Chapter 3 the terrible transformation

Download 38.2 Kb.
Size38.2 Kb.



During the second half of the 17th century, a terrible transformation, the enslavement of people solely on the basis of race, occurred in the lives of African Americans living in North America. These newcomers still num­bered only a few thousand, but the bitter reversals they experienced—first subtle, then drastic—would shape the lives of all those who followed them, generation after generation.

Like most huge changes, the imposition of hereditary race slavery was gradual, taking hold by degrees over many decades. It proceeded slowly, in much the same way that winter follows fall. On any given day, in any given place, people can argue about local weather conditions. "Is it getting colder?" "Will it warm up again this week?" The shift may come early in some places, later in others. But eventually, it occurs all across the land. By January, people shiver and think back to September, agreeing that "It is definitely colder now." In 1700, a 70-year-old African American could look back half a century to 1650 and shiver, knowing that conditions had definitely changed for the worse.

An African watches in horror as his companions are trans­ported to a waiting European slave ship. During the second half of the 17th century, the number of Africans sent to North America began to increase and their legal situation grew steadily worse.

Some people had experienced the first cold winds of enslavement well before 1650; others would escape the chilling blast well after 1700. The timing and nature of the change varied considerably from colony to colony, and even from family to family. Gradually, the terrible transfor­mation took on a momentum of its own, numbing and burdening


everything in its path, like a disastrous winter storm. Unlike the changing seasons, however, the encroachment of racial slavery in the colonies of North America was certainly not a natural process. It was highly unnatu­ral—the work of powerful competitive governments and many thousands of human beings spread out across the Atlantic world. Nor was it inevi­table that people's legal status would come to depend upon their racial background and that the condition of slavery would be passed down from parent to child. Numerous factors combined to bring about this disas­trous shift. It is worth exploring how all these human forces swirled together during the decades after 1650, to create an enormously destruc­tive storm.

An African watches in horror as his companions are trans­ported to a waiting European slave ship. During the second half of the 17th century, the number of Africans sent to North America began to increase and their legal situation grew steadily worse.

The indenture papers of Jacques Rapaje, a white immigrant who agreed to work for a New York brewer for five years. Many Europeans arrived in America as indentured servants. Their labor belonged to their master for a set num­ber of years, after which they were free.

Consider the situation at mid-century along the Atlantic Coast. Except for St. Augustine in Florida, there were no colonial settlements south of Chesapeake Bay. The English and Dutch colonies remained extremely small. As growing communities, they felt a steady need for additional hands, but their first priority was to add persons of their own religion and nationality. Many newcom­ers labored for others, but most of them were "indentured"—they had signed contracts to work under fixed conditions for a limited number of years. Their term could be shortened for good service or lengthened for disobeying the laws, but when their indenture expired they looked forward to having land of their own. Ships sailing back to England and Holland regularly carried letters describing the pluses and minuses of each colony. As a result of this continuous feedback, European migrants learned to avoid the settlements that had the longest indentures, the poorest working condi­tions, and the least amount of available land.


Conditions in the Caribbean and Latin America were strikingly different. There, for well over a century, Spanish and Portuguese colo­nizers had enslaved "infidels": first Indians and then Africans. At first, they relied for justification upon the Mediterranean tradition that per­sons of a different religion, or persons captured in war, could be enslaved for life. But hidden in this idea of slavery was the notion that persons who converted to Christianity should receive their freedom. Wealthy planters in the tropics, afraid that their cheap labor would be taken away from them because of this loophole, changed the reasoning behind their exploitation. Even persons who could prove that they were not captured in war and that they accepted the Catholic faith still could not change their appearance, any more than a leopard can change its spots. So by making color the key factor behind enslavement, dark-skinned people brought from Africa to work in silver mines and on sugar plantations could be exploited for life. Indeed, the condition could be made hereditary, so enslaved people's children automatically inherited the same unfree status.

Black slaves at work a Cuban tobacco plantation. Generations before the colonization of North America, Spanish settlers in Caribbean and Latin America introduced the notion that the enslavement of non Christians from Africa could be a lifelong hereditary condition.

By 1650, hereditary enslavement based upon color, not upon reli­gion, was a bitter reality in the older Catholic colonies of the New World.


