Collectively, there is much worldwide interest in airport privatization in its various forms, from complete privatization by transfer of title, to partial privatized involvement. Now more than ever government sponsors are in the mood to sell their airports. With a growing shortage of airport capacity, coupled with steep government deficits, hundreds of airports around the world,
from Mexico to Argentina to Russia, are going on the block.2 This paper provides some
insight as to why the United States has not followed suit. One answer is that
U.S. airports are already significantly privatized.
GLOBAL PRIVATIZATION In the United States, management (of particularly smaller public airports) by a private firm (usually a fixed base operator) “. . . is nothing new.”3 Additionally, many activities, or concessions, have been, and are operated by companies as private ventures on airports, or as privately managed activities on behalf of the airport sponsor. Parking lots are commonly operated and managed by contractors, with a share in the proceeds going to the airport. At Atlanta’s Hartsfield International Airport, some cargo facilities are privately owned.4 Also, numerous airport facilities, including terminals at Kennedy, O’Hare, and Cincinnati,5 were privately paid for and developed, as were hangar facilities at hundreds of airports across the United States.
The first actual airport privatization, where a government authority transferred airport title to the private sector, was the British government’s sale of British Airports Authority.6 In 1987, the British government authorized the sale of British Airports Authority by offering public shares of the Authority, which operates London’s Heathrow, Gatwick, and Stansted airports, and four airports in Scotland.7 In Canada a private consortium built, owns and is operating Terminal 3 at Pearson International Airport in Toronto.8 A number of other governments are pursuing airport privatization as well, including Denmark, Germany, Greece, Spain and New Zealand.9 The Turks, Poles, Czechoslovakians, Malaysians, and Australians are working on it too.10 In some cases even large airports have been sold, leased, or managed under contract. However, most of the privatized activity by outright sale has taken place outside the United States. Since airline deregulation in the early 1980s—which, ironically, began in the United States—airports in most places other than the U.S. have been in the process of being transformed from central or local branches of government into dynamic and commercially oriented enterprises capable of generating substantial profits. The change has come about as close ties between governments and airports have been liberalized.11 Simultaneously, airport managers have been given greater freedom to operate commercially in order to produce profits or to otherwise reduce deficits.12
For many years a number of airports operated as private companies, although such airports, while being private in a legal sense, did not have the commercial freedom which a truly privately owned company would have. Moreover, in many cases, the company shareholders have been one or more central or local government departments or other government organizations. For example, most of the larger German airports were government-owned companies.13 Milan has had private minority shareholders, but its majority shareholders have been central and state holding companies.
Why has this fervor for total privatization not caught on in the United States? That there is already significant privatization of airports in the U.S. is one answer, but there are other, more deep-seated reasons as well.
LAISSEZ-FAIRE ROOTS Privatization, like deregulation, has its intellectual roots in the free market or laissez-faire economic theory of Adam Smith.14 In a laissez-faire economy, wherever society has had a need for goods and services, which could be produced profitably, the provision of such services has been left to the private sector. As U.S. President George H.W. Bush stated in 1992, “Private enterprise and competitively driven improvements are the foundation of our Nation’s economy and economic growth.” Public infrastructure development in the United States has traditionally involved private enterprise. The public and private sectors, and the prosperity of each, are “inextricably linked.”15 Hence, private investment in the U.S. infrastructure is not innovative, nor is the privatization of airports a novel idea. In fact, most airports in the United States began as privately owned operations.16 Furthermore, most landing sites in the U.S. today are still privately owned. But while the number of privately owned airfields continues to increase, those open to the public have diminished, leaving mostly publicly-owned facilities to serve the needs of the air transportation industry.
The reason principal airports are in public ownership is economics; at least this is the case not only in the United States, but in free-enterprise systems all over the world. Although there are profitable cost centers on airports, the expenses associated with the overall operation of most airports have been greater than the revenues produced. Because of the economics, ownership and operation of public-use airports have been historically relegated primarily to state and local governments. Nevertheless, there is currently a propensity for the largest airports to make a profit. And coupled with a general disappointment in government performance there is a renewed interest in airports by the private sector.
The public sector is also finding an interest in airport privatization, and government entities have turned to the private sector in an effort to increase revenues and/or reduce costs.17 To overcome the apparent shortage of public funds, governments are looking to expand their tax bases, promote development of new facilities in the “traditional manner” (i.e., through private capital investment), and there is growing public support for direct user charges18
In general, any form of private intervention may be referred to as “privatization,” which “. . . encompasses a broad range of arrangements under which activities once engaged in by government are to varying degrees turned over to private hands.”19 The counterpart to privatization in the private sector is “outsourcing.” The latter (outsourcing) became part of the business lexicon during the 1980s and generally refers to the delegation of non-core operations from internal production to an external entity specializing in the management of that operation.
Grover Starling suggests that “privatization,” defined in technical terms, involves a continuum, with the public sector (government) on the far left and the private sector (the marketplace) on the far right, and with a variety of intermediary or mixed forms in between. Of the several meanings of privatization, the most common forms in the airport sector consist of:
The contracting out by government to private firms of operations, maintenance or management of a service previously or traditionally provided by government employees;
The private development of new facilities of a type that has been traditionally provided by the government, accompanied by government oversight; and
The sale or lease of existing government-owned enterprises to a private firm, usually with restrictions and obligations as to how the enterprise will run.20
What is meant by airport privatization in the more contemporary (“deregulatory”) sense entails the government relinquishing control over management of the airport to the private sector, either through a management contract or by lease or outright sale. By one definition, privatization is, “. . . the disposition or transfer of an infrastructure asset, such as by sale or by long-term lease, from a state or local government to a private party.”21 In transferring an airport, (by management, lease or sale) to the private sector, at issue is the public interest in the airport and its services, and profit-taking from a service center traditionally viewed as a non-profit governmental function.
