Alice Paul is seen as one of the most radical in the women’s movement in the United States. She was a Quaker who was devoted to testimony, which was following one’s conscience and improving the lives of others. Paul went out into the world in the early years of the 1900s to improve her fellow human’s situation and to create a model of better life for women. After obtaining a superior education, she initially worked by taking employment as a social worker. While in England she studied the English suffrage campaign and recognized that it involved women who, instead of accepting the status quo, were taking risks each day to advocate legal and social change for English women; Paul even met the Pankhursts and joined the WSPU (Women’s Social and Political Union), the ‘super- radical’ English suffragette group.1 Alice Paul was arrested for her participation in their protests and after beginning a hunger strike she was forcibly fed in prison. Her Quaker background once again spurred her in her choice to make female suffrage her testimony because “she realized that British law denied elite white women commensurate rights with men of the same race and class.”2 Alice Paul’s definite opinions about class status, being from the upper class herself, and her Quaker values of gender equality were revealed in her activism for female suffrage. She seemed only to be further motivated by all the continued obstacles in the suffrage movement, and upon her return to America, Paul set her sights on the White House and President Woodrow Wilson. Alice Paul’s passionate and radical fight to achieve a constitutional amendment for women’s suffrage as well as an amendment for equal rights can be most attributed to her Quaker upbringing because of their unique tradition of social conscience and activism.
Who was Alice Paul? She seems to be an enigma in the history books. Paul was a woman
who picketed the White House, was jailed, went on hunger strikes, was force-fed; she was a definite radical in the fight for female suffrage.3 But, she must have been much more than that. “. . . at a time when the sixty five-year-old suffrage movement in the United States had lost much of its vitality, despite progressive optimism abroad in the land. Her injection of organized militancy and new determination for the enfranchisement was the medicine the female body politic was waiting for. . .”4 Her organization of her campaign reveals that she, in fact, wanted nonviolence. She used visuals to focus her campaign. She used the written word, speeches, parades, photographs, hunger strikes, and symbols to convey her message: “she intended this nonviolent visual rhetoric, writ large by the press coverage it engendered, not only to appeal to the emotions such as pity, love, and fear but the create persuasive logical argument concerning the rights of citizens and the attributes of women.”5 She pushed the movement into a sphere of politics and she took chances to achieve her goals. There were many women in the movement who did not approve of Alice Paul’s methods and it could be argued that these other women, namely Carrie Chapman Catt, were just as powerful in their quiet and persistent approach to securing suffrage for women. Yet, Paul remains a complex figure in the women’s movement. She was a Quaker from New Jersey who used her Quaker beliefs to sustain herself in her search for a testimony and in her fight for women’s rights.
Alice Paul was born into a Quaker family with an activist past. She grew up in Moorsetown, New Jersey and could trace her lineage back to William Penn: “And on my mother's side they were all Quakers. I have practically no ancestor who wasn't a Quaker. I don't know whether I had any who wasn't a Quaker. My father and mother were, and their fathers and mothers were.”6 In particular the Paul family belonged to the Hicksites, a type of Quaker that emphasized an inner light, service to others and gender equality; "When the Quakers were founded...one of their principles was and is equality of the sexes. So I never had any other idea...the principle was always there."7 She grew up hearing lectures about improving the lives of others and working for social justice: “The Quaker emphasis on service and a serious life purpose…” along with the Hicksite Quaker belief in gender equality influenced Alice Paul at a very young age.8 There was nothing that she could not do or achieve and her life needed to find its purpose.
She profited from the finest education available in the United States at the beginning of the twentieth century. She attended Swarthmore College and received a B.A. As to be expected at that time period, Paul was encouraged to become a teacher; but she was not interested in that profession. Instead she wanted to practice her testimony and to help her fellow human.9 Under the direction of a professor she entered the world of social work, studying Social Work at the New York School of Philanthropy. She took a job as a settlement house worker, and spent time at the Rivington Street Settlement. She gained the position of an investigator for the New York COS (Charity Organization Society). To further her studies, she traveled abroad and attended the Quaker Woodbrooke Settlement for Religious and Social Study in England in the fall of 1906. At the age of twenty-one, Alice Paul was full of zest and full of enthusiasm. Paul wrote home to her mother often and she seemed to enjoy her social work, but she felt that it was not fulfilling: “She described her job as “hack work” that required long hours without resulting in any significant changes in the lives of COS clients or their neighborhoods.”10 Next, she attended the London School of Economics. It was there that Alice benefited from an intellectual atmosphere that made politics so attractive to her.