But this cruel and self-perpetuating system had not yet taken firm hold in North America for a variety of reasons. The same anti-Catholic propa­ganda that had led Sir Francis Drake to liberate Negro slaves in Central America in the 1580s still prompted many colonists to believe that it was the Protestant mission to convert non-Europeans rather than enslave them. In 1645, authorities in Massachusetts ordered a New Hampshire resident to give up a black worker he had purchased in Boston; they ar­gued that the man had been stolen from his home, not captured in war, and therefore should be returned to Africa. Seven years later, Rhode Island officials passed a law that attempted to limit all involuntary servi­tude to 10 years.

Apart from such moral concerns, there were simple matters of cost and practicality. Workers subject to longer terms and coming from further away would require a larger initial investment. Consider a 1648 document from York County, Virginia, showing the market values for persons working for James Stone (estimated in terms of pounds of tobacco):

Francis Bomley for 6 yeares 1500

John Thackstone for 3 yeares 1300

Susan Davis for 3 yeares 1000

Emaniell a Negro man 2000

Roger Stone 3 yeares 1300

Mingo a Negro man 2000

Among all six, Susan had the lowest value. She may have been less strong in the tobacco field, and as a woman she ran a greater risk of early death because of the dangers of childbirth. Hence John and Roger, the other English servants with three-year terms, commanded a higher value. Francis, whose term was twice as long, was not worth twice as much. Life expectancy was short for everyone in early Virginia, so he might not live to complete his term. The two black workers, Emaniell and Mingo, clearly had longer terms, perhaps even for life, and they also had the highest value. If they each lived for another 20 years, they represented a bargain for Mr. Stone, but if they died young, perhaps even before they had fully learned the language, their value as workers proved far less. From Stone's point of view they represented a risky and expensive in­vestment at best.

By 1650, however, conditions were already beginning to change. For one thing, both the Dutch and the English had started using en­slaved Africans to produce sugar in the Caribbean and the tropics.


English experiments at Barbados and Providence Island showed that Protestant investors could easily overcome their moral scruples. Large profits could be made if foreign rivals could be held in check. After agreeing to peace with Spain and giving up control of Northeast Brazil at mid-century, Dutch slave traders were actively looking for new markets. In England, after Charles II was restored to the throne in 1660 he re­warded supporters by creating the Royal African Company to enter aggressively into the slave trade. The English king also chartered a new colony in Carolina. He hoped•it would be close enough to the Spanish in Florida and the Caribbean to challenge them in economic and military terms. Many of the first English settlers in Carolina after 1670 came from Barbados. They brought enslaved Africans with them. They also brought the beginnings of a legal code and a social system that accepted race slavery.

Enslaved Africans at work making sugar in the Caribbean. As the Atlantic slave system became ever more profitable and efficient, it squeezed labor from African workers as un­ceasingly as the giant mill crushed juice out of the stalks of cane.

While new colonies with a greater acceptance of race slavery were being founded, the older colonies continued to grow. Early in the 17th century no tiny North American port could absorb several hundred work­ers arriving at one time on a large ship. Most Africans—such as those reaching Jamestown in 1619—arrived several dozen at a time aboard small boats and privateers from the Caribbean. Like Emaniell and Mingo on the farm of James Stone, they tended to mix with other unfree work 


ers on small plantations. All of these servants, no matter what their ori­gin, could hope to obtain their own land and the personal independence that goes with private property. In 1645, in Northampton County on Virginia's Eastern Shore, Captain Philip Taylor, after complaining that "Anthony the negro" did not work hard enough for him, agreed to set aside part of the corn field where they worked as Anthony's plot. "I am very glad of it," the black man told a local clerk; "now I know myne owne ground and I will worke when I please and play when I please."

This cartouche from a 1751 map of Virginia and Maryland shows the docks that were t hub of the Chesapeake economy. A planter, a merchant, and a cap­tain, waited upon by a black servant, count their profits while other enslaved Africa pack and ship barrels of tobacco leaves.

Anthony and Mary Johnson had also gained their own property in Northampton County before 1650. He had arrived in Virginia in 1621, aboard the James, and was cited on early lists as "Antonio a Negro." He was put to work on the tobacco plantation of Edward Bennett, with more

than fifty other people. All except five were killed the following March, when local Indians struck back against the foreigners who were invading their land. Antonio was one of the lucky survivors. He became increas­ingly English in his ways, eventually gaining his freedom and moving to the Eastern Shore, where he was known as Anthony Johnson. Along the way, he married "Mary a Negro Woman," who had arrived in 1622 aboard the Margrett and John, and they raised at least four children, gaining respect for their "hard labor and known service," according to the court records of Northampton County.