And where would the money come from to pay for the privatization of public airports? The most likely source, of course, is from the end users, the customers. Hence, there is conservative resistance to the idea of privatization from both users and providers of air transportation services, and much criticism of its merits.
Still, advocates of privatization seem to tout it as a general cure-all for the problems facing society. As Robert Poole, of the Reason Foundation, contends, “. . . America’s bridges, waterworks and airports won’t work properly until they are in private hands.”22 But Poole goes too far! Efficiently operated public enterprises do exist. And there are plenty of examples of misdirected privatization to make one skeptical of its merits under all circumstances. Look at the Pentagon, for instance, where cost overruns are infamous! “If government by private contract really were the answer to all our ills, Pentagon spending would be a model of efficiency.”23
To the critics of airline deregulation, its outcome is another example that might lead one to question the merits of privatization. And yet, the Heritage Foundation, the Reason Foundation, and Unisys all strongly advocate the deregulation of airports as well. William Laffer of the Heritage Foundation states that the air system’s problems are the result of “unfinished deregulation.” The real problem (with air traffic congestion) . . .” he says, “. . . lies with the failure to deregulate the other components of America’s air transportation network—the airports and the air traffic control system.”24 In a like vein, Robert Poole suggests, “Congress freed up the airlines to compete and grow, but left the essential infrastructure—the airports and Air Traffic Control [ATC] system—in their static, bureaucratic pre-deregulation condition. The result is a growing set of problems, most notably delays, congestion, and questions about safety levels.”25 Charles Sander says there is an “opportunity to reinvent the airport . . . that given the success of privatization efforts in the United Kingdom, Europe and Indianapolis, the benefits of airport privatization can no longer be ignored in the United States.” However, Sander does admit that “airport privatization does not mean divestiture by the government. . . .”26
Airport deregulation infers that the government ought to extract itself from the management of airports, and to relinquish that responsibility to the private sector. But before all “rush to deregulate” and further “dismantle America,”27 consider first that the success of airline deregulation is still a matter of debate. When measured by the explicit goals and promises of the Airline Deregulation Act of 1978, airline deregulatory policy has certainly failed on every point.28 At the dawn of the 21st century the airline industry was in a tailspin.
A popular theme since the 1970s has been reduction in the size of government. And, “[t]he notion of less government is becoming more popular with taxpayers who are skeptical about government’s ability to do business efficiently.”29 Reduced government was the underlying idea spawning airline deregulation, and some proponents would still advocate privatization if for no other reason than to “eliminate government.” However, a position advocating less government at any cost is extreme, and ignores why governments exist at all. As Ronald Moe suggests, “[s]upporters of the privatization movement view their role as advocacy of a cause and thus feel little need to consider the possible limitations to their arguments.”30 Less government at any cost also ignores the existence of a primary difference between public and private management.
As Moe and Gilmour argue, “[t]he theoretical foundation” of public administration “is in public law.” It is “founded on the body of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights and articulated by a truly enormous body of statutory, regulatory, and case law to ensure continuance of a republican form of government and to protect the rights and freedoms of citizens at the hands of an all-powerful state.” “The distinguishing characteristic of governmental management is that the actions of governmental officials must have their basis in public law.”31 While the so-called “new public administration” encourages public managers to become entrepreneurial and to exert leadership, public managers have, heretofore, been excluded by law from the political arena. However instrumental or enlightened the new approach may appear, the model of the market-oriented public manager is inherently problematic for democratic governance. Because entrepreneurship in the government sector implies that public managers might be motivated by self-interest and act opportunistically stands in stark contrast to the traditional ideal of the “ethical agents who administer the public’s business with the common good in mind.”32 Although the ideal may not be realized in modern governance, any perceived threat to the ideal might be cause for some alarm.
As with the institutional imperative, which motivates public bureaucrats to advance the self-interest of their agencies and themselves above the public’s interests, the inherently self-interested, risk-taking, and rule-breaking orientations of public entrepreneurs might well fuel the anxieties of many who feel that the bureaucracy is already too powerful. Such anxiety provides ammunition for those, like Larry Terry, who believe that what is needed are more, not fewer, constraints to keep public entrepreneurs accountable.33 Until more is known about how to ensure accountability, skeptics of the new public administration, like Terry, reject the new model.34 Moe, on the other hand, advocates “the legal paradigm” of entrepreneurial government, wherein “. . . a conceptually sound enabling statute, supplemented by comprehensive, yet flexible, general management laws is a necessary basis for effective agency management.”35
At a minimum, any government contemplating privatization will have to take certain precautions not only to protect the public interest, but to facilitate the privatization initiative.36 Based on privatization experiences in certain state and local governments,37 the U.S. General Accountability Office has identified six lessons for federal officials (and ostensibly for any government level) contemplating privatization projects:
Privatization can be best implemented when there is a committed political leader to champion it;
Governments need to establish organizational and analytical structure for privatization projects;
Governments need to have enabling legislation to encourage privatization activities;
Reliable and accurate cost data on government activities are needed to assess the overall performance of activities targeted for privatization;
Governments need to develop strategies to help their employees make the transition to a private-sector environment; and
Governments need to monitor and evaluate performance of private sector providers to ensure that the government’s expectations are protected.38
In short, the government still needs to be heavily involved. Privatization of public goods does not mean “sans government.”
