Contested Identity and Foreign Policy: Interpreting Russia’s International Choices

Illustration: Dmitri Medvedev’s European Security Policy

Download 100.66 Kb.
Size100.66 Kb.
1   2   3

Illustration: Dmitri Medvedev’s European Security Policy

This section offers illustration of the above-made points using the example of Russia’s European security policy during 2008-2010. My purpose is limited to probing and highlighting the above-made theoretical points in an empirical context. I make no claim of offering a definitive analysis – a more detailed research would be required to do that. Dmitri Medvedev’s pan-European diplomacy may be understood in terms of the outlined necessary steps to establish a meaning of foreign policy action (please see table 2). The preliminary analysis offered here does not support the view of the Russia’s diplomacy as seeking to divide the European continent and strengthen Russia’s leverage in dealing with neigbors.

Step 1: Medvedev’s Pan-European Diplomacy

Speaking in Berlin in June 2008 Russia’s president, Dmitri Medvedev (2008a), articulated a broad perspective on Europe “from Vancouver to Vladivostok” and proposed a new all-European treaty to establish a new security architecture by moving beyond NATO expansion and the conflict over Kosovo. He cited the need to strengthen international law and urged to move beyond Atlanticism by developing an equal partnership between the European Union, the United States and Russia. Medvedev further suggested that, if the West and Russia were able to sign the Helsinki Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe in 1975, then they would be in an even better position to negotiate a new security treaty after the end of the Cold War.

Moscow’s intervention in Georgia’s conflict with South Ossetia of August 2008 created new tensions in Russia-West relations, yet Medvedev saw the conflict as an opportunity to strengthen his case. According to him, very fact that neither NATO, not OSCE were able to prevent the military confrontation indicated the need for an improved security framework in Europe. The two organizations, Medvedev argued, were important yet insufficient for filling the existing security vacuum. Comparing the significance of the Caucasus conflict to Russia to that of September 11, 2001 to the United States, Russia’s president insisted that “[w]e simply have to create a new security system, otherwise there will be no guarantees that someone like Saakashvili could not … try something similar to what happened in August” (Medvedev 2008b, 2009a). In November 2009, Russia published its proposal for a new security treaty by pledging to legally restrict its unilateral use of force in exchange for European nations and the United States doing the same. The Kremlin presented the draft as the document that would "finally do away with the legacy of the Cold War" (Humphries 2009).

Throughout the subsequent year, Medvedev promoted his idea, but at the end of 2010 he expressed disappointment with the lack of international support. During the Munich Security Conference in October 2010, the President appealed to the European audience with his vision of a new comprehensive security treaty, expressing hope to have a “worthy global response” to his idea (Bridge 2010; Bennhold 2010). However, in December, addressing the participants of the OSCE summit in Astana, Kazakhstan, Medvedev acknowledged that two and half years of discussions did not lead to any breakthrough. Citing the power of stereotypes, he said his initiative may have appeared ahead of its time and would have to wait before being considered in the future (RIA Novosti 2010).

Step 2: Does Medvedev Sound Like a Supporter of European Cooperation?

How should one interpret Medvedev’s vision? Some observers presented it as a tactics to promote Russia’s interests by driving a wedge between Western countries and undermining cohesiveness of existing European organizations, such NATO, the EU, and the OSCE (Bugajski 2010; Kulhanek 2010). In this interpretation, Medvedev’s policy continued Vladimir Putin’s efforts to divide the European continent by practicing selective energy deals and coercive diplomacy toward the former Soviet neighbors. One problem with this approach is that Medvedev’s own interpretation of his security initiative is excluded from analysis. Rather than studying Medvedev’s views, such an approach dismisses them either as largely irrelevant rhetoric – assuming that it is Putin who holds the real power in Russia – or as a smokescreen to conceal Moscow’s genuine intentions.