It warrants attention here regarding Alice Paul’s social class. She was well-to-do. When she was interviewed by Amelia R. Fry in 1972, she explained that she had economic advantages that allowed her to pursue academics. Alice Paul was 87 years old at the time of this interview and from reading the transcript, she was a very lively and cognizant octogenarian. At one point in the interview, it was revealing how class played a role in her early life. Alice Paul responded to a question about her strict Quaker upbringing, absent of song and dance, by saying: “You just knew all these gay maids we had were going off to dances and had a different life than we did. We just felt that was a sort of common people who did these things.”11 It is interesting to note her class commentary because her social work was with, mostly, immigrant poor and uneducated people. All the women involved in this work were upper middle-class to wealthy: “COS workers, through direct interaction with the poor, focused on changing individual behavior as the most efficient means to help alleviate the brutalities of economic struggle. As model citizens, these workers believed that they could assimilate American cultural values and learn how to be productive and thriftful.”12 Alice Paul’s mother, Tacie, wanted her to come home, “to stop wasting [her] strength on the people of the slums.” Alice responded: “I am not doing it for their sakes but in order to learn about conditions myself . . .”13 Alice Paul also felt that social work provided no results, at least not immediate results, since she dealt with individual cases; she complained to her mother: “You spend all your life doing something that you know you couldn’t change.”14
Ms. Paul found her testimony in the Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU), a militant organization founded by the Pankhursts. She joined in 1908. At first, she attended their speeches and watched their marches. Then, she sold their newspaper, Votes for Women, on the streets of London. Soon, she tried to become more active by joining the marches and even by disguising herself and crashing a session of Parliament in Scotland. Alice reveled in throwing stones at Prime Minister’s Asquith’s window at Number 10 Downing Street. She thought his refusal to meet with the women suffragettes was abominable. Don’t forget, her Quaker sense of equality was deeply offended by this snub.15 Of course, all these activities eventually got these women arrested. While in jail, they were denied the status of political prisoner and were treated like common criminals. A political prisoner would have had an individual cell and access to written materials, as well as work prohibitions. The Pankhursts ordered all their flock to hunger-strike; they wanted to make martyrs out of these women and highlight the brutal treatment they were receiving in prison. The ensuing force-feeding was covered in the international press. Here is a portion of the article that Alice Paul’s mother read and then tried to get her daughter help: “At the suffragette headquarters The New York Times correspondent was informed that Miss Paul suffers from a weak heart, but that such is her enthusiasm for the cause she would gladly lay down her life for it. . . Her sentence does not expire until Dec. 9 and it is feared that unless some immediate steps are taken her health will be permanently injured, if nothing more serious occurs.” 16 Her status as an upper-class American female being held in British prisons and force-fed drove her mother to request the American ambassador Whitelow Reid to intervene. Alice tried to soothe her mother’s frantic letters by replying: “Force-feeding is simply a policy of passive resistance. As a Quaker thee ought to approve of it.”17 One of Alice Paul’s letters to her mother described the process of force-feeding:
One warden sat upon the knees and held that part of my body quiet. One on the other side held my arms and hands. One doctor stood behind and held my head back until it was parallel to the ground [with] a towel around [my] throat and when I tried to move he drew the towel so tight that it compressed the windpipe and made it almost impossible to breathe. With his other hand he held my chin in a rigid position and put the tube down my nostril . . . Putting the tube down is a rather difficult operation. . . Then it is impossible o breathe so doctors draw the tube up until the spasm has passed and then they force the tube into the stomach and pour milk and liquid food unto the funnel.18
Paul’s Quaker background seemed to provoke her to join this movement, which was labeled as radical by most. Paul would take this model and apply it strategically in America, minus the throwing stones and similar violent behavior. She wanted to use passive resistance as a means to an end.
Alice Paul returned to the United States in 1910 and with her friend, Lucy Burns, whom she had met in a London police station, reformed the Congressional Committee of NAWSA (National American Woman Suffrage Association). This organization was the beginning of the National Woman’s Party (NWP).19 Paul focused her sights on politicians and convincing them to pass a constitutional amendment. Her time spent with the Pankhursts changed Alice Paul’s convictions about her chosen testimony. She was adamant to dedicate her life to the female suffrage movement and to the woman’s movement in general, rather than social work. “Under the tutelage of WSPU leader Emmeline Pankhurst, Paul learned lessons in militant activism that would dramatically alter the woman suffrage campaign of the United States.”20 Paul refused to use violence, though. Nonviolence was her chosen method for her Quaker testimony and dream of full female suffrage in the United States.
