Contents 1 acknowledgements 15 abbreviations 19 introduction 22 No means is too evil for these puppeteers and warmongers. They even sink their own ships, as in the case of the "Athenia," letting innocent people perish 39 chapter 1 47

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No means is too evil for these puppeteers and warmongers. They even sink their own ships, as in the case of the "Athenia," letting innocent people perish 39


Propaganda, ‘co-ordination’ and ‘centralisation’: the Goebbels network in search of a total empire 47

[t]he ability to make a film is not the only important thing. The inner greatness of the ideas must coincide with the external means. When this happens, German films can become a force in the world, with limitless opportunities for development. Vague, formless films are not capable of making this kind of impact on the world. The more closely a film reflects national contours, the greater are its chances of conquering the world. If the film industry starts to exercise a dangerous influence, then it is the duty of the state to step in and exercise control. 53

[i]t is not the intention of the government to meddle in the affairs of the professional organisations. These organisations will, in fact, be granted greater rights. The government wants to proceed in full co-operation with the artistic film world and to follow a common path with it. For this it is not necessary for the artist to be associated with the Party, but they must clearly acknowledge the new basis of society [and] raise themselves to the general spiritual level of the nation 53

chapter 2 86

chapter 2 86

Polyocracy’ versus ‘centralisation’: the multiple ‘networks’ of NS propaganda 86

I venture to suggest that we are confronted with a form of society in which the ruling groups control the rest of the population directly, without the mediation of that rational though coercive apparatus hitherto known as the state. This new social form is not yet fully realized, but the trend exists which defines the very essence of the regime … In fact, except for the charismatic power of the Leader, there is no authority that co-ordinates the four powers [party, army, bureaucracy, industry], no place where the compromise between them can be put on a universal valid basis. 86

[i]n the last years of the Nazi era there is the most striking evolution along feudal lines. Göring, Goebbels, Himmler, and the newcomers, Speer and Bormann, had constructed virtually impregnable appanages. The more dependent Hitler became upon their empires for German victory, the more easily they looted the power of rivals like Rosenberg and Ribbentrop, Sauckel and Keitel. They made their systems independent of the central authorities and even of the Führer's support by absorbing some vehicle of power, usually economic, though Goebbels also used the mass media and Himmler the secret police 88

On this thirtieth of January [1933] . .. the Hegelian civil service state of the nineteenth century . . . gave way to another state structure. On this day, one can therefore say, Hegel died 88

in spite of these facts [that justify Berndt], I have taken your note as an opportunity to particularly inform one more time the heads of the RMVP’s divisions that, before tackling important political tasks or obtaining reports they should turn to Tießler, so as to keep the Party Chancellery involved or at least informed in every case … 111



The discourses of NS propaganda: long-term emplotment and short-term justification 125

A bitter struggle is waged by the Axis powers for the future of our continent. Just as necessity has brought us together in military terms, so too millions of foreign and German workers stand side by side in factories, in farms, or on newly cultivated lands. They fight against the common enemy by using the language of labour (…) This demonstrates an enormous dynamics, spearheaded by Germany, that determine the fate of all European nations 135

[t]herefore there is only one solution for all Germans and all Europeans, who during this hour of destiny fight for their freedom: to reduce to dust all enemies of our venerable, beloved Europan continent! 136

the rescue of Europe began at one end of the continent with Mussolini and Fascism. National Socialism continued this rescue in another part of Europe (…) [in] brave triumph over the Jewish international attempt to destroy European civilization 137

Up to the very last it would have been quite possible to have arranged a peaceful and honourable settlement between Germany and Poland, but Hitler would not have it (…) His action shows convincingly that there is no chance of expecting that this man will ever give up his practice of using force to gain his will. He can only be stopped by force (…) [I]t is evil things that we shall be fighting against - brute force, bad faith, injustice, oppression and persecution 141

We did not want war. England inflicted it on us. English plutocracy forced it on us. England is responsible for the war, and it will have to pay for it. (…) They will one day deal a terrible blow to the capitalist plutocrats who are the cause of their misery. 142

What is relevant is that we want to give the millions of Europe a common basis and a common ideal. England has until now resisted this ideal. England has attempted to keep Europe in disorder, since it saw that as the best defence of its island existence. But it is falling under the gigantic blows of our army. Once it falls, we will have the chance to bring peace to Europe. 144