PUBLIC VERSUS PRIVATE MANAGEMENT
Another underlying theme of the “privatization movement” is grounded in the belief that management by private enterprise is somehow always more efficient than government management. Poole, for example states, there “. . . is a very clear belief that private managers freed of government shackles generally do a better job of managing the business and providing higher service levels.” Poole’s generalization, however, is conjecture. Corporate bureaucracies can be every bit as inefficient as government bureaucracies. And it is interesting how analysts, both for and against privatization, can use the same example to support one over the other. Take, for example, the “Chicago Flood” of April 1992, resulting when an underground tunnel collapsed.
Poole argues it “. . . was not the failure of a concrete structure that was at fault . . . it was the failure of a political structure. . . .”39 As Chicago Mayor Richard Daley said when told that city workers had known about the tunnel problem for several days before it collapsed, “Let’s privatize the (expletive deleted) place.”40 Poole suggests it was “. . . political pressure that led to the phenomenon of ‘deferred maintenance’—the politician’s term for allowing public facilities to crumble.” Poole would suggest that all management within government is inefficient, and the answer to such inefficiency, in all cases, is privatization. However, using that same “Chicago” incident, Kuttner points out that, “part of the blame lies with Mayor Richard M. Daley’s downsizing of government.”41 Six months before the tunnel collapsed, “Mayor Daley eliminated the Department of Public Works as a cost-saving measure. Some of its functions were transferred to other agencies; other functions were contracted out (i.e.; privatized). At the same time of the flood it was no longer clear which agency, public or private, was responsible for tunnel maintenance.”
Similar case studies can be used to argue the pros and cons of airport privatization. As stated above, privatization of airports is not a novel idea, nor is the notion of private investment in the airport infrastructure a recent inspiration. As Bunnell points out, “The presence of private money at the world’s airports is not new. For a very long time, funding has come from airport tenants—primarily the airlines—to finance capital improvements in line with airport/tenant leases.”42 At airports where tenants have invested in capital improvements on airports without government assistance, it has been necessary for those same tenants to obtain long-term rights to property in order for them to secure favorable bank financing. By relying heavily upon private investment many communities were able to develop their airports where they would not have had sufficient capital otherwise. Traditional airport leases have for decades granted long-term (typically from twenty to forty years) agreements to airlines, fixed base operators, and other airport tenants, in order to promote private investment in the airport infrastructure.
It should be noted that in most cases the granting of long-term, exclusive rights to public (airport) property has resulted in a subsequent loss in management flexibility. “Residual cost” or what some people refer to as “Chicago” or “O’Hare” contracts became the traditional form of lease agreement. In residual cost contracts, the tenants (usually the airlines) pay the difference up to a specified amount between revenues from all other sources and the airport’s total expenses. In many cases the result has been for the airport to at best break even. More often, a deficit resulted, which local taxpayers had to make up. Development of the airport at private expense usually produced economic generation for the community, and therefore provided a public benefit, but the tradeoff was a loss of management control, which later acted against the public interest.
Traditional leases became particularly problematic with the advent of airline deregulation. Many newcomers to the airline industry were either restricted, or unable to obtain access to airports they wished to serve. In most cases gates were limited and the few existing gates were controlled by incumbent airlines. The granting of air traffic slots to certain airlines by the Federal government had a similar effect in excluding service, especially to smaller carriers. The air traffic and airspace system, including airports, is an integrated system, and experience has shown facilities controlled exclusively by private companies tend to be proprietary, and inflexible to system requirements for change.
Another problem that came with deregulation was airline failures resulting in bankruptcy and the tying up of limited airport facility resources pending the outcome of the bankruptcy proceedings. Bankruptcy law has since been corrected to allow the immediate return of airport facilities to airport sponsor control, but bankruptcy still remains as an issue of consideration if not an impediment to airport privatization. A privatized airport could go bankrupt, and it is unclear to what extent the airport’s activities might be disrupted as a result. The local community, for example, might have to buy back the airport to ensure its continued operation as an airport. As the Government Accountability Office explains:
Certain Bankruptcy Code provisions may, in effect, hinder or prevent a local or state government from canceling a lease or management contract to protect other creditors, even if the lease or contract contains a default clause. Furthermore, the local or state government’s ability to substitute a new operator may be restricted even if the bankrupt operator’s performance deteriorates. Moreover, certain Bankruptcy Code provisions authorize the trustee, subject to court approval, to reject certain agreements, which could include a lease or management contract.43 Historically, the net outcome of the private/public partnership investments in airport development has been a mixture of advantages and disadvantages. Airport infrastructures were developed where, were it not for private investment, they may not have been developed. But barriers to competition were set up as well, with, in some cases, an associated net loss in economic efficiency and needed flexibility. From a public interest perspective, airports developed and managed primarily by government sponsors have seemingly been more efficient, and more flexible. Irrespective, private investment has always had a role in the development of U.S. infrastructures. Hence, there are few examples of airports in the United States developed exclusively with public funds. Perhaps the foremost example of such an airport developed largely through public funding is the Phoenix Sky Harbor Airport in Arizona. As a result, Phoenix officials are apparently better positioned to manage and control their airport facilities than are most other airport sponsors of similarly sized airports.