The President’s own explanation of his actions does not fit the West-hostile perspective that is occasionally attributed to him. Analogies, metaphors, examples and the overall language of his speeches and statements provide ample room for interpreting his subjective vision as that of a committed supporter of Russia-Europe cooperation. Positive references to the Helsinki Act and statesmen such as Charles De Gaulle and Mikhail Gorbachev, on the one hand, and negative references to the Cold War and conflicts that separated Russia and the West, on the other, constitute discursive evidence in favor of such interpretation. The metaphors of Europe from Vancouver to Vladivostok and a “common European home”, once exploited by Gorbachev, also provide support for such conclusion. Furthermore, despite his critique of the European organizations’ failure to deliver security, Medvedev’s language indicates support for Russia’s increased cooperation with these organizations, not the desire for their dissolution as obsolete entities.12 The President’s justification for such a framework is defined in positive-sum categories of common values, common history and common security interests, and reveals little bitterness over Western countries’ lack of attention to Russia’s concerns in the past. That Medvedev advocates cooperation with Europe, while remaining sensitive to the national interests of Russia, does not make him a supporter of weak European institutions and a strong unilateral Russia.
Step 3: Is Medvedev a Westernizer or a Statist?

To go beyond Medvedev’s subjective interpretation, the section matches his vision with those of existing schools of foreign policy thinking in Russia. Broadly speaking, the country has developed three distinct schools of thought about the self and the world – Westernist, Statist and Civilizationist. Westernizers places the emphasis on Russia’s similarity with Western nations and views the West as the most viable and progressive civilization in the world. Statists equate successful foreign policy with that of a strong independent state and emphasize the state’s ability to respond to external threats to Russia’s security. Finally, Civilizationists conceptualize the Russia-West relationship in terms of cultural oppositions. Viewing Russia as a civilization in its own right, many Civilizationists insist on its “mission” in the world and spreading Russian values abroad (Tsygankov 2010).

Medvedev’s security initiative found strong support among Westernizers and Statists, thereby obtaining inter-subjective meaning. Westernizers supported the initiative as helpful for integrating Russia with European institutions, which many of them viewed as indispensable for Russia’s development. For example, the Institute of Contemporary Development, a liberal think-tank headed by Igor Yurgens, issued a wide-ranging report describing Russia’a aspired future in the 21st century (Rossiya XXI veka 2010). The report presented the country as bound to the European Union by a legal treaty on strategic partnership in military, energy, political, and cultural areas, as well by a new security treaty concluded along the lines of 1975 Helsinki agreement. The authors of the report described the EU and Russia as two entities with shared values, security interests, and visions of world order (Rossiya XXI veka 2010, 44-45). Those favoring the Statist line of thinking extended their support to Medvedev on the ground of protecting Russia’s sovereignty and security from potential external threats. They viewed the lack of strategic ties with the West as a tough predicament for Russia because of the nation’s internal weakness and the rising China problem (Lukyanov 2008; Khramchikhin 2009; Suslov 2010). By insisting on equal partnership with Europe, Statists presented the optimal relationship with the EU in terms of a strategic “bargain” (Bordachev 2009) that would position Russia for political maneuvering in an increasinlgy dangerous multipolar world.

Although some Westernizers and Civilizationists challenged the Westernist-Statist consensus, it enjoyed the hegemonic status within the national discourse. Those critical of Medvedev’s security initiative (for example, Shevtsova 2010a; Kasparov 2010) found themselves marginalized in the political spectrum and without significant foreign policy resources. On the other hand, many of those who had previously been behind Putin’s assertive stance toward Europe13 now embraced Medvedev, whom they viewed as someone with sufficient support of Putin. As three European analysts concluded about the Russian discourse, “Although there is a lively debate between different factions around the Kremlin …, it is important to understand that this is a competition within the wider ‘Putin consensus’” (Krastev, Leonard and Wilson 2009).14 The Westernist-Statist consensus had precedents in Russia’s past and was therefore also historically sustainable. For both institutional and security reasons, a number of Russian statesmen, beginning with foreign ministers Nikolai de Giers and Alexander Gorchakov, historically favored a strong alliance with European nations, viewing it as essential for preserving peace and continuing with modernization at home.

Step 4: Is Medvedev Gaining International Recognition?