"It is revealed clearly once more that not a system of Government, not a young nationalism, not a new and well applied Socialism brought about this war. The guilty ones are exclusively the Jews and the Plutocrats. (…) This clique of Jews and Plutocrats have invested their money in armaments and they had to see to it that they would get their interests and sinking funds; hence they unleashed this war (3064-PS) 145

the 7,000 billion credit which the USA is granting Britain is in fact not going to Britain but straight into the pockets of American capitalists. The press must now emphasise that the American people have to raise 7,000 billion which will profit no-one except the big industrialists 146

I believe that all states will have to face the same problems that we once had to face. State after state will either succumb to the Jewish Bolshevik pest or will ward it off. We have done so, and we have now erected a national German People's State. 149

[In the past] Jewish parasites, on the one hand, plundered the nation ruthlessly and, on the other hand, incited the people, reduced as it was to misery. As the misfortune of our nation became the only aim and object of this race, it was possible to breed among the growing army of unemployed suitable elements for the Bolshevik revolution. 149

I again feel spiritually free. The partnership with the Soviet Union, in spite of the complete sincerity of the efforts to bring about a final conciliation, was nevertheless often very irksome to me, for in some way or other it seemed to me to be a break with my whole origin, my concepts, and my former obligations. I am happy now to be relieved of these mental agonies. 150

Bolshevism is using every available resource to resist annihilation. It is a matter of life or death. Only one of us will survive. One must consider what would have happened if the Führer had not acted to deal with the Soviet danger. Only then can one understand what is at stake. Our soldiers are witnesses to Moscow's plans. They have seen with their own eyes the preparations made for the destruction first of Germany, then of Europe. They also have first hand experience with the Soviet system, and can see the true conditions in the paradise of workers and farmers. (…) This is more than a campaign or even a war. It is a historic battle with fate in the broadest sense of the word. 151

[t]he end of the battle against the Bolshevist army in the East is German victory and therefore the victory of non-Jewish humanity over the most dangerous instrument of the Jewish world destroyers. The cause of the world's misfortune however will be forever eliminated only when Jewry in its entirety is annihilated. 152

He who has seen this understands the historic conflict in which we are now engaged, a conflict in which there can be no compromise. There are only two possible outcomes: Either the German people will win and ensure the survival of the world and its culture, or it will perish and all the peoples of the world will fall into the barbarism of the Soviet state that has reduced millions to powerless starving slaves. To stop that from happening, the best elements of Europe are fighting under German leadership at the side of our soldiers to destroy the fateful threat to the life and culture of Europe. Our battle is to free the East, along with its vast and inexhaustible riches and agricultural resources, and to save Europe from the nightmare that has threatened it for millennia. 154

The peoples of the Soviet Union live at a level of brutish primitiveness that we can hardly imagine. An exhibition called "The Soviet Paradise" has recently visited Berlin and other large cities, trying to show the nature of life in the Soviet Union through original materials. Normal and naive people can hardly believe it. One often saw groups of civilians discussing the matter heatedly, who then had to be told by a few wounded veterans of the Eastern Front that reality in the so-called workers' and peasants' paradise was even worse than what was presented (…) None of our soldiers has seen any evidence of an agreement between the theory and practice of Bolshevism. None has returned from the East as a communist. The veil has been removed. Bolshevism is not a danger for us any longer. 155

[t]oday there is no further need to show how stupid the idea was that Europe might have been protected from Bolshevist Russia by Poland. The widespread belief that it might be possible to appease the Bolshevist colossus by renouncing all thoughts of strength, and that a Europe dedicated to peace which continued to progressively disarm would have foiled Bolshevist Russia's plans for world conquest, is just as stupid. (…) Unless this Bolshevistic-Asiatic colossus is finally broken and defeated it will continue to launch its assaults on Europe for a long time to come. 158

Germany was barely able to bring [the war] to a swift conclusion through a large-scale attack against England, because the gigantic Russian troop aggregations tied down so many German troops on our eastern border. (…) Here met Churchill and Stalin's interests. Both had the wish to prolong the war as much as possibly; the former in order to split Europe once more and neutralize once again its political, economic and military strength; the latter, in order to cause a blood-bath and thus make Europe ripe for Bolshevisation 159