In the decade between 1980 and 1990, Phoenix Sky Harbor was able to rapidly expand to meet a tripling demand in enplanements, while at the same time controlling its costs. However, the airport came face-to-face with the catastrophic possibility that its then primary carrier, America West, might have gone out of business when it filed for Chapter 11 (bankruptcy) protection in the early 1990s. Had America West failed to recover from Chapter 11, Phoenix Sky Harbor nonetheless still would have been able to effectively shift utilization of its terminal assets, and thereby control costs until the air transport market in Phoenix once again stabilized.44
It would appear that Phoenix has been a model of government efficiency, standing in the face of those who would argue that private is hands-down better than public management. Even so, Robert Poole tried to promote the sale of Phoenix Sky Harbor in 1990, arguing that it would give a one-time windfall of about $544 million, put the property back on the tax roles, and provide funding for major capital investments at the airport. In response, Neilson “Dutch” Berthoff, then Phoenix Aviation Director, confidently rejected the notion of private enterprise being able to run Sky Harbor better than the City. He pointed out that it was unlikely for Phoenix to yield control of a facility that is crucial to economic development and pumps billions of dollars annually into the local economy.45
In response to the zealous advocacy of others for airport privatization, Robert Kuttner suggests that, “privatization is not a cure-all.”46 “There is no permanent formula for what should be public and what should be private.” Privatization may not be a panacea, but neither should it be hastily dismissed. As Poole might counterpoint, it may still be “. . . attractive as a way of generating increased investment in airport capacity and addressing the problem of concentrated hubs.”47 And, as the American Association of Airport Executives [AAAE] points out in its sponsored project report on airport privatization, “Application of privatization to publicly owned, air carrier airports is neither a panacea nor an empty concept for addressing current-day airport problems. It is a tool to be considered and used when it fits a problem that requires fixing.”48
Privatization may be an opportunity for fixing a management problem, but it is not a panacea. It is but one alternative to management and “requires fixing” is the operative term. Yet, what may be “required” is a subjective determination. The concept of privatization is subjective as well. But at a minimum, privatization implies that there is an underlying profit motive. That is to say, “privatization” is nearly synonymous with “profitization.” It is the prospect of profit that attracts investors. But as Kuttner submits, “. . . the incursion of a profit-motivated vendor into public spaces sometimes overwhelms the public purpose of the endeavor.”
THE PROFIT MOTIVE
A prevailing consensus suggests that greater efficiency naturally results when there is a profit motive. According to Dickerson, “[a]s the airport would be driven by profit, allocation of resources would be more efficient, and business judgment, instead of political considerations, would be used to conduct operations.”49 Likewise, Robert Poole argues that public enterprises (could) produce steady streams of revenues, and “private owners (would) have strong incentives to run them efficiently”;50 effectively, as “. . . robust, cash-generating businesses.”51
If profit must exist in order to have efficiency, and if Poole is right in his view that airports ought to be run strictly as profit ventures, then again the question might be, “profit at whose expense and/or to whose benefit?” Privatization could be “fixing” something the public doesn’t want fixed, especially if the profit is at public expense. Airport users would certainly question the necessity for profit if it came out of their pockets.52 Moreover, what is meant by “airport profitability” and how important is it really?
Whether an airport “profits” or not is relative to its micro and macro-economic perspectives; “micro-economic” here meaning the airport-as-a-market, and “macro-economic” defined herein as the community or region served by a given airport. Most airports at the micro-economic level do not make a profit, nor are they intended to. As a rule, governments, including airport sponsors, are not supposed to show a profit. Airports, specifically, are not supposed to make a profit, per the assurances made by airport sponsors to the Federal government in exchange for airport development grants. The Federal government requires that all proceeds be reinvested in the airport. In most cases, airports cannot profit anyway, at least not “reasonably.” With the possible exception of a few medium and large hub airports, most airports are publicly subsidized.
What must be kept in perspective is that airports are not an end unto themselves. Airports are there to serve their communities, not the other way around. An airport’s value may not lie in whether it makes a profit as an enterprise, but rather, if it economically benefits the community as a whole. In other words, does the community “profit?”
Since the late 1960s, there have been numerous studies looking at the economics of airports and their importance to the communities that they serve. The general consensus of studies by the Federal Aviation Administration [FAA], the General Aviation Manufacturers Association [GAMA], the Aircraft Owners and Pilots Association [AOPA], and other organizations, concludes there are distinct economic advantages for communities having airports in terms of attracting and retaining industries, and creating new jobs. Airports are significant economic multipliers, irrespective of their profitability. In most cases the added cost of operating an airport is far offset by the economic benefits derived by the community.