By the 1650s, Anthony and Mary Johnson owned a farm of 250 acres, and their married sons, John and Richard, farmed adjoining tracts of 450 and 100 acres respectively. In the 1660s, the whole Johnson clan pulled up stakes and moved north into Maryland, where the aging An­thony leased a 300-acre farm called "Tonies Vineyard" until his death. His widow Mary, in her will of 1672, distributed a cow to each of her grandsons, including John, Jr., the son of John and Susanna Johnson. Five years later, when John, Jr., purchased a 44-acre farm for himself, he named the homestead Angola, which suggests that his grandparents had been born in Africa and had kept alive stories of their homeland within the family. But within 30 years John, Jr., had died without an heir, and the entire Johnson family had disappeared from the colonial records. If we knew their fate, it might tell us more about the terrible transfor­mation that was going on around them.

Gradually, it was becoming harder to obtain English labor in the mainland colonies. Civil War and a great plague reduced England's population, and the Great Fire of London created fresh demands for workers at home. Stiff penalties were imposed on sea captains who grabbed young people in England and sold them in the colonies as in­dentured servants. (This common practice was given a new name: "kidnapping.") English servants already at work in the colonies de­manded shorter indentures, better working conditions, and suitable farmland when their contracts expired. Officials feared they would lose future English recruits to rival colonies if bad publicity filtered back to Europe, so they could not ignore this pressure, even when it undermined colonial profits.

Nor could colonial planters turn instead to Indian labor. Native Americans captured in frontier wars continued to be enslaved, but each act of aggression by European colonists made future diplomacy with


neighboring Indians more difficult. Native American captives could eas­ily escape into the familiar wilderness and return to their original tribe. Besides, their numbers were limited. African Americans, in contrast, were thousands of miles from their homeland, and their availability in­creased as the scope of the Atlantic slave trade expanded. More European countries competed to transport and exploit African labor; more West African leaders proved willing to engage in profitable trade with them; more New World planters had the money to purchase new workers from across the ocean. It seemed as though every decade the ships became larger, the contacts more regular, the departures more frequent, the routes more familiar, the sales more efficient.

In this engraving from the end of the 17th century, a European captain purchases slaves from an African middle­man. Traditional skills such as pound­ing rice grains in a mortar and pestle (at left) would be ex­ploited by planters to develop the same crop in the New World

As the size and efficiency of this brutal traffic increased, so did its rewards for European investors. Their ruthless competition pushed up the volume of transatlantic trade from Africa and drove down the relative cost of individual Africans in the New World at a time when the price of labor from Europe was rising. As their profits in­creased, slave merchants and their captains continued to look for fresh markets. North America, on the fringe of this expanding and infamous Atlantic system, represented a likely target. As the small mainland colonies grew and their trade with one another and with England increased, their capacity to purchase large numbers of new laborers from overseas expanded. By the end of the century, Afri­cans were arriving aboard large ships directly from Africa as well as on smaller boats from the West Indies. In 1698, the monopoly held by England's Royal African Company on this transatlantic business came to an end, and independent traders from En­gland and the colonies stepped up their voyages, intending to capture a share of the profits.

All these large and gradual changes would still not have brought about the terrible transformation to race slavery, had it not been for several other crucial factors. One ingredient was the mounting fear among colonial leaders regarding signs of dis­content and cooperation among poor and unfree colonists of all sorts. Europeans and Africans worked



together, intermarried, ran away together, and shared common resent­ments toward the well-to-do. Both groups were involved in a series of bitter strikes and servant uprisings among tobacco pickers in Virginia, culminating in an open rebellion in 1676. Greatly outnumbered by these armed workers, authorities were quick to sense the need to divide their labor force in order to control it. Stressing cultural and ethnic divisions would be one way to do that.

During the long voyage to the Americas, en­slaved Africans were forced to live below decks for months, chained to each other in hot, crowded condi­tions. Since the millions who endured this jour­ney had no way to communicate the hor­rors of New World slavery back to Africa, the inhuman conditions continued unchecked for generations.

