Chinese decision-making in response to

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2.4. Conclusion
The review in the present chapter sketches the significant and yet gradual transformation in Chinese politics since 1949, from Mao’s personality cult and ideological mass campaigns in policy-making to the blend of pragmatism, nationalism, bureaucratic authoritarianism and traditional thinking during Deng’s and Jiang’s eras. The transformation has had crucial implications on policy-making, particularly Chinese foreign policy-making. The various elements contributing to the nature of Chinese foreign policy-making all combine to emphasize the fundamental importance of domestic politics in foreign affairs. Several issues exist in the studies of Chinese foreign policy (1) debate is ongoing about whether Chinese foreign policy is unique, distinguished from, or similar to foreign policy of other states (in other words, whether the Western international relations theories
Perlmutter and LeoGrande (1982: 778) argue that civil-military relations, as one of the fundamental dynamics of communist systems, derive from the structural relationship between a hegemonic Leninist party and the other institutions of the polity although the party directs and supervises all other institutions. The relative autonomy of the military and its relations with the party vary from one country to another and can be described as coalitional, symbiotic, or fused. These relations are dynamic, changing overtime in each country in response to contextual circumstances

are applicable to China) (Zhao, 2004); (2) little theoretical and/or empirically rigorous progress has been achieved as compared to studies on Chinese domestic politics (3) the dilemma still exists that policy-making relies on party unity that has coexisted with factional politics (Huang, 2000); and (4) there seems to lack a theoretical framework that is able to capture the whole picture, explaining both the process (how) and outcome why) of Chinese foreign policy-making. In the next chapter, PH will directly address this problem. China, at least so far, is frequently understood on the basis of research guided by ideological or psychological approaches that stress distinctiveness (not necessarily uniqueness. Chinese foreign policy behavior also features rational calculations, which makes it nothing different from the other international actors. Therefore, China is an especially exciting case for PH in terms of generalizability and scientific progress. The ability to confirm propositions about crisis decision-making in the Chinese context that have obtained support from cross-national testing would constitute an especially dramatic step forward. China would bean optimal choice for further application of PH to crisis decision-making as the presumed two-stage PH model of decision-making can build in all of the preceding and potentially necessary elements atone point or another.

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