One looks around in the camp of our enemies: where one looks, Jews and more Jews. Jews behind Roosevelt as his cerebral trust, Jew behind Churchill, Jews as a malicious agitator and whip in the whole English-American-Soviet press, Jews in the corners of the Kremlin as the real bearers of the Bolshevism. The international Jew is the glue that holds together the hostile coalition. He hits with his world-wide connections the bridges between Moscow, London and Washington. The war derives from him, he wages it from the background, and now he would also like to be his only beneficiary. We face here the most dangerous enemy of the world 162

President Roosevelt, lacking ability himself, lends an ear to his brain trust, whose leading men I do not need to mention by name; they are Jews, nothing but Jews. And once again, as in the year 1915, [the USA] will be incited by a Jewish President and his completely Jewish entourage to go to war without any reason or sense whatever, with nations which have never done anything to America, and with people from whom America can never win anything. 163

What would England and America do if Europe fell into Bolshevism's arms? Will London perhaps persuade Bolshevism to stop at the English Channel? I have already said that Bolshevism has its foreign legions in the form of communist parties in every democratic nation. None of these states can think it is immune to domestic Bolshevism. (…) The world no longer has the choice between falling back into its old fragmentation or accepting a new order for Europe under Axis leadership. The only choice now is between living under Axis protection or in a Bolshevist Europe. 167

Goebbels’ carefully chosen circumlocutions about the (far from impeccable) conduct of the Wehrmacht troops on the eastern front in 1941-43 and the regime’s policy towards the Jews had served two different purposes: first, to implicate the Germans in the regime’s own atrocities and thus bind them to National Socialism’s destiny; and, second, to shatter hopes that a conclusion to the war, regardless of the outcome, would bring relief to the Volk. Now, SD and RPA reports commented on the feelings of fear and “acute danger” experienced by most Germans with regard to the Soviet advances in the east. 169

If [the enemy] succeeds, Germany will become a cemetery. Our people will starve and perish, aside from the millions who will be deported to Siberia as slave labour. In such a situation, any means is justified. We are in a state of national emergency; it is no time to ask what is normally done! Does the enemy worry about that? Where does international law allow for the tens of thousands of German women tortured and raped in the East (…)? Will [the Volk] wait until Bolshevist posters appear ordering everyone between fourteen and fifty to show up at a certain spot with clothing and two weeks of food in order to be transported to Siberia? 170

Several areas in the eastern part of Germany now experience bolshevism. The crimes committed against our women and children and men by this Jewish plague are the most terrible fate ever conceived by human beings. 171

[t]he enemy naturally wants to make his battle against the Reich as easy and safe as possible, and hopes to diminish our morale by seductive agitation. That is poison for weak souls. He who falls for it proves he has learned nothing from the war. He thinks it possible to take the easy road, when only the hard path leads to freedom. They are the same doubting souls who have no sense of national honour, and think nothing of living under the clubs of Anglo-American banking Jews, accepting charity from their hands. In other words, they are the rubbish of our nation, who nonetheless give the enemy an entirely false idea of this people. 172

The German dreamer must wake up if he does not want to lose his freedom and his life. How long will he wait to do what is necessary? Will he wait until Bolshevist posters appear ordering everyone between fourteen and fifty to show up at a certain spot with clothing and two weeks of food in order to be transported to Siberia? Or until the Anglo-American occupation forces ruin our people through starvation and Typhoid Fever? Is that an exaggeration? Not at all! It has become grim reality in the occupied territories in the East and West. 173



From ‘short campaign’ to ‘gigantic confrontation’: ns propaganda and the justification of war, 1939-1941 175

the peoples want the peace. Also the German Volk want it. But it wants in addition something more that the other peoples have possessed for a very long time: the safeguarding of its national life and justice 180

you may, German men and women of Danzig, confidently look to the future. The National Socialist Reich stands on your side, like you stand on its side (...) for Germany is anywhere where Germans stand - thus also with you (...) Long live our German Danzig! 180

[s]ince 4 May the sales of German newspapers in most Polish cities has been prohibited. In Kattowitz on 5 May in a large newsagent all existing Reich-German newspapers and magazines, altogether 20,000 pieces, were seized and taken away in police motor vehicles. During a nocturnal ceremony on the eve of the Polish national holiday a Polish crowd (…) burned a straw doll, which represented the Führer. (…) This heaviest affront to the German people was celebrated. (…) A large crowd in Posen shouted heavy abuse against Germany and sang offensive songs against the Reich and its Leader. On 29 April in Gnesen nine girls from the German community were given prison sentences of two to ten months 181