In 1984 the Congressional Budget Office [CBO] released its results of a comprehensive analysis of the economics of the largest and busiest air carrier airports in the United States. The study alluded to an approximate financial breakeven point where these larger airports (those with approximately three quarters of a million enplaning passengers or more per year) are seemingly capable of financing their own operations and capital requirements without the need for subsidy from the outside.53 Of the more than 3,000 airports in the National Plan of Integrated Airport Systems [NPIAS], only about sixty or seventy airports might meet the criteria and be capable of profiting as a business; more realistically, it might be perhaps only about two dozen airports. The intent of the 1984 CBO study was to determine if Congress should continue or adjust the Federal government’s role in financing civil airports; in short, whether or not the largest, self-sufficient airports might be “defederalized.” Because certain airports are demonstrating the potential for profitability, not only has the question of de-federalization come up, but the notion of privatizing those airports has gained popularity as well.
Although certain airports may be self-sufficient, it should nevertheless be recognized that these airports did not achieve their current positive economic positions without some form of government subsidy. Federal financial assistance, along with substantial long-term investment by state and local government airport sponsors, has played a critical role in building the nation’s system of airports. Private investment has also played a role, but because of the net cost of airport operation, ownership and operation of public airports has been historically relegated primarily to state and local governments, but subsidized heavily by the federal government.
Of the federal assistance provided to public-use airports, nearly 40% has gone to the nation’s seventy or so large and medium-hub commercial airports, which serve almost 90% of all commercial passengers. Ironically, these are the same commercial airports identified in the CBO study as having demonstrated an ability to finance their capital spending needs through a combination of retained earnings and conventional financing in the municipal bond market. Irrespective of the heavy federal subsidization, this apparent capacity of certain airports to obtain adequate financing in the private sector not only raises the issue of the federal role in airport finance, but also demonstrates positive cash flow, economic self-sufficiency, and most importantly, indicates a propensity for select airports to make a profit. Hence, coupled with the current fiscal crises in government, the potential profitability in airport operation is attracting private enterprise.
The profitability of the largest airports, however, is seemingly not a problem that “requires fixing.” The problem, if there is one, lies in the non-profitability of the other 3,000 plus airports in the NPIAS. And, whether private enterprise can fix the “problem” by making many of these airports profitable is highly doubtful, when historically it was the private sector that relegated the problem to the public sector in the first place—because the private sector was unable to make airports profitable.
The prospect of privatizing currently operating facilities raises serious questions. Are the proponents of privatization groping for an answer to a socio-economic dilemma, or is it the avarice of capitalism? There is concern, for example, that privatization might transfer the proceeds of what are now profitable cost centers to private interests, to make them even more profitable, but with no apparent public benefit. As Kuttner suggests, “. . . a dogmatic approach may actually cost taxpayers more money.”54
In the absence of profitability, the provision of airport services was left to the government and thereby became defined as “public goods.” In one definition, public goods have two critical properties: one is it is not feasible to ration their use (i.e., to exclude any individual); and second, it is not desirable to ration their use.55 These two factors have an impact upon economic efficiency in the public sector. Productive efficiency, in fact, may not be one of government’s strong suits, if for no other reason, because public interest is at the heart of government service provision. “Public agencies characteristically are structured to guarantee due process and administrative fairness, to ensure all considerations get proper weight and that no citizen’s rights are violated”56 If access to a public-use airport is a “public good,” then “[w]ho is best able to safeguard that public good—the public sector or free enterprise”?57 Certainly, the public sector is best suited to the protection of civil rights, but it still does not discount the possibility of private management on behalf of the government sponsor of say an airport.
PRIVATIZATION PROS AND CONS
Major contractors as well as some lesser operators, are seemingly at the forefront of an emerging industry. Poole gives three reasons why the interest in airport privatization is growing.58 The first reason given is there is not enough infrastructure capacity to meet air transportation demands. The hope of privatization is that it might attract investment, and the attraction of capital will generate more revenue, and thereby help finance expansion of the nation’s airport capacity.
Second, since the advent of airline deregulation, there has been decreasing airline competition at certain hub airports. Managers of privately operated airports, it is argued, might be better negotiators in dealing with airlines as tenants, and through private investment might be able to expand airport capacity and attract more airline competition.
And third, airports represent a sizeable capital investment for which local airport sponsors are not allowed (by federal grant assurances) to earn any kind of a return. Privatization is one means of generating profits, which could be used to do other useful things in the community. As Clifton Moore once stated: “The City of Los Angeles never has received five cents return on the work and investment that it has made. . . .[e]veryone [e.g., Hertz, United Airlines, American Airlines, the restaurant operator]can make a profit from the public investment except the people who actually own it.” 59
The first two reasons given for privatization expansion are under girded by a clear belief that private managers freed of government constraints generally do a better job of managing business. Proponents argue privatization would lead to efficiencies and increased capacity; the underlying premise, again, being a widely held perception that business management by the private sector is superior to management found in the public sector. They argue privatization leads to lower operating costs, more productivity, and therefore greater efficiency. But, the supposed “efficiencies” to be derived from privatization are not altogether clear.
Opponents to privatization, for instance, contend it would increase costs to users and would restrict access to general aviation. The argument for public provision of “public goods” is that it is more efficient to have them publicly provided. Joseph Stiglitz submits, “[i]f it is to be privately provided by a firm, the firm must charge for its use; and any charge for its use will discourage individuals from using it. Thus when public goods are privately provided, an underutilization of these goods will result.”60 In short, discrimination will ensue, the cost per unit of production will go up, and the efficiency, therefore, will go down. Economic efficiency assumes prices are close to the marginal unit cost of production. If a profit margin must be built into the cost of production, price, it would seem, must increase, and therefore, may not be at its most “efficient” level.
