161 religious encyclopedia harmoa Harmony of the Gospels



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HELLENISTIC GREEIL

Hellenistic Greek Defined (§ 1).

Constituents of Hellenistic Greek (5 2).

Vernacular Basis of Hellenistic Greek (§ 3). Unity of Hellenistic Greek (g 4).

Pronunciation and Inflection (§ 5). Lexicography (4 8).

Syntax (¢ 7).

The Greek Bible not Literary Greek (¢ 8).

The definition given in a former edition of this work of Hellenistic Greek as " the prevailing designation of that mode. of speech in :. Hellen  use among those Jews who lived among istic Greek the Greeks, or that peculiar form of the Defined. Greek language which it took in the though'V and mouth of the Semitic Orient when the two spheres of life began to act upon each other," is not only " narrow and historic­ally insufficient " but no longer historically possible. Knowledge of this idiom is no longer gained chiefly from Jewish works, there being now accessible a rich fund of sources in inscriptions and papyri from many lands, and it is of such a character that it bespeaks the interest not only of the philologist, but of him who is engaged in the study of culture and of religious history. Hellenistic Greek can no longer be isolated as a "sacred tongue,, or as " Biblical Greek," conceptions mediated on the one side by religious dogmatics, and on the other side by a dogmatic philology, the latter of which played with the catchwords " classical Greek " and " vulgar " or " common Greek," and so prevented the perception of the historical fact of the spread of a language to wider usage and of its consequent development. For an impartial method of viewing the subject from a historical linguistic point of view Hellenistic Greek must be defined as the world­speech of the times of the Diadochoi and the em­perors. If all Greek is divided into " ancient," " middle and late," and " new " Greek, Hellenistic Greek is in general identical with " middle and late " Greek, used between 300 B.c. and 800 A.D.; i.e., it begins with Alexander's conquests and closes with the establishment of a national Greek State, the






Hellenistio Greek THE NEW SCHAFF HERZOG 212

Byzantine empire. Various designations have been used for the language thus defined: Hellenistic Greek, Greek world speech, middle or late Greek, and koing (" common "). The most used is the last, koing, employed alone as a noun, though with no general agreement as to its exact meaning. Some understood by it postclassic literature with the exception of Atticizing works (so Winer­Schmiedel). Hatzidakis meant by it the whole development of common Greek, oral and written, between the limits assigned above, 300 B.c. 600 A.D. With this Schweizer practically agrees, excluding only the Atticizing works. The varying usage to which the term koinis has been subjected makes it advisable to retain the term Hellenistic Greek for the language as defined above.

In historical investigations of the language two tendencies are observable. One emphasizes the Attic as the real basis of Hellenistic Greek, the other minimizes its influence. This is due to the fact that investigators have laid stress upon only one of two sets of sources; they have looked exclusively either upon books, such as the works of Polybius, or have directed their attention to inscriptions and papyri alone and have forgotten or not recognized that these were two sides of a common possession. It is to be observed with Schweizer and with Kretschmer (Wochenschrift fur klassische Philologie, xvi., 1899, cots. 2 aqq.) that a difference exists in any language between the spoken and the written language, between literature and conversation.

s. Constitu  The former is bound by law, is polished

eats of and regulated; the latter is a thing of

Hellenistic wild and untrammeled growth, yield 

Greek. ing to the call of the moment's emer­

gency. But neither is to be separated

from the other as if they were separate entities. If

literature alone is observed, a greater or less degree

of Attic influence might be seen, more or less in­

fluence of the vernacular also detected. Many of

these works bear almost no trace of Attic flavor,

but are marked by expressions, turns of thought,

and a vocabulary strange to classical Attic. Such

results produced a reaction and a conscious attempt

to approach the classic standard, the first example

of which is Dionysius of Halicarnassus, the contem­

porary of Augustus. As a consequence, even in the

literature which most closely approaches this stand­

ard, much is at once discernible as imitation or mere

ornament. Discerning inquiry will strip this off

as a mask and leave open to the sight the kernel,

the origins and the peculiarities of the new world­

speech as it appears in the inscriptions and ostrasa

and papyri of the times, which stream in numbers

from Greece, Egypt, and Nubia, and axe so rich

as to promise a renaissance of Greek philology.

