Critical Race Theory

***Impact*** Impact -Colorblindness Bad

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Impact -Colorblindness Bad

Colorblindness only reifies the white power and silences racism

Lopez, 2003 (Gerardo [Professor of Political Science], "The (Racially Neutral) Politics of Education: A Critical Race Theory Perspective", Educational Administration Quarterly Vol. 39, No. 1 (February 2003) 68-94, 6/28, // cjh

Racism, in other words, has been reduced to broad generalizations about¶ another group based on the color of their skin. It has become an individual¶ construction as opposed to a social and/or civilizational construct (Scheurich &¶ Young, 1997; Young & Laible, 2000). In this regard, racism is not necessarily¶ connected to the larger “distribution of jobs, power, prestige, and wealth”¶ (Crenshaw et al., 1995, p. xiv) but is viewed as deviant behaviors and/or attitudes¶ in an otherwise neutral world. The belief that colorblindness will eliminate¶ racism is not only shortsighted but reinforces the notion that racism is a¶ personal—as opposed to systemic—issue (Matsuda, 1996; McCarthy &¶ Crichlow, 1993; Scheurich & Young, 1997; Tatum, 1997; Valdes, Culp, &¶ Harris, 2002; Williams, 1995b).¶ By ignoring this broader sociological web of power in which racism functions,¶ individuals can readily equate White racism with Black nationalism.¶ This slippage only serves to protect the idea of a neutral social order by moving¶ the focus away from the barriers and inequities that exist in society and¶ refocusing it on the “ignorant” individual(s). As a result, the collective frustrations¶ of people of color and/or Black nationalist groups are simply seen as¶ irrational—their struggle and plight to end racism are, in effect, reduced to a¶ deviant form of “reverse” racism (see also Solorzano & Yosso, 2001;¶ Villalpando, in press). This slippage only maintains racism firmly in place by¶ ignoring or downplaying the role of White racism in the larger social order.¶ To be certain, racism has never waned in society; it has merely been manifested¶ in different forms. However, the discourse on racism has shifted¶ through time, such that overt and/or blatant acts of hate (e.g., name calling,¶ López / CRITICAL RACE THEORY 69¶ Downloaded from at UNIV CALIFORNIA BERKELEY LIB on June 26, 2015¶ lynching, hate crimes, etc.) have only been identified as being racist¶ (Crenshaw, 2002; Hayman & Levit, 2002). This focus on explicit acts has¶ ignored the subtle, hidden, and often insidious forms of racism that operate at¶ a deeper, more systemic level. When racism becomes “invisible,” individuals¶ begin to think that it is merely a thing of the past and/or only connected to the¶ specific act. Rarely is racism seen as something that is always present in society¶ and in our daily lives (Crenshaw et al., 1995; Delgado, 1995a; Delgado &¶ Stefancic, 2001; Valdes et al., 2002).

Impact -- Dehumanization

Dehumanization causes genocide, slavery, exploitation, and all other forms of oppression—turns case.

Katheryn Katz, Professor of Law, 1997, "The Clonal Child: Procreative Liberty and Asexual Reproduction," Lexis-Nexis

It is undeniable that throughout human history dominant and oppressive groups have committed unspeakable wrongs against those viewed as inferior. Once a person (or a people) has been characterized as sub-human, there appears to have been no limit to the cruelty that was or will be visited upon him. For example, in almost all wars, hatred towards the enemy was inspired to justify the killing and wounding by separating the enemy from the human race, by casting them as unworthy of human status. This same rationalization has supported: genocide, chattel slavery, racial segregation, economic exploitation, caste and class systems, coerced sterilization of social misfits and undesirables, unprincipled medical experimentation, the subjugation of women, and the social Darwinists' theory justifying indifference to the poverty and misery of others.

Impact -- Extinction

Failure to Combat Racism Risks Extinction

Barndt 91 (Joseph, Co-director, Crossroads, Dismantling Racism p. 155-156)

The limitations imposed on people of color by poverty, subservience, and powerlessness are cruel, inhuman, and unjust: the effects of uncontrolled power privilege, and greed, which are the marks of our white prison, will inevitably destroy us. But we have also seen that the walls of racism can be dismantled. We are not condemned to an inexorable fate, but are offered the vision and the possibility of freedom. Brick by brick, stone by stone, the prison of individual, institutional, and cultural racism can be destroyed. You and I are urgently called to join the efforts of those who know it is time to tear down, once and for all, the walls of racism. The danger point of self-destruction seems to be drawing even more near. The results of centuries of national and worldwide conquest and colonialism, of military buildups and violent aggression, of overconsumption and environmental destruction, may be reaching a point of no return. A small and predominately white minority of the global population derives its power and privilege from the suffering of the vast majority of peoples of color. For the sake of the world and ourselves, we dare not allow it to continue.