I attempted to bring about, by the peaceful method of making proposals for revision, an alteration of this intolerable position. It is a lie when the outside world says that we only tried to carry through our revisions by pressure. (…) But I am wrongly judged if my love of peace and my patience are mistaken for weakness or even cowardice. (…) I have repeatedly offered friendship and, if necessary, the closest co-operation to Britain, but this cannot be offered from one side only. It must find response on the other side. 183

The following lightning campaign in Poland was unique in all history. On 2 September, the Jablunka Pass was taken. The Polish army in the Corridor was destroyed on 4 September. Bromberg was captured on 6 September. The Westemplatte fell on 7 September. Lodsch was taken on 10 September. The encirclement of Radom was completed on 12 September. 52,000 Poles laid down their weapons. (…) Brest- Litovsk fell on 17 September. (…) Over 700,000 Poles were captured. The booty was enormous. Over half a million guns, 16,000 machine guns, 32,000 artillery pieces and over three-and-three-quarter million rounds of artillery munitions fell into our hands.  187

The "sharks" are over London again. Protected by their fighters, the German bombing planes can carry out their attacks unhindered. 7000 meters are between the German airplanes and the burning capital of a dying empire, 7000 meters obscured by rising flames and choking smoke. 190

It is also high time that London begin to take the hard facts into account. The long winter draws to its end. One does not have three or four months any more, where the illusions are cheap like berries, where one can call the Generals ‘Winter’ and clouds and revolution as collaborators and omens of coming English victories. The sun shines again, and spring rises to the mountains. Beautiful though it is for us, it means bad weather for English illusion-manufacturers. 195

[i[t would be wise to be prepared from the outset for the operation to be hard and attended by great difficulties, but it will lead to the desired result in six to eight weeks. All in all, we can be very pleased that things have happened the way they have. For, if the stupidity of the Serb government had not given us the opportunity of making a clean sweep in the Balkans now, the latter would have remained the powder-keg of Europe, and Britain (…) would always had been in a position to thrust the torch into the hands of a few daring comitadji so that they might once again blow up that powder-keg 196

I may tell you in confidence that probably nothing would suit us better at this moment than Russia’s intervention in the present situation. She would suffer a military fiasco in no time at all 197

we see an unholy relationship between plutocracy and bolshevism, which we expected, and we also know only too well from our internal-political struggle in the past to be now surprised about it. [The plutocrats] rightly saw in us the danger of a new, better, more reasonably organised order, in which there was no place for them. They rejected us and fought against us, because we were the bearers of a [superior] moral and voelkisch social principle, which was ready to destroy their old world. 202

[t]he gigantic fight of the nine million [soldiers] is about the final decision. It will concern the future fate of Europe. History never saw a military confrontation of such dimensions; in addition, rarely before have questions of such world-wide significance been decided as here. [This war] indeed concerns everything. 203

Chapter 5 205

Chapter 5 205

from triumph to disaster: ns propaganda from the launch of ‘barbarossa’ until stalingrad 205

[t]his speech (13 October] was made in those days of the autumn of 1941 when the Reich Press Chief [Dietrich] had announced that German victory in the East had been decisive. I had warned the entire German Press about accepting this news without reservations. I did not believe in this decisive victory which supposedly had already taken place. I suggested to all German newspapers to speak about a prolonged duration of the war. In this speech of mine I wanted to decrease the effectiveness of the official victory bulletin. 210

We have to do everything possible to avoid the impression that the [victorious] end of the war is doubtful. When it comes to a decision for the next 1000 years, it is not so important if [the war] lasts for another year 211

The war, against the wishes of the greatest part of the German population, has already lasted two years and we are now facing a third winter of war … It is evident that the coming winter will place upon the Volk more sacrifices, restrictions and burdens, without the expectation of any significant change in the situation or a counterbalance provided by decisive military developments 212

Destruction of all cities and villages, expropriation of each private property, inconceivable blood bath of the population, martyrdom and slaughter of millions, hunger and misery through destruction of the social prosperity, destruction of the supplies and smashing of production, deportation of millions as work slaves to the north Russian and Siberian steppes, forceful re-education of children in a reformatory Bolshevik child camps, elimination of the institution of family, razing of all churches and cultural treasures to the ground 213