Auxiliary to this mass of new material is the litera­

ture of the Greek of the Old and the New Testa­

ment, the Apocrypha, and the Pseudepigrapha, the

legends and books of martyrs, correspondence of

various sorts, and particularly the material in the

works of the grammarians and lexicographers,

including matter which the schoolmasters would

have ruled out from the language, but which existed

in the vernacular. This contains Attic elements

with much that is so un Attic that it can not be

called either Attic or perverted Attic. Of such a character is the reduction in pronunciation of diphthongs to single vowels, which continues to this day, and is registered also in the inscriptions of the Egyptian Greek, going back to a Beotian dialect. Other changes register Ionic or Eolian in­fluence upon the vowels of the whole language. The consonants also underwent change. By sibilation tt became ss, aspiration was dropped and added (kuthra for chutra), while Doric influences were also felt. Thus a new speech. was made out of diverse elements, just as the New High German has come into being from Upper, Middle, and Low German elements. As elements of the varied Greek speak­ing peoples gathered in Egypt and the Orient, they welded the varieties of their mother tongue into a common vernacular, based indeed on Attic, but embracing the other constituents.

Along with these changes it is obvious that with the spread of the language into new parts of the world a mass of words would come

g. Vernac  in from the Egyptian, Persian, and ular Semitic tongues names for animals,

Basis of plants, and the commodities of public

Hellenistic and private life. Political conditions

Greek. brought about a blending of local pecul­

iarities of dialect in the common lingua

franca, since neither Attic nor Doric nor Ionic were

the norms of language in the new domain. Desire

for learning this new speech which was on its way

to become the bond of a new world citizenship

promoted its growth. And doubtless much that

comes out as new in literature was really far older,

having happened to come to light for the first time

in the new documents. The old hypothesis that in

the new tongue the Macedonian and Alexandrian

dialect were predominant can no longer be held,

if by " Macedonian " be meant the language of

Macedonia.. That the vocabulary of Alexandria was

influential in the Hellenistic world by reason of the

centrality of Alexandria is of course correct. Byt

the character of this new tongue is due to the weld­

ing in common intercourse of elements, especially

but not exclusively Attic and Ionic, into a new

and living vernacular, which in turn became a

vehicle of literature. Hellenistic vernacular is not

the vulgarizing of a literary language; the literary

language is the ennobling of the vernacular.

It seemed quite natural to differentiate Hellenistic Greek according to local peculiarities, as when K. Dieterich divided it into that of Egypt, Asia Minor, and Greece. The old notion of an Alexandrian "dialect " as a separate philological quantity had a long lived popularity and a certain specious basis, since most of the writers of note of the period were of Egypt. Naturally the peculiarities they showed were called " Egyptian " Greek. Warning must, however, be uttered against the conception that the local differences in the lingua franca hardened into " dialects." While there were local differences, they were not significant; the common speech was one, and Schmid rightly speaks of the " wonderful completeness " of this common tongue, and of the unity which pervaded its phonetic and morpholog ical changes. So that the phrases" Jewish Greek," " Christian Greek," and the like are 11 fanciful 11






218 RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA Hellenietio Greek

(Jahcher, in GGA, 1899, p. 258), dear though they are to the grammarians, lexicographers, and exe­getes of the Greek Bible. Historical ground for thus isolating this literature philologically

4. Unity of is not in existence. There are indeed

Hellenistic linguistic peculiarities which were iso 

Greek. lated or viewed apart, religious tend­

encies also, which were and remain

authoritative for the doctrine of " Biblical " Greek.

As long as the Septuagint and the New Testament

were the only specimens known of Hellenistic

Greek, no special linguistic sense was needed to dif­

ferentiate them from classical Greek. Comparison of

these with Polybius revealed a different world, re­

plete as they were with Hebraisms and Semitisms.

" Hellenistic " Greek became a catchword to express

a certain blending of two wholly different languages,

exactly as Yiddish is used in modern times. The

fixing of this term or of the term " Biblical " Greek

was helped by another fact, the dogma of inspira­

tion. In consequence of this the unregenerate were

not permitted to pass judgment upon the linguistic

character of the Bible (Quenstedt, in Luthardt,



Kompendium der Dogmatik, Leipsie, 1886, p. 312),

and the inspiration assumed for the Old Testament

and the New was tacitly carried over to the Septua­

gint. Thus not only the text, but the quality of the

language as language was isolated, and a distinction

grew up between a " profane " and a " sacred "