Impact -- Otherization

Ignoring subtleties in the rhetoric of poverty leads to injustice

Ross, ’91 (Professor of Law at the University of Pittsburgh, Thomas, Georgetown Law Journal, “The Rhetoric of Poverty: Their Immorality, Our Helplessness,” 79 Geo. L.J. 1499, SL)

Poor people are different from us. Most of them are morally weak and undeserving. And, in any event, we are helpless to solve the complex and daunting problem of poverty. This is the rhetoric of poverty. The United States Supreme Court has addressed the constitutional claims of poor people in a range of contemporary cases. 1 The rhetoric of poverty runs through these opinions. Poor people, it is said or implied, are unwilling to work and especially likely to commit fraud or child abuse, or to violate other legal and moral norms. They have bad attitudes and are the cause of their own poverty. At the same time, the problem of poverty is, in the Court's rhetoric, a problem of daunting complexity that is virtually beyond solution. Hard choices, suffering, even "Kafkaesque" results are simply unavoidable.The purposes of this article are to reveal the presence of these rhetorical themes in the Supreme Court's opinions and to argue that the Court's choices are disturbing. These themes, seen in the context of the individual cases, are either shamefully inapt or, at the very least, problematic. When we see that the Court's decisions are shored up by this rhetorical structure, we have good reason to question those decisions. The first rhetorical step, the creation of the abstraction the "poor," is an easily overlooked yet powerful part of the rhetoric of poverty. We are so used to speaking of the poor as a distinct class that we overlook the rhetorical significance of speaking this way. By focusing on the single variable of economic wealth and then drawing a line on the wealth continuum, we create a class of people who are them, not us. Creating this abstraction is, in one sense, merely a way of speaking. We do this because to speak of the world in sensible ways we must resort to categories and abstractions. There are meaningful differences between the circumstances of people below the poverty line and the circumstances of middle class people, and to ignore these real differences can lead to injustice. 2 Thus, to speak of the "poor" is a sensible way to [*1500] talk. In the rhetorical context, however, it is also much more.

This leads to otherization

Ross, ’91 (Professor of Law at the University of Pittsburgh, Thomas, Georgetown Law Journal, “The Rhetoric of Poverty: Their Immorality, Our Helplessness,” 79 Geo. L.J. 1499, SL)

The creation of the category of the "poor", also makes possible the assertion of their moral weakness. To assert their moral weakness, "they" must exist as a conceptually distinct group. There is a long history of speaking of the poor as morally weak, or even degenerate. 3 Thus, when we hear legal rhetoric about the poor, we often hear an underlying message of deviance: we are normal, they are deviant. Our feelings about their deviance range [*1501] from empathy to violent hatred. Still, even in the most benevolent view, they are not normal. Their deviance is a product of a single aspect of their lives, their relative wealth position. All other aspects of their lives are either distorted by the label of deviance or ignored. By creating this class of people, we are able at once to distinguish us from them and to appropriate normalcy to our lives and circumstances. The rhetorical assertion of judicial helplessness is also connected to widely shared and long-standing cultural assumptions about the nature of poverty. This rhetoric depends on the assumption that poverty is somehow built into the basic structure of our society and system of law. We assume that the eradication of poverty, even if possible in theory, would require the radical transformation of our society. The causes of poverty, we assume, are a product of a complex set of factors tied to politics, culture, history, psychology, and philosophy. Thus, only in a radically different world might poverty cease to exist. And, whatever the extent of the powers of the Court, radically remaking the world is not one of them. 4 The dual themes of moral deviance and judicial helplessness at first seem to be inconsistent. The premise of moral weakness suggests that the problem is really quite simple. If poor people simply chose to "straighten up and fly right," all would be well. If they would accept and commit to the moral norms of those of us not in poverty, they would cease to be poor, albeit only after a long time and much hard work. In this vision of poverty, the problem is uni-dimensional and is intractable only to the extent that poor people resist the personal, individual reform of their moral lives.

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