Russia’s attempt to objectivize the meaning of its policy on the international level was not successful. Despite sufficient backing at home, Medvedev’s vision did not receive the outside support he was looking for. Although some Western nations welcomed Russia’s efforts to reach out to Europe, they offered only general support and remained wary of Medvedev’s initiative. Germany and France responded by proposing to establish the EU-Russia Political and Security Committee as an institution to consult on strategic issues on the continent (Dempsey 2010; Terekhov 2010). They agreed with the need to address the vacuum of European security, but did not find Russia’s proposal satisfactory. NATO Secretary-General Anders Fogh Rasmussen said he saw no need for the new legally binding security treaty "because we do have a framework already" (Bridge 2010). The United States was equally dismissive. U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton found that a new European treaty was unnecessary – the position that Medvedev was described as reflecting “a certain envy” among “our American partners” (RIA Novosti 2010). Washington expressed full confidence in the NATO-centered security system in Europe and proposed that any revisions should be discussed in the OSCE context.15 Finally, the Eastern European nations were concerned that Russia’s initiative was about recognizing Russia’s sphere of interests and giving Moscow a veto over NATO’s international operations. They shared the perspective of Georgia and viewed Russia as the most important threat to their security.16

Step 5: Medevedev’s European Policy in Comparative Perspective

Medvedev’s European security proposals were generally in line with his policies in other international directions. Although Russia was critical of the United States’ unilateralism in world politics, Moscow did not call for any concerted effort to undermine the U.S. global position. Instead, Russia’s foreign policy documents defend the notion of collective leadership and multilateral diplomacy as the alternative to unilateralism and hegemony in international relations.17 Concerned about Washington’s plans to deploy elements of the missile defense system (MDS) in Europe, Medvedev sought to address the issue by establishing a good rapport with Barak Obama, cooperating with the United States on Iran and the new nuclear treaty, and proposing to develop MDS jointly. Russia’s president also worked on improving the image of Russia in Western business circles, and he traveled to the United States in part to facilitate investments and cooperation in the information technology sector. In relations with European nations, Russia sought to build new pipelines, like the North Stream, and jointly develop energy fields, such as Shtockman in the Barents Sea. Outside the West, Russia strengthened its regional influence and played an important role in establishing international coalitions, such as the SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organization) and BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India, and China). Moscow also further improved bilateral ties with China, Turkey and Israel.

Medvedev’s approach was formulated in his address to the Federation Council in November 2009, when he insisted that the effectiveness of foreign policy must be "judged by a simple criterion: Does it improve living standards in our country?" (Medvedev 2009b). He subsequently instructed Russia’s ambassadors to build “modernization alliances” across the world, especially with the United States and other Western nations (Medvedev 2010). The global economic crisis heralded a new era in which Russia could no longer think about its foreign policy priorities as predominantly Western, yet Moscow remained convinced of the value of reengaging the West. Overall, Medvedev’s foreign policies offer additional support to the interpretation of his European diplomacy as aiming to strengthen Russia’s relations with Western nations, rather than undermine their unity. The 2008-2010 period does not offer strong evidence to the latter.

This paper has advocated an approach to foreign policy that helps to establish its meaning in relevant national and international settings. While recognizing the importance of social context in interpreting state action, I stress the contested and heterogeneous nature of such a context. The contested identity approach adds to our understanding of foreign policy formation and the likelihood of its implementation.

Russia’s proposal to conclude a new European security treaty is a case in point. The approach undertaken in this paper illustrates the proposal’s inadequacy in terms of its ability to gain the sought inter-subjective meaning. Although Russia’s policy meant to move beyond the existing divisions on the continent and was supported at home – from those favoring strong ties with the West to those sensitive to Russia’s independence – it failed to generate broader support among Western governments. The Russian meaning of the proposal as an invitation to cooperate with Europe, not to divide it for power purposes, did not resonate abroad, and the proposal could not be implemented.Thecase of Russia’s European diplomacy tentatively supports one of the hypotheses articulated in table 1: an internally supported foreign policy may not be viewed as successful if it is not supported by the relevant outside audience.

More generally, the Russian case suggests that social contestation matters in both accurately describing foreign policy formation and predicting its outcomes. For a policy to be established and implemented, its official meaning must engage those on the broader national and international level. Obtaining such inter-subjective understanding shared by all relevant actors is essential for policy success. Scholars of foreign policy will therefore do well to pay more attention to theorizing social contexts in terms of their boundaries, overlaps and degree of contestation.