In certain financial situations, it may be advisable to privatize, but seemingly only at the margins. And to make the generalization that private management is superior to public management is not altogether valid. One must still ask, if management of airports could be better served in the private sector then in the past why was the responsibility relinquished to the government? Tim Ferguson responds to the question by suggesting that “Washington’s aid guidelines stifle business-like practices in countless ways and are one of the primary reasons why U.S. airports fell into public hands and have remained there.”61 There is little evidence, however, to support Ferguson’s contention. Aside from the large and medium hubs, the economic reality is that most (smaller) airports are not profitable, and are, therefore, unattractive as long-term ventures, other than to management companies who assume only limited risk, yet are nevertheless assured of a profit.62 The GAO reports that in most cases, private managers are compensated on a fixed fee basis, sometimes including a performance incentive payment.63
“Total privatization,” defined as the sale of an airport to a private enterprise, is perhaps an economically appropriate consideration in the United States only with the (seventy or so) large and medium hub airports, which are already profitable. Seemingly, those select airports might be able to function in the public’s interest just as any other public utility operated in the United States. Nevertheless, there is stiff opposition to privatizing the largest airports. As Richard Leone, former chair of the board for the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey, argues, “[s]elling major airports to private operators could leave strategic public assets loaded with debt, deteriorating from lack of investment and unable to support the communities they serve”64
Leone lists three reasons why public airports should remain public.65 First, “anybody who wanted to buy the airports would have to borrow heavily,” and the 1980s demonstrated the dangers of such leveraged buyouts. Second (assuming airports were sold for their true “value”) the required debt service payments would make it difficult for a private operator to invest in airport maintenance and improvements. And third, a private operator could not manage the variety of legal, community and intra-governmental problems that arise in airport management.66 At a minimum, some powers would have to remain with the government. This is precisely why the Lockheed Corporation in the late 1970s found it necessary to transfer its (privately-owned) Burbank airport to the public sector.
With the remaining (approximately 3,000) airports in the national system of airports, some degree of partial privatization might be appropriate, but only where it can be adequately demonstrated that improved efficiencies would, in fact, be achieved. Profiting from a public asset by a private enterprise, if it is at the public’s expense does not and cannot represent economic efficiency. If prices must be increased, and public goods must be rationed solely for the sake of making a profit for a private operator, it clearly would not serve the public interest, and it would be far better for the airport to remain totally within the public sector. But if it can be truly demonstrated that privatization of an airport would generate more revenue and thereby help finance expansion of infrastructure capacity, improve upon day-to-day management, and allow local airport sponsors to capitalize on their investments, then, indeed, it would be a strong argument for privatization.
Perhaps the greatest opportunity for privatization can be found in John Kasarda’s concept of the “aerotropolis,” which is a new type of urban form comprised of aviation-intensive businesses and related enterprises extending about 15 miles outward from major airports.67 It is similar in form and function to a traditional metropolis, which contains a Central Business District [CBD] at its core, surrounded by clusters of aviation-related enterprises and commuter-linked suburbs.68 However, the aerotropolis is the post-industrial equivalent. At its center is the airport, surrounded by tens of thousands of acres of light industrial space, office space, upscale retail mix, business-class hotel accommodations, restaurants, entertainment, recreation, golf courses, and single and multiple-family housing.69 Aerotropoli (pl.) are designed typically to attract industries related to time-sensitive manufacturing, e-commerce fulfillment, telecommunications and logistics; hotels, retail outlets, entertainment complexes and exhibition centers; and offices for business people who travel frequently by air or engage in global commerce. Clusters of business parks, logistics parks, industrial parks, distribution centers, information technology complexes and wholesale merchandise marts would locate around the airports and along the transportation corridors radiating from them.
Privatization, at least defined as “total,” may not be part of the “wave” of the future. What seems more likely is a continuation, albeit enhanced, of the traditional partnership between the public and private sectors in the development of new airport infrastructure such as the emerging vision of the aerotropolis. But the airfield proper—that part of the airport which typically costs more than it makes—would likely remain in the public sector. Look, for example, at Alliance Airport in Fort Worth. The City operates the airport, while private investors work the surrounding property.70
Suggested in this paper are three reasons for the current interest in privatization (i.e., to attract capital investment, improve management, and generate profits). Here is a fourth reason: A partnership between government and private enterprise might provide legitimate entrepreneurial opportunities for profitization, while at the same time increasing system capacity and generating an economic multiplier for the community, thereby allowing both the public and private sectors to benefit. True privatization entails honest entrepreneurship; that is to say, “organizing business, by assuming risk in hopes of potential profits.” Conversely, management contracts that guarantee profit to the contractor without risk are just another brand of corporate welfare, and it would be difficult to justify how such arrangements would be in the public interest.
1 This paper is excerpted from Laurence E. Gesell and Robin R. Sobotta, Privatization and Public Entrepreneurship, Chapter 15 in The Administration of Public Airports (5th ed. 2007).
2 Kyle Pope, Airport Privatization Begins to Take Off, Led by Britain’s BAA, Wall St. J. (Sep. 24, 1996), at A1.
3 Wendy Quinones, Contract Management Helps Airports Get Down to Business, Airport Services Management (May 1986) at 40-45.