A second crucial ingredient contributing to worsening conditions was the total lack of feedback within the stream of African arrivals. If masters mistreated their English servants, word of such abuses could reach England and influence future migration. Whether this information traveled by letter or by word of mouth, it provided an incentive for fair treatment that did not exist for migrants brought from Africa. Once de­ported across the Atlantic, Africans had no prospect of returning to their homeland, and few European sailors possessed the will, or the language skill, to carry the full story of New World enslavement back to the sea­ports of West Africa. Therefore, when an English master misused his African workers, it had no influence upon the future supply of labor from that continent. He was therefore tempted to hold them for life, reason 


ing that they had been enslaved for life long before he ever saw them. Once they were held for life, he could not extend their term of service for bad behavior (the usual punishment for indentured servants), so he resorted increasingly to harsh physical punishments, knowing that this year's brutality would not effect next year's supply of African labor.

For English inden­tured servants, one punishment for `bad" behavior was to extend their term of service. This punishment could not be applied to black slaves, who were held for life, so their pun­ishment often took the form of severe physical beatings.

Lifetime servitude could be enforced only by removing the pros­pect that a person might gain freedom through Christian conversion. One approach was to outlaw this traditional route to freedom. As early as 1664, a Maryland statute specified that Christian baptism could have no effect upon the legal status of a slave. A more sweeping solution, how­ever, involved removing religion altogether as a factor in determining servitude. Therefore, a third and fundamental key to the terrible trans­formation was the shift from changeable spiritual faith to unchangeable physical appearance as a measure of status. Increasingly, the dominant English came to view Africans not as "heathen people" but as "black people." They began, for the first time, to describe themselves not as Christians but as whites. And they gradually wrote this shift into their colonial laws. Within a generation, the English definition of who could be made a slave had shifted from someone who was not a Christian to


someone who was not European in appearance. Indeed, the transition for self-interested Englishmen went further. It was a small but momentous step from saying that black persons could be enslaved to saying that Ne­groes should be enslaved. One Christian minister was dismayed by this rapid change to slavery based on race: "these two words, Negro and Slave," wrote the Reverend Morgan Godwyn in 1680, are "by custom grown Homogeneous and Convertible"—that is, interchangeable.

As if this momentous shift were not enough, it was accompanied by another. Those who wrote the colonial laws not only moved to make sla­very racial; they also made it hereditary. Under English common law, a child inherited the legal status of the father. As Virginia officials put it when looking into the case of Elizabeth Key in 1655: "by the Comon Law the Child of a Woman slave begott by a freeman ought to bee free." Elizabeth, called Black Bess by her neighbors, was the mulatto daughter of Thomas Key and his Negro servant. As a child, she had been inden­tured by her father for nine years to Colonel Humphrey Higginson, but after Thomas Key died others had attempted to extend her term of ser­vice indefinitely.

Now Bess was in her mid-20s and anxious to prove her free status in court before marrying William Greensted. After hearing sworn testi­mony, the authorities ruled that "the said Elizabeth ought to bee free and that her last Master should give her Corne and Cloathes and give her satisfaction for the time shee hath served longer than Shee ought to have done." Bess did indeed have the same status as her father and was free to marry William. But within seven years that option had been removed. Faced with similar cases of "whether children got by any Englishman


upon a negro woman should be slave or Free," the Virginia Assembly in 1662 decided in favor of the master demanding service rather than the child claiming freedom. In this special circumstance, the Assembly ig­nored all English precedents that children inherited the name and status of their father. Instead, the men in the colonial legislature declared that all such children "borne in this country shal be held bond or free only according to the condition of the mother." In Virginia, and soon else­where, the children of slave mothers would be slaves forever.

Men, women, and children work together on a tobacco plantation. During the second half of the 17th century, colonial legislatures acted to make slavery a he­reditary condition, passed down from mother to child.

Now the terrible transformation was almost complete, with the colony of Virginia leading the way. An additional legal sleight of hand by the land-hungry Virginia gentry helped speed the process. For several


generations, as an incentive toward immigration, newcomers had re­ceived title to a parcel of land, called a "headright," for every family member or European servant they brought to the struggling colony. By expanding this system to include Africans, self-interested planter-magistrates, who were rich enough to make the initial investment in enslaved workers, managed to obtain free land, as well as valuable labor, every time they purchased an African worker.

In the decades before 1700, therefore, the number of African arriv­als began to increase, and the situation of African Americans became increasingly precarious and bleak. Sarah Driggus, an African-American woman who had been born free during the middle of the 17th century, protested to a Maryland court in 1688 that she was now being regarded as a slave. Many others of her generation were feeling similar pressures and filing similar protests. But fewer and fewer of them were being heard. The long winter of racial enslavement was closing in over the En­glish colonies of North America.


Download 38.2 Kb.

Share with your friends:

The database is protected by copyright © 2022
send message

    Main page