Her commitment to nonviolence stemmed from her childhood lessons about her faith. She learned in school and from her congregations that Quakers refused to fight in the American Revolution and the Civil War; some Quakers did choose to fight and this caused a rift in the faith. The fissure was so traumatic that in 1868 the Pennsylvania Yearly Hicksite Meeting published a new Rules of Discipline, which emphasized to members the long-standing nonviolent values of the Hicksite Quakers. “This document reminded members that they must decline any government role ‘the duties of which are inconsistent with our religious principles,’ and that ‘Friends [Quakers refer to each other as friend] are exhorted faithfully to adhere to our ancient testimony against war and fighting’.”21 Alice Paul felt that her leadership came from her Quaker beliefs and that she was destined to be a leader in her role for feminism. Quakerism was the catalyst for Alice Paul to explore her potential as a human being seeking testimony in the world. Alice Paul made her place in the world through her religious belief in Quakerism; “she was working toward women’s assumption of an equal status in government and in society.”22 Even though she was associated with the Pankhursts and thus, violence and militancy, Paul was actually more similar to Gandhi and his utilization of the path of nonviolence to achieve goals. “Paul’s continuing support of the Pankhursts led to some confusion between their drive for suffrage and hers.” Alice Paul said: “It is not militant in the sense that it means physical violence. It is militant only in the sense that it is strong, positive and energetic. . .”23 Though a comparison of tactics of Paul’s CU (Congressional Union) and the Pankhursts’ WSPU was made in the press, this was not an accurate one. “In fact, during the entire American campaign, there were only two “violent” incidents, both involving only window breaking.” Her testimony suffered from this association, which she had to address and deny often.24
Paul’s nonviolence showed her deep awareness of and allegiance to the Quaker tradition of witnessing. When Helen Paul wrote to her sister on October 8, 1917, she acknowledged what their religion dictates about standing in opposition to evil were at the heart of this effort: “All our sympathy and love is with thee – Principle is sure to win-injustice and evil have no power back of them for power belongs to good and the knowledge of this destroys their seeming power.”25 Instead of trying to force their way into the White House or Capitol, her members simply stood outside and demonstrated their hearts out. Paul felt this picketing would result in “the saving of many years of women’s energy, when it is so greatly needed.”26 Paul’s use of visual rhetoric was an effective tool in her nonviolent campaign.
Alice Paul’s return to the United States in 1910 was the beginning of her testimony on United States soil. She “put new life into a moribund federal amendment campaign.”27 The issues had withered since the grand days of the 1840s and 1850s. There were few Congressional actions and the NAWSA (National American Woman Suffrage Association) seemed to have fallen apart after Susan B. Anthony’s death in 1906.28 Alice Paul decided that intensive lobbying of Congress and putting media pressure on President Wilson was the strategy she favored for reinvigorating what she saw as a dying movement. She engaged in a visual campaign and one of passive resistance. “When Paul adopted the hunger strike, she intentionally and directly challenged the authority of prison officials as well as the customs that shaped gender and class relations in England and the United States. In effect, her force feedings amounted to legalized assault by the state.”29 Historians do not agree on the ultimate outcome of Paul’s self-sacrifice; did her methods eventually win women equal rights or did her methods simply help to bring attention to the cause, with the ultimate winning of the right to vote belonging to the quiet and persistent suffragists such as Carrie Chapman Catt? One thing that would be difficult to debate is the physical scarring the force-feeding had on Paul and others who endured it.30
In 1910 Alice Paul has returned from her ordeals abroad. She saw a bankrupt female suffrage movement in the United States. Katherine H. Adams and Michael L. Keene just recently published a study of Paul titled Alice Paul and the American Suffrage Campaign (2008). This book has as part of its thesis Alice Paul’s use of visual rhetoric, a term only recently coined, but very apropos to Paul’s strategies according to these two professors. They define it as “the persuasive impact of visual images in combination with the written and spoken word.” They explain that visual rhetoric creates a physical presence at a point of conflict, thus demanding a response. The two authors believe that this is very much on par with “witnessing” in Quaker tradition. “In Alice Paul’s campaign, we encounter an unprecedented expert use of such varied visual rhetoric, on intended to shock, to thrill, to shame, to pressure, and to convince.”31 Alice Paul grew up in a family where she was taught to bear witness to her beliefs on a daily basis and to demand of herself that kind of perseverance and dedication, most especially in the service of others. Alice Paul’s Quaker background and beliefs shaped her fight for female suffrage in England and in the United States. Upon her return to the states, Alice Paul’s testimony had just begun. “As Alice Paul began her suffrage work in Washington in December of 1912, she did so with a strong sense of testimony.”32 Alice was going to achieve social change through her Quaker witnessing.