Greek. One of the most influential promoters in

modern times of this theory was Hermann Cremer,

who, in the preface of his lexicon, expressly ap­

proves the position of Richard Rothe (in Zur



Dogmatik, Gotha, 1863, p. 238), who says that one

may with good right speak of a language of the

Holy Ghost since it lies open in the Bible that the

Divine Spirit, operating in the sphere of revelation,

has built for itself a language of religious content

out of the speech of the people of the regions

where it operated, and formed this new language

after a shape suited to the particular purpose. The

proof of this position Cremer seeks to introduce in

many parts of his lexicon. Until recent times,

therefore, the linguistic and the theological modes

of thought have agreed in setting Biblical Greek

apart as something sui generic. The disproof of this

theory, which has been a fetter upon linguistics,

exegesis, and Christian faith, was attempted in the

Bibelstudien and Neue Bibelstudien of the under­

signed (Eng. transl., Bible Studies, 2d ed., Edin­

burgh; 1903), to which reference must be made for

the general character of the Greek Bible as a monu­

ment of Hellenistic Greek. Further light is thrown

by the same author's New Light on the New Testa­



ment (Edinburgh, 1907); The Philology of the Greek

Bible (London, 1908); and Licht. vom Osten, Daa

Neue Testament and die neuentdeckten Texte der hel­

lenisch romischen Welt (Tiibingen, 1908).

The most significant marks of the living Hellen­istic Greek were its treatment of sounds and inflec­tions, and upon these the conception of a special Biblical Greek is wrecked. Every one of the mi­nute peculiarities distinguishing the text of the Bible from that of Plato and Xenophon is found in the contemporary Greek of the lingua franca as evidenced in the inscriptions, ostraca, and par 



ticularly the papyri now in hand. That this quality inheres especially in the papyri is not a matter of accident, since they more

g. Pronun  nearly concern private and common ciation life. The inscriptions, which are pub­and lic, are often, particularly when offi 

Inflection. cial, consciously made to approach

the norms of literary style; while

the papyri are often unpolished and express

the many needs and varying situations of the

daily life of the mass of the population. And

this general situation is borne out by the formulas

and usage of legal procedure. Schmiedel's edition

of Winer's grammar of New Testament Greek, ap­

pearing though it did before the mass of newly

found material was accessible, pointed the way to

the newer conception of the language, and was

fortified by K. Dieterich's Untersuckungen zur Ge­



schichte der griechischen Sprache . • . his zum

zehnten Jahrhundert (Leipsie, 1898): The works

of Schmiedel, Blass, and Moulton on New Testa­

ment Greek, and the Neue Bxbelstudien of the

undersigned make it unnecessary to recount here

the peculiarities of Hellenistic Greek. It is suf­

ficient to say that the documents so often re­

ferred to, coming from the times of the Diadochoi

and the emperors and often dated most precisely

to the very day, afford rich material to illustrate

Biblical Greek (cf. on this material U. Wileken,



Griechische Papyri., Berlin, 1897, and TLZ, xxi.,

1896, pp. 609 sqq., xxiii., 1898, pp. 628 sqq.).

The vocabulary of the Greek Bible shows the characteristic additions of Hellenistic Greek. While the same evidence is not forthcoming 6. Lexicog  as for changes in sound and inflection, raphy. it is not needed. It is self evident that the vocabulary of this world speech, which enriched itself from all the lands subjected to the Greeks, can not be fully known. From the newly discovered sources words are continually emerging which are vainly sought in the lexicons; it is not surprising therefore that many words in the teats already known occur only once. That these were newly coined by the authors on the spur of the moment no intelligent person will maintain; they are simply hapax heuremend (" words found only once "), not hapax eiremena (" words used only once "). These words " found " only once are numerous in the Greek Bible, and have been em­ployed to strengthen the theory of a " Biblical " Greek indeed Cremer designates such words as " Biblical " or as " belonging to the New Testa­ment," in the latter case as due to the constructive strength of Christianity, in which he is followed by Grimm, who conveys the impression that they were unknown elsewhere, though Thayer's edition is, in this matter, more prudent. Of a great number of these hapax heuramena one may at once assert on internal grounds that their rare occurrence is mere accident. In other cases there turn up in hitherto unknown authors, in the inscriptions, ostraca, and papyri, words and combinations which have hitherto been assumed to be exclusively " Biblical " or of the New Testament. And the same fact is true of " Biblical " meanings of common words, which meanings have been regarded as peculiar to Biblical