Today I am at the head of the strongest Army in the world, the most gigantic Air Force and of a proud Navy. Behind and around me stands the Party with which I became great and which has become great through me. The enemies I see before me are the same enemies as twenty years ago, but the path along which I look forward cannot be compared with that on which I look back. (…) We are allied with strong peoples, who in the same need are faced with the same enemies. The American President and his plutocratic clique have mocked us as the Have-nots; that is true, but the Have-nots will see to it that they are not robbed of the little they have. 216

[j]ust as, according to Clasewitz’s dictum, a battle without a crisis is no battle but merely an engagement, so, quite naturally, a war without a crisis is no war. It is the task of propaganda, by way of its fundamental attitude, deliberately to make the German people crisis-proof (emphasis added) 218

[t]he beginning of winter only will now check this movement; at the beginning of summer it will again no longer be possible to stop the movement. 218

That I can say now. I say it only today because I can say that this enemy is already broken and will never rise again (…) (…) During these three and a half months, my soldiers, the precondition, at least, has been created for a last mighty blow that shall crush this opponent before winter sets in. 220

One awaits the next months with fear. If ‘General Winter’, the avowed ally of the Englishman and Bolsheviks, has indeed worked so badly [for them], what is there to expect from spring and summer, which are well known as more Axis-friendly? 223

We have still another small piece of difficulty before us, and then things will pick up once again. Thus we want to grit the teeth again and make a courageous step forward. On the summit the lies the large goal 223

[w]e will have to change our propaganda and policies in the east as already arranged with the Führer. These were hitherto based on the assumption that we would take possession of the east swiftly. This hope has not been realised, however. We (…) are therefore compelled to change our slogans and policies fundamentally. 225

false optimism is to be avoided. Of course, our complete confidence in victory should be expressed, but no one may be led to hope that final victory can happen without great additional exertions and deprivations, or that the worst is over and that things will be easier from here on. Even if we win major new military successes, citizens should not be led to believe that they can reduce their exertions. 225

As regards organization I have taken those measures which are necessary to save our country from a repetition of similar emergencies. (…) From railway entrance to tanks, tractors, platoons and trucks our army in the East will be better equipped for the individual soldier, however, should such severe climate conditions repeat themselves, similar conditions to those of last winter will not arise again as the result of experience and work. 226

there is the danger that sections of the German public may draw false conclusions from [these reports]. Several reports were psychologically exceedingly dangerous. There was a suggestion in them that the Soviets, too, had ideals which inspired them to fanaticism and heroic resistance so that they would not shrink from any privations or efforts in the war. (…) This kind of reporting, unless it is opposed, is bound to shake the German people's attitude to Bolshevism and very shortly produce a kind of pro-Bolshevik enthusiasm. National Socialism teaches that Bolshevism must not be seen as an idea but as the excrescence of sub-humanity and criminal Jewish instincts.  228

The Minister raises the subject of the powerful mood of optimism in the Reich and in particular refers to various reports by the SD and the Gauleiters which all agree in pointing out that the German people are full of hope of an early end to the war. Even the smallest news items in the press or on the radio serve to strengthen that belief and to make it into a certainty for many people. The Minister says that he has done nothing to nourish such optimism and that he regards it as extremely dangerous. 228

The question about the fall of Stalingrad has been asked amongst the people for some considerable time now, but military progress is not such that a final capture of the city can be expected as yet. For this reason other subjects will now be brought to the fore. 229

[t]he occupation of Stalingrad, which will also be carried through, will deepen this gigantic victory and strengthen it, and you can be sure that no human being will drive us out of this place later on. 230

The heroic battle at Stalingrad has reached its end. This moving event, which casts even the greatest heroic military deeds of the past into the shadows, must be presented by magazines as an example of the highest heroism and complete willingness to sacrifice for the victory of the German people. The word Stalingrad must become a holy symbol for the German people. The immortal heroism of the men of Stalingrad will unleash even more than before the spirit and strength of the German nation, which will ensure the victory it is now even more fanatically determined to win. 235

Chapter 6 236

Chapter 6 236

National Socialist propaganda and the loss of the monopoly of truth (1943-44) 236

[o]f course we could lose the war if we did not mobilise all our strengths for the war effort. If on the other hand we mobilise all the forces of the people and apply them correctly, then it may well be the case that Russia will be smashed this summer. (emphasis added) 241