What if women were given the right to vote in the United States? Well, women would fail to perform their familial duties of child-caring and housekeeping (see Appendix I for a political cartoon from 1909 showing what some men feared if women got the right to vote). The female suffrage movement was no longer vibrant in the first decade of the 1900s. Sidney R. Bland wrote a dissertation on Paul and her ‘Great Suffrage Parade of 1913’:
Into this vacuum came new, militant leadership and dramatic, unprecedented tactics designed to gain the widest possible publicity for the suffrage cause. The new leadership came in the person of Alice Paul, a young New Jersey Quaker, and her techniques of persuasion were borrowed from the English militant suffrage movement. . . Alice Paul began to apply pressure to the NAWSA to inaugurate a program that would call for a federal constitutional amendment for woman’s suffrage. She argued the obvious, that arranging for referendums on the question of woman’s right to vote in state after state was costly and much too slow, and urged the NAWSA to create a permanent woman’s congressional committee rather than one that came into existence at the beginning of each new Congress and disbanded once the amendment was introduced.33
Alice Paul helped plan a parade in 1913. She chose the date of March 3, 1913 because it was the day before the Inauguration of President-elect Woodrow Wilson. Paul was well aware that the media would be available to cover her parade due to the upcoming Inauguration. It was a parade replete with floats, cloth of gold, white and purple, a woman on a white horse and a banner reading: “We demand an amendment to the Constitution of the United States enfranchising the women of the country.”34 Paul was well aware of visual rhetoric, as she planned a parade based on “artistry and pageantry, to make the procession noteworthy because of its beauty.”35 What started as an orderly parade quickly turned into a nightmare for the participants. Some men helped the females and tried to protect them from an unruly crowd, but the harassment the women received was to propel the female suffrage question onto the national stage.36 “Yesterday the government, which is supposed to exist for the good of all, left women while passing in peaceful procession . . . at the mercy of a howling mob,” was written in a telegram from Harriet Stanton Blanch to President Woodrow Wilson on March 4, 1913.37 Police officers made little effort to restrain the unruly crowd of men, allowing them to shout foul things at the women, throw things, impede the procession of the parade, and threaten violence towards the women. “Newspaper coverage of the event exceeded even Paul’s expectations. . . The right of women to vote was transformed overnight from the special interest of a few persistent activists into a national topic of discussion.”38
The women suffragists used their ill-treatment at the 1913 parade and the press the event received to their benefit. They were now victims and engendered the sympathy of the public. Also, and maybe more important, Paul had solidified the female suffragists in their cause. “In sharing the common experience of being on parade and being subjected to the actions of an uncontrolled crowd, the participants developed a new esprit de corps.”39 Clyde H. Tavenner, who was a Congressman from Illinois in 1913 wrote: “more votes were made for woman suffrage in the city of Washington on the afternoon on March 3rd than will perhaps ever be made . . ..”40 In fact, it was from this point onward that Alice Paul took her testimony to new heights by forming the NWP less than a month after the Washington parade and continuing the visual rhetoric that had been so successful in 1913.41 She separated from the more traditional approach of the NAWSA, and she decided to go forward with the desire for a Constitutional amendment for female suffrage.
Alice Paul and Woodrow Wilson were not friends. He was a Democrat Progressive who had no intention of extending the right to vote to women.