4 TADRF of AAAE, An Airport Executive’s Guide To Privatization (1992), at 20.
5 GAO, Airport Privatization: Issues Related to the Sale of U.S. Commercial Airports, testimony Report No. T-RCED-96-82.
6 Robert W. Poole, Jr., Privatizing Airports, Reason Foundation, Policy Study No. 119 (1990), at 7.
7 Robert W. Poole Jr., Airport Privatization: What the Record Shows, Reason Foundation, Policy Study No. 124 (Aug. 1990), at 4.
8 ADRF of AAAE, An Airport Executive’s Guide to Privatization 23 (1992); see also Paul McKnight, The Evolution of Devolution: Privatization, Canadian Style, Airport Magazine (May/Jun. 1990) at 108-131.
10 Joan Feldman, Is Airport Privatization a Good Idea?, Air Transport World (1989), at 26.
11 Liberalization is a term used in some countries as a counterpart to deregulation in the U.S. But, it has a slightly different meaning. Deregulation connotes extraction of the government from the regulatory process. Liberalization connotes a more liberal approach by government while it is still engaged in economic intervention. Hence, privatization likewise takes on a slightly different meaning outside the U.S. The British Airports Authority, for example, is a private company, but highly regulated by the central government of Great Britain. In the final analysis, the U.S. government has not extracted itself totally from economic intervention, nor have other countries totally privatized their airlines and airports.
12 Rigas Doganis, The Airport Business xii, 1 (1992).
13 Id. at 26, 28.
14 Ronald C. Moe, Exploring the Limits of Privatization, Public Administrative Review (Nov./Dec. 1987) at 453.
16 James Ott, Bush Order Opens Door for Airport Privatization, Avn. Wk. & Space Tech. (May 11, 1992) at 24.
17 ADRF of AAAE, An Airport Executive’s Guide to Privatization 17 (1992).
18 Id. at 12.
19 Harold J. Sullivan, Privatization of Public Services: A Growing Threat to Constitutional Rights, Public Administration Rev. (Nov./Dec. 1987).
20 ADRF of AAAE, An Airport Executive’s Guide to Privatization 17 (1992) at 12; see also Robert W. Poole, Jr., Airport Privatization: What the Record Shows, Reason Foundation, Policy Study No. 124 (Aug. 1990) at 3; see also Timothy Chandler & Peter Feuille, Municipal Unions and Privatization, Public Administration Rev. (Jan./Feb. 1991) at 15.
21 George H.W. Bush, Executive Order 12803 (1992).
22 Robert W. Poole, Jr., Invest in Infrastructure—Privatize, Wall St. J. (Tues., May 5, 1992).
23 Robert Kuttner, Privatization is Not a Cure-All, Wall St. J. (Thurs., Apr. 30, 1992).
24 Tom Belden, Privatization of Airports Gaining Favor, Phoenix Gazette (Thurs., Mar. 28, 1991).
25 Robert W. Poole, Jr., Privatizing Airports, Reason Foundation, Policy Study No. 119 (Jan. 1990).
26 Charles Sander, Airport Privatization: Trends and Opportunities, Parts II and III, http://www.unisys.com (visited Sep. 21, 2006).
27 See S. J. Tolchin & M. Tolchin, Dismantling America: The Rush to Deregulate (1983).
28 See Paul Stephen Dempsey & Laurence E. Gesell, Air Transportation: Foundations for the 21st Century (1997); seealso Melvin A. Brenner, Airline Deregulation—A Case Study in Public Policy Failure (1988); see also Paul Stephen Dempsey, Deregulation Has Spawned Abuses in Air Transport, Av. Wk. & Space Tech. (Nov. 21, 1988); see also Paul Stephen Dempsey, The Deregulation Mess, Air and Space (Sep. 1989); see also Paul Stephen Dempsey, Flying Blind: The Failure of Airline Deregulation (1990); see also Laurence E. Gesell, Airline Re-Regulation (1990); see also Laurence E. Gesell & Martin T. Farris, Airline Deregulation: An Evaluation of Goals and Objectives, 21 Trans. Law J. (1992).
29 Wendy Quinones, Contract Management Helps Airports Get Down to Business, Airport Services Management (May 1986).
30 Ronald C. Moe, Exploring the Limits of Privatization, Public Administration Rev. (Nov./Dec. 1987) at 458.
31 Ronald C. Moe & Robert S. Gilmour, Rediscovering Principles of Public Administration: The Neglected Foundation of Public Law, Public Administration Rev., Vol. 55, No. 2 (1995), at 135-146.
32 Linda Kaboolian, The New Public Management: Challenging the Boundaries of the Management vs. Administration Debate, Public Administration Rev., Vol. 58, No. 3, (May/Jun. 1998), at 190.
33 See Larry D. Terry, Administrative Leadership, Neo-Managerialism, and the Public Management Movement, Public Administration Rev., Vol. 58, No. 3 (May/Jun. 1998), at 198.
34 Seegenerally Larry D. Terry, Administrative Leadership, Neo-Managerialism, and the Public Management Movement, Public Administration Rev., Vol. 58, No. 3 (May/Jun. 1998).