Hellenistic Greek THE NEW SCHAFF HERZOG 914

Helpers in Need

Greek. In commentaries on the New Testament these meanings have received much emphasis, the dogmatic utility of which would be undermined were a careful examination of the facts undertaken. Unfortunately the situation in this regard has been confused by not keeping distinct the linguistic­historical and the religious historical points of view. It is true that both Greek Judaism and Christianity have created new words and new meanings for words; but these are facts in the history of religion, not of linguistics, since the words or meanings originate out of Jewish or Christian faith and not out of Jewish or Christian Graeitas. It would be as correct to speak of Gnostic Greek or the Greek of the Stoa or the Greek of Neoplatonism as of

Jewish " or " Christian " Greek on the ground that they have created new words or given new meanings to words. So that from the lexicological point of view the Greek Bible is a document of the Hellenistic world speech.

At first sight the syntax of the Greek Bible may seem to warrant the designation of Biblical Greek.

In the Psalms and in the Synoptic

7. Syntax. Gospels there are constructions, col 

locations of words, and methods of sentence building which can not be duplicated even in the papyri which proceed from the peasantry of Egypt. Here is a Greek which is full of Sem­itisms. Yet other parts of the Scripture do not contain these elements; IV Maccabees, the Pauline Epistles, the Epistle to the Hebrews differ in this respect from the books named above, and belong to the common Hellenistic speech. Syntactically these are to be disconnected from the works with so pronounced a Jewish flavor, and the reason is seen to be that they are original compositions while the others mentioned are translation.. from the Hebrew or Aramaic; thus for the latter a new measure is secured for their syntactical peculiarities, and we should speak not of Jewish Greek, but of translation Greek. But a question arises whether this translation is in the every day Greek of the translator or is simply a Greek fashioned upon the Semitic model. In the former case it would then be a part of the lingua franca; in the latter case it would be a Jewish Greek existing only on paper in which the original was not translated into Greek, but simply transferred word by word into Greek equivalents. Or, to put the matter in another form, are the " Semitisms " of the Bible normal or ex­ceptional? Following out this distinction as made in H. Paul, Prinxipien der Sprachgeschichte (Halls, 1898), pp. 87 sqq., 145 sqq., translation Greek is a variety which is seen to be artificial and existent only on paper; its numerous syntactic Semitisms are therefore exceptional. If there was a Jewish idiomatic Greek, how was it that the Greek Jew, Paul who wrote not books, but only letters, did not employ, it 7 and why did Philo and the author of the Aristeas letter write Greek that was so un­Jewish ? Two Biblical authors make further argu­ment unnecessary, Sirach and Luke. Both have prologues of which it can not be said that they are " Jewish Greek " or that they " Hebraize." Yet both authors have made use of Semitisms, though not with the same frequency. For those who argue



for a " Jewish Greek " the occurrence of these two kinds of Greek from the same pen is embarrassing. The explanation is, however, exceedingly simple. In the prologues these authors wrote as they spoke; in the body of the work they were more or less dependent, directly or indirectly, upon a Semitic basis. The Jewish Greek was, therefore, not a living speech, but an inferior method of translation. The Septuagint is more Jewish than the Synoptic Gospels because the former had a documentary basis; the latter came probably from the oral tradition of a bilingual people (cf. Merx, in Deutsche Literatur­zeit ung, xix. [1898] 989). That there are, so to speak, normal Semitisms along with the exceptional is to be recognized; they exist as a coloring of certain books, just as sermons and religious papers of the present are colored with Biblical terminology. An investigation, therefore, of the Semitisms of, say, the old Christian texts is an urgent need. A com­parative view of the writers of the Hellenistic common speech would doubtless show that many of the so called Semitisms are rather parts of the every day language. Such cases are the use of anastrephesthai ("to walk") and anastrophe ("walk") in an ethical sense, onoma (" name ") in the sense of person, the numeral used distributively by doubling it, and so on. The number of real Sem­itisms would be greatly reduced and would appear due to the religious terminology. How much came into the common speech in pre Christian times can hardly be estimated, but that technical words were introduced is certain, though only a single "Egypti­cism " is known, onos hypo oinou. So that from the point of view of syntax the Greek Bible belongs to the common Hellenistic speech. Its Semitisms are curiosities, but are not of linguistic importance any more than are the Latiniems or other linguistic booty which Greek took over in its conquest of the world of the Mediterranean lands.