Alice Paul intended to make the president, for the first time in American history, the specific target of a political movement. For the next seven years, she pursued, pressured and pushed Wilson as he grudgingly converted, through a number of transmutations, from first an opponent of suffrage, to an avoidant who professed indifference about an “unimportant” issue, to a lukewarm supporter who must follow his party’s position . . ., and finally to a president who not only supported the Susan B. Anthony federal amendment but took the unusual step of appearing before the U.S. Senate to urge its passage.42
President Wilson opposed female suffrage. He followed the old logic of most anti-suffragists; i.e., women had no political experience and therefore could not have judgment in the political sphere. Paul’s Quaker background would not accept this, most especially from a man who was educated. Alice Paul well knew of Wilson’s professional life, which had included a professorship at Bryn Mawr, a woman’s college. “Women, he thought, ‘have mental and moral gifts of a sort and of a perfection that men lack, but they have not the same gifts that men have. Their life must supplement man’s life.” With such prejudices it was impossible for him to work with professional women as equals, to teach them without bias, or to support any public effort that might help women achieve equality.”43 Jean Baker, author of a work on female suffragists, poses the point that President Wilson was ill-equipped to deal with Alice Paul and her type of suffragism. Giving equality to women was not in his nature, yet his espousal of Progressivism and her relentless efforts, as well as concern over his public image once the suffragists began their hunger-strikes, led to his eventual recommendation for the Nineteenth Amendment.44 Her testimony had been up to this point an effort to persuade her followers; now, her testimony would be her activism and use of militant tactics to garner presidential support for a national amendment. Militancy to Paul was not violence and destruction of property as used by the Pankhursts; “unlike her English counterparts, Paul did not throw stones or burn golf courses.”45 Rather she was practicing her testimony by forcing the debate for female suffrage through any means possible, including the press and visual rhetoric like picketing and marches. To fail would mean, for Paul, a failure of her faith and her testimony. Alice was not going to let her beliefs falter in the face of a stubborn president and nation:
It was apparent to Paul that the president, for personal and political reasons, would forever stall without some reason to do otherwise. Wilson did not want political freedom for women. His supposed passion for local and state authority over suffrage was simply a mask. He put it on for his opposition to women’s suffrage, but he took it off when he fought for the federal government’s intervention in such matters as an eight-hour workday and the regulation of child labor. He would never use his newly installed direct phone line to Congress, so useful on other matters, to solicit legislative support for a suffrage amendment. And so began Alice Paul’s twofold campaign “to concert opinion” until suffrage for women was an inescapable public matter that a majority of Americans supported. She also meant to hold Wilson and his Democratic Party responsible for the failure to get a suffrage amendment passed by Congress.46
Picketing the White House was the next move of Alice Paul and her suffragists. Doris Stevens wrote an account of her time with the NWP and Alice Paul in Jailed for Freedom, first published in 1920. “They were the first group of citizens in American history to pioneer this form of political protest. In January 1917, the first suffrage pickets, known as “Silent Sentinels,” appeared in front of the White House, holding banners with provocative political slogans or demanding the right to vote. In an atmosphere dominated by war hysteria and concerns for national unity in World War I, the women pickets were considered disloyal Americans by large segments of the public.”47 The women carried purple, white and gold banners and some carried banners that read: “Mr. President, What will you do for woman suffrage? How long must women wait for liberty?”48 Of course with the country at war, the suffragists were seen as bothersome. And with Wilson in his second term as president, Paul and her warriors needed to push the envelope. Due to her Quaker beliefs, Paul was actually opposed to America’s entrance into World War I.49 “The women of the NWP refused to suspend their picketing because of the war. As a more compliant NAWSA immediately ended its suffrage efforts and encouraged its members to replace their suffrage activism with war work, the NWP continued to march in front of the White House.”50 Paul never resorted to militant tactics or violence, even in the face of policemen tearing up their banners and threatening them. She used her Quaker belief in passive resistance, even in the face of presidential authority, and the type of civil disobedience espoused by Henry David Thoreau. She attempted to mobilize the American woman into a powerful political group using nonviolence in the face of harsh treatment by the authorities.51 “For her constituency, mid-to-upper women, that meant breaking off the shackles imposed by antiquated political and legal precedents that maintained Victorian notions of womanhood. Paul believed that the time for a bold new style of womanhood was upon them, and she was poised to lead the way.”52 The suffragists were eventually arrested for obstructing traffic and ultimately they spent time in the Occoquan Workhouse in Virginia after refusing to stop their antics. When they were denied political prisoner status and treated harshly by the guards, Paul decided to hunger strike: Soon word of the brutality leaked to the press. The fact that long tubes were forcibly pushed up women’s nostrils, down their throats, and into their stomachs not only suggested the vulnerability of women, but also seemed a disgusting sexual invasion of their bodies. Delegations protested to congressmen about such unconstitutional ‘cruel and unusual treatment.’ Telegrams and letters poured into the White House, including a form letter that asked Wilson’s intervention.53
It would be this tactic that finally got President Woodrow Wilson to relent and favor a national amendment for female suffrage, although Paul and her clan would endure horrible treatment and force-feedings.