Table 1. Two Conditions of Foreign Policy Success

National Support



International Recognition







Table 2. Russia’s European Diplomacy: Five Steps to Understanding

Foreign Policy Interpretation

Russia’s European Policy: Key Questions

Step 1

Recording State Action

What are Medvedev’s key actions and statements toward Europe?

Step 2

Interpreting the Official Documents

Is Medvedev Supporter of a European cooperation?

Step 3

Locating Policy withn National Schools of Thought

Is Medvedev a Westernizer of a Statist?

Step 4

Tracking International Recognition

Is Medvedev’s European policy gaining international recognition?

Step 5

Comparing Policy to Other Relevant Cases

Is Medvedev’s European policy comparable to policies in other directions?


Abdelal, Rawi, Yoshiko M. Herrera, Alastair Ian Johnston, and Rose McDermott. (2006) Identity as a Variable. Perspectives on Politics 4, 4: 695-711.

Acharya, Amitav. (2001) Constructing a Security Community in Southeast Asia: ASEAN and the Problem of Regional Order. New York: Routledge.

Adler, Emanuel and Michael Barnett, eds. (1998) Security Communities. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Adler, Emanuel. (2005) Communitarian International Relations: The Epistemic Foundations of International Relations. New York: Routledge.

Alker, Hayward R. (1981) Dialectical Foundations of Global Disparities. International Studies Quarterly 25, 1.

Alker, Hayward R. and Thomas J. Biersteker. (1984) The Dialectics of World Order: Notes for a Future Archeologist of International Savior Faire. International Studies Quarterly 28, 2.

Alker Hayward R., Thomas J. Biersteker, and Takashi Inoguchi. (1989) From Imperial Power Balancing to People's Wars. In International/Intertextual Relations, edited by J. Der-Derian and M.J. Shapiro. Lexington Books.

Armstrong, Patrick. (2010) The Third Turn. Russia Other Points of View, November 17

Banerjee, Sanjoy. (2002) Actions, practices, and historical structures: The partition of India. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 2.

Banerjee, Sanjoy. (2009) Building structurationist international relations theory. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association’s 50th Annual Convention, New York, Feb 15.

Barnett, Michael. (1998) Dialogues in Arab Politics: Negotiations in Regional Order. New York: Columbia University Press.

Barnett, Michael. (2002) The Israeli Identity and the Peace Process. In: Identity and Foreign Policy in the Middle East, edited by Shibley Telhami and Michael Barnett, pp. 58-87. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

Barnett, Michael and Raymond Duvall. (2005) Power in International Politics. International Organization 59: 39-75.

Barnett, Michael and Martha Finnemore. (2004) Rules for the World: International Organizations in Global Politics. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

Bennhold, Katrin. (2010) At Deauville, Europe Embraces Russia. New York Times, October 19.

Borodachev, Timofei. (2009) Novyi strategicheski soyuz (The New strategic union). Москва, Европа.

Bridge, Robert (2010) Moscow looking for European "re-think" at Munich Security Conference. Russia Today, October 21

Brooks, Stephen G. and William C. Wohlforth. (2001) Power, Globalization, and the End of the Cold War. International Security 25, 3.

Bugajski, Janusz. (2009) Dismantling the West:Russia’s Atlantic Agenda. Potomac Books.

Callahan, Patrick. (2004) Logics of American Foreign Policy: Theories of America’s World Role. New York.

Charap, Samuel and A. Petersen. (2010) Reimagining Eurasia: A New "Great Game Will Not Increase U.S. Influence in Russia's Backyard. Foreign Affairs, August 20.

Clunan, Anne L. (2009) The Social Construction of Russia's Resurgence: Aspirations, Identity, and Security Interests. Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press.

Cohen, Ariel. (2010) Time to Revise Obama's Russian "Reset" Policy. The Heritage Foundation, October 26.

Cohen, Ariel and Helle C. Dale. (2010) Russian Anti-Americanism: A Priority target for U.S. Public Diplomacy. Heritage Foundation Backgrounder # 2373, February 24.

Crawford, R. M. A. and D. S. L. Jarvis, eds. (2001) International Relations—Still an American Social Science? Toward Diversity in International Thought. New York: State University of New York Press.

Daalder, Ivo. (2009) Action Request: Baltic Contingency Planning,” October 18

Dallmayr, Fred R. and Thomas A. McCarthy, eds. (1977) Understanding and Social Inquiry. University of Notre Dame Press.