How, for instance, do the hundred thousands diligent men and women of Berlin get around to remaining silent if a few hundred fine people who also happen to reside in Berlin, try to escape from the war by going to the winter health resorts (…)? They are the same people who look at the war not as a fight for our national and individual life, but only as a tiresome interruption of their entertainment. They respect mostly the national-socialist state only insofar as it provides them with advantages, give highly reluctantly and totally insufficiently to the Winter Aid Campaign, brush aside their communal duties, hold responsible the government even for the weather, the OKW-report bores them, and the listen to the radio only when it plays dance music. (…) They live almost like in peacetime, while we wage war – indeed for them too. 243

I ask you tenth and last: Do your want, as the National Socialistic party program requires it, that in the war equal rights and equal duties predominate, that the Fatherland takes the heavy loads of the war with solidarity on its shoulders and that they are distributed in the same way low, whatever the circumstances? I asked you; you gave your answer to me. 244

We fight Bolshevism as a destructive Jewish idea that, were it to reach its goal, would bring vast misery and the complete destruction of all cultural values. In short, it would bring chaos […] We are fighting a defensive war for the life and freedom of the German people, and ultimately for the other peoples of Europe as well. […] One cannot speak of a transformation or change in Bolshevist practices […] [O]nly the German military is in a position to successfully resist the gigantic Bolshevist war machine [...] Neither England nor America, nor any other power, can stop Europe from falling under Bolshevist control if the German military is defeated. They could not stop it, and would also not want to […]. The wretched existence of millions of working people in the Soviet Union, the ruthless system of forced labour, and the horrible conditions in the forced labor camps speak clearly and make brutally clear what the fate of our working people would be. 247

Sometimes I have the feeling that we are not taking the initiative as much as we should in this war. In the past five months, the enemy has assumed the upper hand almost everywhere. They are smashing us in the air war, and have opened severe wounds in the east, they trounced us in North Africa and even the U-boat war is not now bringing the successes which we had expected from it 249

According to reports from various parts of the Ruhr, workers from Soviet Russia and our own miners have been talking to each other at work about working conditions. The Russians, on some occasions, have referred to better working conditions in their country and are also talking about the better food which they used to have. The Minister regards such discussions as exceedingly dangerous and asks for suggestions on how this danger can be best countered.  250

[Letters addressed to me from the public] are asking why the Führer does not visit the bombed areas (…) and especially why the Führer does not talk to the German people and explain the present situation. I consider it very necessary for the Führer to do this (…). One cannot neglect the people for too long (…). If the people ever lost their will to resist and their faith in German leadership, the most serious crisis we ever faced would result. 269

[t]hink of Leonidas and his three hundred Spartans. In any case it does not suit our style to allow ourselves to be slaughtered like sheep. They may exterminate us, but they will not be able to lead us to slaughter. 272




The English are using the air war against us. We are using submarines against them. The results of the air war are more visible, but the submarine campaign is more important to the war in the long run, since its wounds are deeper. Through May of this year, 26.5 million BRT of enemy shipping have been sunk by the German navy and Luftwaffe. The significance of that figure is clear when one remembers that German submarine warfare nearly brought England to the ground in 1917 and 1918 while sinking only about 12 million BRT. 278

[a]lso what concerns the air- and the U-boat war, restraint in the news policy at this moment is the uppermost consideration. It needs no stressing that, as far as German warfare is concerned, everything possible is done to make us active again on these both theatres of war. If nothing is said publicly about these matters, then there is a good reason for it; however, it does not mean that we would have nothing to say about it. We do not speak about it, so as not to allow the enemy to appraise the coming developments. Nevertheless, nobody should believe that only the government did not know what today every child knows. (emphasis added) 279

The fact that a member from the opposing alliance [the Soviets] takes away 12,000 officers, the blossom of his army, and shoots them in the neck, in the forest of Katyn appears not be a suitable situation to cause a deeper tear to the coalition of our adversaries; it is looked merely upon as a small accident which does no harm to [their] common love. The Kremlin do not show the slightest inclination to blush in the face of such accusations; on the contrary, they turn the tables and take up swiftly and deceitfully the role of the accuser 280