35 Ronald C. Moe, Lets Rediscover Government, Not Reinvent It, Government Executive, Vol. 25 (Jun. 1993), at 47.
36 The British government was aware of the dangers when it passed the 1986 Airports Act, imposing some tight controls on new airport companies operating privatized airports in the British Isles; see Rigas Doganis, The Airport Business 30 (1992).
37 In Georgia, Indiana, Massachusetts, Michigan, New York, and Virginia.
38 GAO, Privatization: Lessons Learned by State and Local Governments, GAO/GGD-97 (Mar. 1997).
39 Robert W. Poole, Jr., Invest in Infrastructure—Privatize, Wall St. J. (Tues., May 5, 1992).
41 Robert Kuttner, Privatization is Not a Cure-All, Wall St. J. (Thurs., Apr. 30, 1992).
42 Robert A. Bunnell, Is Your Airport a Pot of Gold?, Airport Magazine (May/Jun. 1992).
43 GAO, Airport Privatization: Issues Related to the Sale or Lease of U.S. Commercial Airports (Nov. 7, 1996).
44 Phoenix was able to negotiate 30-day agreements instead of leases for terminal space, thereby providing even greater control over airport assets in the event of bankruptcy.
45 Ken Western, Phoenix Urged to Sell Sky Harbor Airport, The Arizona Republic (Feb. 8, 1990) at E-1.
46 Robert Kuttner, Privatization is Not a Cure-All, Wall St. J. (Thurs., Apr. 30, 1992).
47 Robert W. Poole, Jr., Privatizing Airports, Reason Foundation, Policy Study No. 119 (Jan. 1990) at 3.
48 ADRF of AAAE, An Airport Executive’s Guide to Privatization 17 (1992).
49 Spencer Dickerson, To Privatize or Not To Privatize, Airport Magazine (May/Jun. 1990).
50 Robert W. Poole, Jr., Invest in Infrastructure—Privatize, Wall St. J. (Tues., May 5, 1992).
51 Robert W. Poole, Jr., Viewpoints, The Los Angeles Times (Mar. 25, 1990) at D3.
52 Robert A. Bunnell, Is Your Airport a Pot of Gold?, Airport Magazine (May/Jun. 1992) at 17.
53 Most private sector investors would not consider buying an airport with fewer than one million enplaning passengers, and it is only when the five million mark is reached that the investment is considered to be attractive. Tom Gill, Stampede to Market, Airline Business (Apr. 1998). In 1996, Airline Business magazine looked at 36 airports. For U.S. airports the break-even point remained about where the CBO study had determined, at approximately one million enplanements. However, for international airports the number was closer to five million. See Laurence E. Gesell and Robin R. Sobotta, The Administration of Public Airports 785-787 (5th ed. 2007).
54 Robert Kuttner, Privatization is Not a Cure-All, Wall St. J. (Thurs., April 30, 1992).
55 Joseph E. Stiglitz, Economics of the Public Sector (1986).
56 Spencer Dickerson, To Privatize or Not To Privatize, Airport Magazine (May/Jun. 1990) at 132.
58 Reason Foundation, Airport Privatization: Can It Work?, A transcript of a Reason Foundation Seminar (Mar. 20, 1990).
59 Reason Foundation, Airport Privatization: Can It Work?, A Transcript of a Reason Foundation Seminar (Mar. 20, 1990), at 15-16.
60 Joseph Stiglitz, Economics of the Public Sector (1986).
61 Tim W. Ferguson, Landing a Profit by De-Socializing an Industry, Wall St. J. (Mar. 13, 1990), at A17.
62 For example, in exchange for managing the five general aviation airports belonging to the Rhode Island State DOT, the management company receives: costs, including those for staff, reimbursable based on an approved budget; $65,000 per year management fee; and a 30 % incentive fee of actual operational bottom line improvement over the base year 1996 actual operation bottom line. Presumably a decreased deficit (albeit still a deficit) is treated as an improvement in the bottom line. See John F. Infanger, An Airport Corporation, Airport Business (May 1997), at 14-15.
63 GAO, Airport Privatization: Issues Related to the Sale or Lease of U.S. Commercial Airports (Nov. 7, 1996).
64 Staff, Privatization Could Leave Major Airports in Debt, Port Authority Chairman Warns, Avn. Wk. & Space Tech. (May 25, 1992), at 34.
67 See John D. Kasarda, Aerotropolis: Airport-Driven Urban Development, Urban Land Institute on the Future: Cities in the 21st Century (2000); see alsoJohn D. Kasarda, From Airport City to Aerotropolis, Airport World (Aug.-Sep 2001), Vol. 6, No. 4, at 42-45.
69 Devany K. Donigan, The Aerotropolis, an unpublished student paper, Eastern Michigan University (Fall 2002).
70 Alliance Airport was developed in a public/private partnership between the Perot Group, the City of Fort Worth, and the FAA. Of the airport’s 3,400 acres, the Perot Group dedicated 418 acres to the City for operational runway/taxiway use. The rest remained privately owned for use as an industrial airpark. Now anyone familiar with airport economics will recognize that airside related land-use is non-profitable, while lands devoted to industrial use are the most profitable on general aviation airports. The Perot Group retained property that would generate even more profit than non-airport related industrial land uses (because of the land’s association with, and proximity to the airport). Nevertheless, it should be noted that the Perot Group, in the spirit of “entrepreneurship,” donated land for the airport as an investment, and was relying upon the overall success of the land development project surrounding the Alliance Airport.