Dempsey Judy. (2010) Russia Wants to Formalize Relation With E.U. New York Times, October 18.

Doty, Roxanne. (1996) Imperial Encounters: Patterns of Representation in North/South Relations. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Edelman, Murray. (1988) Constructing the Political Spectacle. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

English, Robert D. Russia and the Idea of the West: Gorbachev, Intellectuals and the End of the Cold War. New York: Columbia University Press.

English, Robert and Ekaterina Svyatets. (2010) A Presumption of Guilt? Western Media Coverage of the 2008 Russia-Georgia War. Paper presented at the annual convention of the International Studies Association, New Orleans, February 17-20.

Evangelista, Mathew. (1999) Unarmed Forces: The Transnational Movements to End the Cold War Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

Feklyunina, Valentina (2010) Russia’s Attempts at Public Diplomacy. Paper presented at the annual convention of the International Studies Association, New Orleans, February 17-20.

Fierke, Karin M. (1996) Multiple identities, interfacing games. European Journal of International Relations 2, 4: 476-98.

Fierke, Karin M. (2004) World or Worlds? The Analysis of Content and Discourse. Qualitative Methods 2, 1: 36–39.

Finnemore, Martha. 1996. National Interest in International Society. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

Gvosdev, Nikolas K. (2010) The Reset Blooms. The National Interest, October 28.

Hoffmann, Stanley. (1995 [1977]) “An American Social Science: International Relations.” In: International Theory, edited by James Der-Derian, pp. 37-60. New York: State University of New York Press.

Inayatullah, Naeem and David L. Blaney (2004) International Relations and the Problem of Difference. London: Routledge.Jones, Branwen Gruffydd, ed. (2006) Decolonizing international relations. Lanham, Md. : Rowman & Littlefield.

Legvold, Robert. (2009) The Russia File. Foreign Affairs 88, 4, July-August.

Guzzini, Stephano. (2005) The Concept of Power: A Constructivist Analysis. Millennium: Journal of International Studies 33, 3: 495–521.

Hamati-Ataya, Inanna. (2011) The “Problem of Values” and International Relations Scholarship: From Applied Reflexivity to Reflexivism. International Studies Review 13, 2: 259–287.

Herman, Robert G. (1996) Identity, Norms, and National Security: The Soviet Foreign Policy Revolution and the End of the Cold War. In: The Culture of National Security, edited by Peter J. Katzenstein. New York: Columbia University Press.

Hollis, Martin and Steven Smith. (1990) Explaining and Understanding in International Relations. Clarendon: Oxford University Press.

Hopf, Ted. (2002) Social Construction of International Politics: Identities and Foreign Policies, Moscow, 1955 and 1999. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

Hopf, Ted. (2010) The logic of habit in International Relations. European Journal of International Relations 16, 4:

Howard, Peter. (2010) Triangulating Debates Within the Field: Teaching International Relations Research Methodology. International Studies Perspectives 11: 393–408.

Humphries, Conor (2009) Russia drafts "post-Cold War" East-West security pact. Reuters, November 29.

Inayatullah, Naeem and David L. Blaney. (1999) Toward an Ethnological IPE: Karl Polanyi’s Double Critique of Capitalism. Millennium 28, 2.

Kanet, Roger E. ed. (2009) A Resurgent Russia and the West: The European Union, NATO and Beyond. Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Republic of Letters Publishing.

Kasparov, Garry. (2010) Don't cosy up to Russia, Europe. The Guardian, February 23.

Katzenstein, Peter J., ed. (1996) The Culture of National Security. New York: Columbia University Press.

Khramchikhin, Aleksandr. (2009) Sovbez ozabotilsya natsional’noi bezopasnostyu. Nezavisimoye voyennoye obozreniye, January 16.

Klotz, Audie and Cecelia Lynch. (2007) Strategies for Research in Constructivist International Relations. M. E. Sharpe.

Kramer, David J. (2010) Resetting U.S.-Russian Relations: It Takes Two,” Washington Quarterly 33, 1.

Kramer, David J. (2010) America's silence makes us complicit in Russia's crimes,” Washington Post, September 20.