The fact that there can be no reference to this [the collapse of the Fascist regime] needs probably of no further justification. It would have been possible naturally in the uncertain week - just like in any other - to speak to the general public, and just in this case there would be even more to be said about the problems of the war and the international political situation than on any other occasion. But concern for our national interests sealed our lips. What we could say, we did not want to say, and what we wanted to say, we could not say. 285

I am happy that we have at least succeeded in freeing from the clutches of the most pitiful creatures of this otherwise so powerful era the man who himself has done everything, both to make his People great, strong and happy, and to allow it to participate in a historical conflict which will ultimately decide the fate and the culture of this continent. 286

It is in the nature of terror, however, that it can be only encouraged and strengthened by terror. Terror and counterterror alike cause victims, but they stand in no relation to the victims which will result if one bends to terror. Violence only gives way only to more violence. This is most elementary of all laws of life. If we use the same method in response to the British brutalising methods, we only act according to this law. So a person sensitive to culture - and we reckon ourselves as belonging to this type, slowly becoming extinct in the world – may lament the loss of time-honoured historical monuments and art monuments not only in Lübeck, Rostock and Cologne, but also in Bath, York and Canterbury; yet the blame is not on our shoulders but on those of that nefarious criminal who stands presently at the head of the British empire [Churchill]. 289

We know that there is only one effective way to answer the British-American terror: counter-terror (Gegenterror). The entire German Volk is filled with one thought: to repay like with like (…) Each English voice today that regards the bombing war against German women, old people and children as a humane or even Christian method to defeat the German people will give us welcome grounds one day for our response to these crimes. The British people have no reason to rejoice. They will have to pay for the actions of their leaders 292

The enemy can turn our homes into rubble; but the hearts of the population burn with hatred, but they do not burn. One day the hour of repayment will come [Loud applause], and - in recognition of the heroism proven today - after the war there will be a sacred duty for the whole people to rebuild their towns and homes even more nicely than before. 292

[a]t a later date we will have the additional [technical and organisational] means for a massive counter-attack. Until then we will have to put up with [the ‘terror campaigns’] 293

one cannot simply speak of good Haltung [in Dortmund]. Here is evidence of Stimmung generated from the Haltung (…) I have never experienced a more enthusiastic gathering in Westfalen than this one! 294

Until now we have refrained from replying to [the enemy’s] boastful accounts of the air war … There will be enough time for that when we stand equal again. The jubilation in London will be more modest after a relentless German answer, which will once again permit a factual discussion. Even today the Luftwaffe is responding with gradually growing massive counter-attacks, but there are only a forestaste of what is still to come. 297

undoubtedly the operation of v-2 has contributed to the elevation of the mood. [The people] recognize that we seem to have now arrived at a turning point in which our new weapons come into the picture; they recognize that we do not stand defenseless anymore, but that we are capable of repaying the opponent in kind (Gleiches mit Gleichem)” 300

this National Socialist state, by a series of powerful blows unrivalled in history, has destroyed the ring which encircled it, and by the heroism of its soldiers has at almost everywhere moved the front lines considerably more than 1000 kilometers from the frontiers of the Reich. Our enemies have become modest. What they call victories today, are what in our case they used to describe as totally unimportant operations. 301

[o]ur people's total war effort has found and is finding ways to transform national strength into genuine war potential, and has already produced astonishing results. We are thus building operative reserves that will be of decisive importance for the coming decisions in both the military and the economic sectors. It will not be long before we stop living from hand to mouth in both sectors, but are once again in a position to operate according to a broad plan. 302

What we face today has been faced by very many previous generations before us. Today, German cities and homesteads lay in ashes, but in the past, too, German cities and villages have been destroyed. We are not the only ones who have had to bear these things. Our fathers and forefathers had to fight the same battles. They were victorious, and built a new and richer life from the ruins. 304

The enemy has committed every conceivable crime against humanity, culture and civilization. They are in fact so spiritually corrupt as to boast about it in public. They plunder honest and decent nations to fill the pockets of their own money barons. They let millions go hungry and hundreds of thousands starve to reduce them to political inactivity. They murder huge numbers of women and children, hoping through their unbelievable barbarism to weaken the will and destroy the confidence of their husbands and fathers. They bomb and burn more than two millennia of Europe's cultural treasures. (…) Who has the right to speak of war crimes and historical justice, the enemy or we? 306

It is an old trick of political warfare to separate the people from its government, in order to make the former leaderless and defenseless. This trick would be - if it ever succeeded with us - the only means with which the opponent could overcome us. Whoever falls for this enemy stratagem, is either a fool or a traitor. 307