“Miss Alice Paul on Hunger Strike” read the headline in the November 7, 1917 edition of The New York Times:
Alice Paul, National Chairman of the Woman’s Party, now doing a seven months’ sentence in jail here for picketing the White House, has gone on a hunger strike, and tonight she had been in the jail hospital without food for the preceding twenty-four hours, stolidly threatening to starve herself to death unless her six companions, serving time for the same offense, got better food.54
Alice Paul was put in isolation in the psychiatric ward and she remained calm in the face of constant investigations into her mental health. “By November 1917, many Americans were alarmed at prison conditions and angered by Wilson’s apathetic attitude toward the federal suffrage amendment. . . Even Secretary Tumulty wrote to Wilson that ‘it is my opinion that the time is soon coming when we will have to seriously consider this matter’.”55 Wilson commuted her sentence, as well as for the other women. Paul’s efforts at challenging Wilson’s demands for democracy abroad while he denied it at home had finally struck a chord. ‘Wilson realized in late 1917 that in order to maintain the integrity of his demands for democracy abroad, he would have to acknowledge the right of women to democratic participation at home.”56
Nonviolence had won. Paul’s Quaker testimony had prevailed and kept her strong. Through this long and hard fought battle for female voting rights, the suffragists under Alice Paul’s leadership had won what they wanted so badly. Next, Alice Paul turned her sights on an amendment to give women full legal equality; this latter fight would not bear fruit. Paul’s Quaker background sustained her in her fight, however miserable and physically harmful. She believed in her use of civil disobedience to witness her Quaker testimony.
Alice Paul died on July 9, 1977, having never seen the end result of the Equal Rights
Amendment (ERA). Four thousand people helped commemorate her life on Aug. 26, 1977, by marching up Pennsylvania Avenue. Her life has been documented in an HBO movie, Iron Jawed Angels. In May 2008, the United States House of Representatives passed legislation to award Alice Paul the Congressional Gold Medal for her efforts toward female suffrage (see Appendix II). Of the honor, the National Organization for Women (NOW) wrote, “It was because of women like Alice Paul, who dedicated her life to the women’s movement, that organizations like NOW have been able to be legitimate and pertinent forces in politics and in our culture today.”57 The fruits of Paul’s labor are still prevalent today. There have been advances for women professionally, educationally, and legally and together these are all realizations of Alice Paul’s work since WWI, all realizations of her Quaker activism.
Ann Bausum, With Courage and Cloth: Winning the Fight for a Woman’s Right to Vote (Washington, D.C.: National Geographic, 2004), 29.
2 Amy E. Butler, Two Paths to Equality: Alice Paul and Ethel M. Smith in the ERA Debate (Albany, New York: State University of New York Press, 2002), 39.
3 Doris Stevens, Jailed for Freedom: American Women Win the Vote, ed. Carol O’Hare (Troutdale, OR: New Sage Press, 1995), 21.
4 Amelia R. Fry, “The Two Searches for Alice Paul,” Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies 7, no. 1 (1983): 21.
5 Katherine H. Adams and Michael L. Keene, Alice Paul and the American Suffrage Campaign (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2008), xvi.
6 Amelia R. Fry, “Conversations with Alice Paul: Woman Suffrage and the Equal Rights Amendment.” Suffragists Oral History Project (http://content.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/kt6f59n89c/), Family and Education: Forebears and Quakers section.
7 “Alice Paul Institute.” Alice Paul Institute. http://www.alicepaul.org/ (accessed October 18, 2009). Alice Paul Bio pages (http://www.alicepaul.org/alicep2.htm), 1974.
8 Adams and Keene, Alice Paul and the American Suffrage Campaign, 3.
9 Ibid., 3-4.
10 Butler, Two Paths to Equality, 39.
11 Fry, “Conversations with Alice Paul: Woman Suffrage and the Equal Rights Amendment.” Suffragists Oral History Project (http://content.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/kt6f59n89c/), Family and Education: Forebears and Quakers section.