Krastev, Ivan, Mark Leonard and Andrew Wilson, eds. (2009). What does Russia think? London: European Council on Foreign Relations.

Kratochvíl, Petr (2008) The Discursive Resistance to EU-Enticement: The Russian Elite and (the Lack of) Europeanisation. Europe-Asia Studies, 60, 3.

Larson, Deborah Welch and Alexei Shevchenko. (2003) Shortcut to Greatness: The New Thinking and the Revolution in Soviet Foreign Policy. International Organization 57.

Lederer, Ivo J., ed. (1967) Russian Foreign Policy: Essays in Historical Perspective. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Legvold, Robert, ed. (2007) Russian Foreign Policy in the Twenty-First Century and the Shadow of the Past. New York: Columbia University Press.

LeVine, Steve (2010) Reset, rethought. Foreign Policy, November 11.

Lucas, Edward. (2008) The New Cold War: The Future of Russia and the Threat to the West. London: Bloomsbury.

Lukyanov, Fyodor (2008) Rossiya mezhdu Kitayem i Zapadom. Novoye Vremya, No 22, June 2.

Lukyanov, Fyodor. (2008) Russia-EU: The Partnership That Went Astray. Europe-Asia Studies, 60, 6.

Lynch, Marc. (1999) State Interests and Public Sphere: The International Politics of Jordan Identity. New York: Columbia University Press.

Lynch, Marc. (2000) The Dialogue of Civilizations and International Public Sphere. Millennium 29, 2: 307-30.

Mankoff, Jeffrey. (2009). Russian Foreign Policy

Mankoff, Jeffrey. (2010) Changing Course in Moscow. Foreign Policy, September 7.

Mattern, Janice Bially. (2001) The Power Politics of Identity. European Journal of International Relations 7, 3.

McNamara, Sally. (2010) Russia’s Proposed New European Security Treaty: A Non-Starter for the U.S. and Europe. Heritage Foundation, Backgrounder # 2463, September 16.

Mead, Walter Russell. (2002) Special Providence: American Foreign Policy and How It Changed the World. London: Routledge.

Medvedev, Dmitri (2008a). Speech in Berlin. Izvestia, June 6.

Medvedev, Dmitri (2008b). Transcript of the Meeting with the Participants in the International Club Valdai, Moscow,, September 12.

Medvedev, Dmitri (2009a). Interview of the President to the Spanish Media,, March 1.

Medvedev, Dmitri (2009b) Poslaniye Federal’nomu Sobraniyu Rossiyskoi Federatsiyi,, November 12.

Medvedev, Dmitri (2010) Speech at meeting with Russian ambassadors and permanent representatives in international organisations,, July 12.

Miliken, Jennifer. (1999) The Study of Discourse in International Relations. European Journal of International Relations 5, 2 (1999): 225-54.

Nabers, Dirk (2009) Filling the Void of Meaning: Identity Construction in U.S. Foreign Policy After September 11, 2001. Foreign Policy Analysis 5, 191–214.

Obzor vneshnei politiki Rossiyskoi federatsiyi (A Review of the Russian Federation’s Foreign Policy), March 27, 2007

Pavlovski, Gleb (2008) Formula 5x6. Moskovskiy Komsomolets, November 18.

Pellerin, Helene, ed. (2010) La perspective en Relations internationales. Outremont: Athena.

Pouliot, Vincent. (2007)Sobjectivism”: Toward a Constructivist Methodology. International Studies Quarterly 51, 2: 359-384.

Pouliot, Vincent. (2010) International Security in Practice: The Politics of NATO-Russia Diplomacy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010.

RIA Novosti. (2010) Europe will need European Security Treaty sooner or later – Medvedev. RIA Novosti, December 1.

Ragsdale, Hugh, ed. Imperial Russian Foreign Policy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993.

Ringman, Eric. (2002) The Recognition Game: Soviet Russia Against the West. Cooperation and Conflict 37, 2.

Sarotte, Mary Elise. (2010) Perpetuating U.S. Preeminence The 1990 Deals to “Bribe the Soviets Out” and Move NATO. International Security 35, 1

Shevtsova, Lilia (2010a) “The Kremlin Kowtow,” Foreign Policy, January 5.

Share with your friends:
1   2   3

The database is protected by copyright © 2020
send message

    Main page