The goal [of our enemies] is to eradicate every possibility of [future] life and development for our Volk. If they succeeded in attaining this goal, today's generation would have gambled away everything that countless generations of Germans in a millennium-long struggle of existence have achieved before us. 308

We must defend our very life, for the enemy is attacking not simply the party or the Wehrmacht or the industry or the state, but directs his attack at us as a people 308

They do not see central Italy as the place where real operational decisions will occur. The public does not know where the real main defensive line in Italy is, the line that defends areas important for the whole war effort, but it is clear that this line does not run through Gaeta and Cassino. […]The goal [of our enemies] is to make a main battle front out of a sideshow. They want Germany to fight in central Italy not with its left hand, but with a major portion of its strength. The dedision as to the outcome of the war will be made elsewhere this summer 313

We shall overcome this calamity, too, and this fight, too, will not be won by central Asia but by Europe; and at its head will be the nation that has represented Europe against the East for 1,500 years and shall represent it for all times: our Greater German Reich, the German nation. 320

Just as the Jewish leader Moses ordered his forces to do to the conquered peoples thousands of years ago, so today the Red soldiers under the command of Jewry behave today wherever they reach through treachery or force: Men are murdered or shipped abroad as slaves, women and girls are raped and defiled! 320

[T]wo workers are (…) in agreement that we ourselves are to blame for this war because we treated the Jews so badly. We need not be surprised if they now do the same to us. 321

Within a few years after the war, Germany will flourish as never before. Its ruined landscapes and provinces will be filled with new, more beautiful cities and villages in which happy people dwell. All of Europe will share in this prosperity. We will again be friends of all peoples of good will, and will work together with them to repair the grave wounds that scar the face of our noble continent. Our daily bread will grow on rich fields of grain, stilling the hunger of the millions who today suffer and starve. (…) The underworld will not rule this part of the world, rather order, peace and prosperity. 327

God will throw Lucifer back into the abyss even as he stands before the gates of power over all the peoples. A man of truly timeless greatness, of unique courage, of a steadfastness that elevates the hearts of some and shakes those of others, will be his tool. 328



Cinema and totalitarian propaganda: ‘information’ and ‘leisure’ in National Socialist Germany, 1939-45 329

On this occasion it is not about ‘objective’ reporting but‚ in the knowledge that we are right, about cultivating an optimistic propaganda, confident in victory, as well as, of course, strengthening the potential of the German Volk for mental fight. Speakers and language, text and music must adhere to this line 338

We notice with pleasure that the wish becomes bigger and bigger to see faces in close-ups in the German newsreel in order to be able to observe these pictures for as long as possible. This wish testifies to the need to get closer to the person whom the picture shows; to grasp him emotionally and thus to fathom the secret of his personality 339

This is how the British overpowered and degraded my people … [B]ut one day a greater nation will rise to crush Britain … Only then will the world be a better place to live in 360

Princes come and go, people die, but the nation is eternal. … What must remain is the Reich; if the people and the Reich become one, then the Reich too will be eternal … My work is done. It was just a beginning. Who will complete it? 362

Movie production is flourishing almost unbelievably despite the war. What a good idea of mine it was to have taken possession of the films on behalf of the Reich several years ago! It would be terrible if the high profits now being earned by the motion-picture industry were to flow into private hands 378

Conclusions 383

Conclusions 383

legitimising the impossible? 383

Bibliography 394


Directory: 129
129 -> Regional Realism
129 -> Us history Post test and Final Exam Study Guide Worth 100 point homework grade Cleveland. McKinley, tr, and Taft Notes
129 -> Slide 3 Many Europeans were excited about the war. It helped distract people from the issues going on within their own countries. Slide 4
129 -> Contents I-XIII introduction 1-17 Division A: The Bible and Its World 18-56 Division B: History of the Jewish People 57-79 Division C: Rabbinic Literature and Jewish Law 80-93 Division C: Jewish Thought 94-154 Division D: Literatures
129 -> P. E. P. Talk For Students Enrolled in
129 -> Unit 8a global Conflicts 1914 to wwii
129 -> Unit 7 Political Revolutions 1750-1914
129 -> Christian Maher Professor O’Hara
129 -> Midlands state university faculty of arts department of history and development studies
129 -> Unit 1 specificities

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