151, 170; Armstrong, Old Massa's People, p. 42; Northrup, Twelve Years a Slave, p. 149; Drew, Refugee, pp. 59 (Williams), 163 (Holmes), 186 (Warren), 360 (Sanford).

378 Gallay, "Origins of Slaveholders' Paternalism," pp. 380, 393; For slaves receiving Sunday off, see Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, p. 147; Davis, Plantation Life, pp. 188, 407; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:71-72; Stampp, Peculiar Institution, p. 79, 168; Kolchin, Unfree Labor, p. 107.

379 Drew, Refugee, p. 360; Stampp, Peculiar Institution, p. 79.

380 Northrup, Twelve Years a Slave, pp. 148-49.

381 For examples of slaves being given other holidays off, see Armstrong, Old Massa's People, pp. 134-35; Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, pp. 143-44; Sudie Duncan Sides, "Slave Weddings and Religion," History Today, 24 (Feb. 1974):84.

382 Davis, Plantation Life, pp. 139, 218, 247, 248, 279. See also p. 51; Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, p. 92; Douglass, Narrative, p. 83; Brent, Incidents, p. 13; Northrup, Twelve Years a Slave, p. 163.

383 Cf. Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 567-69.

384 For example, see Davis, Plantation Life, pp. 272, 301-302, 349, 352. Cold weather also could have similar effects: Ibid., p. 321.

385 Davis, Plantation Life, pp. 118, 119, 120, 124, 195, 196, 198, 232, 233, 258; Kemble, Journal, p. 274.

386 Somerville, Whistler, p. 385.

387 For how pastoral areas were different from arable in seasonal unemployment, note Snell, Annals, pp. 40-49; Hudson, Shepherd's Life, p. 327. Note also p. 329; Jeffries, Hodge, 1:81, 2:71; Bear, Royal Commission on Labour, 1893, as found in Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, pp. 30-31; M.C.F. Morris, The British Workman: Past and Present (London: Oxford University Press, 1928), p. 121. The chapter this statement appears in was said to characterize the years 1840-1860; Arch, Joseph Arch, p. 281.

388 Committee on Allotments, BPP, 1843, pp. 1-2, 112; Jeffries, Hodge, 1:71-72; cf. 2:165.

389 Diary, as found in Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, p. 107; Commission on Employment in Agriculture, BPP, 1867-68, p. xi (rain), xv (Durham), xvi (Humber-Wold), xxix (sickness); Hudson, Shepherd's Life, pp. 219-20; Somerville, Whistler, p. 45.

390 Kemble, Journal, p. 50. From the slave's viewpoint, Allen Parker said nearly the same thing, as cited by Blassingame, Slave Community, p. 317; Note Redpath's phrase in Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, p. 2. "Day-to-day resistance" is described in Stampp, Peculiar Institution, pp. 97-109. Note that the revolts and pitched battles were much less common in North American slavery than in the Caribbean and Latin America.

391 Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:60-61.

392 Davis, Plantation Life, p. 407. This comment attacks the system prevailing in Caribbean slavery, where the slaves had to work so many days on their masters' estates, and then spend so many days working on their own gardens to raise food for themselves, like medieval serfs. In some cases the task system in mainland North America came close to this.

393 Note the testimony of James Smith of Virginia in Drew, Refugee, p. 351.

394 Stampp, Peculiar Institution, p. 174. For cases of slaves not whipped, or not whipped as adults, or masters who rarely whipped their slaves, note Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, pp. 66, 143; Armstrong, Old Massa's People, p. 68; Drew, Refugee, p. 282; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:70. While such cases show that masters who never whipped their adult slaves were not complete oddities, they certainly constituted a mighty small minority of those who owned slaves in the South, as Genovese observed, Roll, Jordan, Roll, p. 64.

395 For a sample of the available evidence on this point, see Botkin, ed., Lay My Burden Down, pp. 9, 43, 85, 160, 164; Kemble, Journal, pp. 175, 200; Armstrong, Old Massa's People, p. 180; Davis, Plantation Life, pp. 109, 127, 133, 134; Brent, Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl, p. 197; Douglass, Narrative, pp. 71-72; Drew, Refugee, pp. 42, 49, 51, 54, 68, 74-75, 132, 138, 210, 227, 257, 382; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:280.

396 Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:207.

397 Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 1:145; For their general analysis of the Barrow diary and whipping frequency, see Sutch and Gutman in David, Reckoning, pp. 57-69; Gutman, Slavery and the Numbers Game, pp. 17-34; Davis, Plantation Life, pp. 181, 191, 192, 205, 239, 437, 439.

398 Davis, Plantation Life, pp. 268, 272, 421, 422; 392-406 (will); Gutman and Sutch in David, Reckoning, pp. 62-63; Kolchin, Unfree Labor, p. 123.

399 Gutman, Slavery and the Numbers Game, p. 19.

400 Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:349, 354; Davis, Plantation Life, p. 262; including other such atrocities is Ball, Slavery in the United States, pp. vi-viii; Alan D. Watson, "Impulse Toward Independence: Resistance and Rebellion among North Carolina Slaves, 1750-1775," Journal of Negro History 63 (Fall 1978):327. Also note Kemble, Journal, p. 304.

401 Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, p. 41 (Master Jim), 211 (Union); Drew, Refugee, p. 259; Douglass, Narrative, pp. 41-42.

402 Douglass, Narrative, p. 40; Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, p. 55.

403 Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, p. 67 (arson), 86 (Cato), 132 (Grayson); Gutman uses this lynching statistic this way. Slavery and the Numbers Game, p. 19.

404 Davis, Plantation Life, pp. 148, 174, 202, 211, 239, 359.

405 Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, p. 92, 164, 226; Davis, Plantation Life, pp. 50, 91, 112, 154, 175; John Thompson, The Life of John Thompson, A Fugitive Slave (Worcester, MA: 1856), p. 18, cited by Stampp, Peculiar Institution, p. 172.

406 Davis, Plantation Life, pp. 165, 166, 175, 269; Douglass, Narrative, pp. 97-99; Drew, Refugee, pp. 63-64, 206, 379.

407 Selling recalcitrant slaves was another punishment slaveholders inflicted, perhaps the most effective one in their arsenal, because it manipulated slave family ties for the purposes of imposing labor discipline, a point already covered above (p. 159). As Genovese noted: "The masters understood the strength of the marital and family ties among their slaves well enough to see in them a powerful means of social control. . . . No threat carried such force as a threat to sell the children, except the threat to separate husband and wife. . . . Masters and overseers . . . shaped disciplinary procedures to take full account of family relationships." Roll, Jordan, Roll, p. 452.

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