12 Butler, Two Paths to Equality, 34-35.
13 Ibid., 39.
14 Jean H. Baker, Sisters: The Lives of American Suffragists (New York: Hill and Wang, 2005), 195.
15 Baker, Sisters, 196.
16 “Miss Paul’s Friends Seek Her Release” The New York Times Archives, 21 Nov. 1909 (http://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=9400E4DC143EE033A25752C2A9679D946897D6CF), C4.
Movement.” Political Science Quarterly 98, no. 4, 1983 (http://www.jstor.org/stable/2149723),
21 Adams and Keene, Alice Paul and the American Suffrage Campaign, 23.
23 Ibid., 25.
24 Ibid., 32.
25 Ibid., 158.
26 Ibid., 158.
27 Aileen S. Kraditor, The Ideas of the Women’s Suffrage Movement 1890-1920 (New
York: W.W. Norton and Co., 1981), 270.
28 Sidney R. Bland, “New Life in an Old Movement: Alice Paul and the Great Suffrage
Parade of 1913 in Washington D.C.” JSTOR 71/72 (http://www.jstor.org/stable/40067792), 657.
29 Butler, Two Paths to Equality, 45.
31 Adams and Keene, Alice Paul and the American Suffrage Campaign, xviii.
32 Ibid., 21.
33 Bland, “New Life in an Old Movement,” 659. Sidney Bland quoted Suffragist, Alice Paul’s publication. These quotes are from November 15, 1913, p.4 and November 29, 1913, p. 20.
34 Bausum, With Courage and Cloth: Winning the Fight for a Woman’s Right to Vote, 12-13.
35 Bland, “New Life in an Old Movement,” 662.
36 Bausum, With Courage and Cloth: Winning the Fight for a Woman’s Right to Vote, 13.
38 Ibid., 15.
39 Bland, “New Life in an Old Movement,” 676.
40 Ibid., 677.
41 Ibid., 678.
42 Kraditor, The Ideas of the Women’s Suffrage Movement 1890-1920, 187.
43 Baker, Sisters, 199.
44 Ibid., 206.
45 Ibid., 11.
46 Ibid., 206.
47 Stevens, Jailed for Freedom: American Women Win the Vote, 23.
48 Ibid., 23.
49 Adams and Keene, Alice Paul and the American Suffrage Campaign, 170.
50 Baker, Sisters, 215.
Butler, Two Paths to Equality, 54.
53 Baker, Sisters, 218-219.
54 “Miss Alice Paul on Hunger Strike: Suffragist Leader Adopts This Means of Protesting Against Washington Prison Fare.” The New York Times Archives. http://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=9A04E7D9123FE433A25754C0A9679D946696D6CF&scp=9&sq=ALice+Paul&st=p (accessed October 18, 2009).
55 Sally Hunter Graham, “Woodrow Wilson, Alice Paul, and the Woman Suffrage
Movement” Political Science Quarterly 98, no. 4 (1983): 677. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2149723 (accessed October 18, 2009).
56 Ibid., 678.
57 Baker, Sisters, 228.
Source: "Election Day!" ca. 1909. Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress. Reproduction Number LC-USZ62-51821 DLC.
This image of Alice Paul hanging the flag is very famous in the story of the female suffrage movement in America. This image, dated 1920, is a visual documentation of the long fought battle for women’s suffrage with Alice Paul standing on a second-floor balcony of the NWP’s headquarters in Washington, D.C. She had just sown the 36th star on the tri-colored flag.
Adams, Katherine H, and Michael L Keene. Alice Paul and the American Suffrage Campaign. Chicago, Illinois: University of Illinois Press, 2008.
“Alice Paul Institute.” Alice Paul Institute. http://www.alicepaul.org/ (accessed October 18, 2009).
Baker, Jean H. Introduction to Sisters: The Lives of American Suffragists, New York: Hill and Wang, 2005.
Bausum, Ann. With Courage and Cloth: Winning the Fight for a Woman’s Rights to Vote. Des Moines, Iowa: National Geographic’s Children’s Books, 2004.
Bland, Sidney R. “New Life in an Old Movement: Alice Paul and the Great Suffrage Parade of 1913 in Washington D.C.” JSTOR 71/72: 657-658. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40067792 (accessed October 18, 2009).
Butler, Amy E. Two Paths to Equality: Alice Paul and Ethel M. Smith in the ERA Debate. Albany, New York: State University of New York Press, 2002.
"Election Day!" cartoon, Library of Congress Prints and Photographs
(accessed October 18, 2009).
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