When the question is raised whether the Greek Bible is a monument of the vernacular or of the

literary language, it must be borne in 8. The mind that the boundaries between the

Greek two are fluctuating. Moreover, dis 

Bible not tinction has to be made among the

Literary various books in this Bible. Blass says

Greek. of the Epistle to the Hebrews that it is

the only book in the New Testament which in structure and style shows the care and finish of an artistic writer. The Pauline letters, on the contrary, are monuments of the vernacular; his vocabulary is of the sort that an Atticizing gram­marian would have continually corrected in order to get rid of thd words forbidden to literature. His sublime combination in I Cor. xvi. 13 of gregareite Wkete (`° watch ye, stand fast ") is one that no writer who regarded form would have permitted himself to use; both verbs are, as Blass calls them, " plebeian." But to expect literary Greek of the apostle would be wrong he was no litterateur, but a writer of letters, who spoke as the common people of Ephesus~and Corinth spoke; he was just Paul who knew the world ,speech of Asia, Europe, and Egypt, Paul with a native eloquence and a prophetic pathos which came from his soul of fire; and as he spoke so he wrote. Similarly the Gospels are monu 






1115 RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA $eu°° Greek

8elners in Need



ments of the vernacular, and the same is true of

most of the books of the Septuagint; they swarm

with words which were the abomination of the

Attieiets. Investigations into the individual books

with reference to their inner character would be

both timely and profitable. It is a significant fact

for the religious historical judgment of the earliest

Christianity that the men of this, its classical time,

were anything but bookish. In the more popular

teats of the later Christian centuries, the legends,

romances, letters, accounts of martyrs, and the like

are to be seen monuments of the living speech on

its way to become the New Greek (cf. H. Rheinhold,

De gracitnte patrum apoatolicorum librorumque

apocryphorum, Halle, 1898, pp. 1 113; B. W. Fritz,

Die Briefs des Bisehofs Synesim von Kyrene, Leip­

sic, 1898). (ADolxr D1flI88MANN.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Of first importance are the works of G. A.

Deisam n, Bibelatudien and News Bibelatudien, 2 vols.,

Marburg, 1898 97, Eng trawl., 2d ed., Edinburgh, 1903;

idem, SmnehpeechiehtlirheBeitrape . . zur Erkddrunp des

N. T., ib. 1897; idem, New Light on the O. T. from

Grauo Roman Records, Edinburgh, 1907; and other works

named supra, § 4; and J. H. Moulton, A Grammar of

N. T. Greek, Vol. i., Prolepwnena, 2d ed., Edinburgh,

1908 (essential for the student of the New Testament).

Consult: U. von Wflamowits Moeliendorf, Ueber die Ent­

etehunp der priechischen Sehrifteyrache, Leipsie, 1879;

K. Foy, Lautayetem der priachuchen Vulpareprache, Leip­

sio, 1879; K. Krumbaeher, in Zeitechrift far roerpleichende

Sprachtorechunp, vii (1885), 481 545; E. Hatch, Essays

in Biblical Greek, Oxford, 1889; W. H. simoox, The Lan­

guage of the New Testament, New York, 1889; Apostofides,

Du Grec alexandrin, Alexandria, 1892; idem, Essai sur



1'halUnisme 6pyptien, vol. i., part i., Paris, 1898; G. N.

Hatzidakie Einlaitung in die neupriechischa Grammatik,

Leipsie, 1892; E. D. Burton, Syntax of Moods and Tenses

o/ N. T. Greek, Chicago, 1893; J Viteau, nude sur is

pree du N. T., Paris, 1893; 0. Glass=, De rations qua, in­

teradit inter sermonem Polybdi et cum qui tieulis saculi

iii.  L apparel, Giessen, 1894; P. Kreteehmer, Die attiachen

Vaseninschriffen, Gfitersloh, 1894; W. Schmidt, De Plavii

Josephi elocut%one obseruationes criticm, Leipde, 1894;

G. B. Winer, Grammatik des neutestamsntlichen Sprach­

idioms, ed. P. W. 8ahmiede1, GSttingen, 1894 sqq.; H.

A. A. Kennedy, Sources o/ N. T. Greek, Edinburgh, 1895;

A. Thumb, Handburh der neupriwhischen Vodksepraeke,

Strasburg, 1895; idem, Die prieebisrhe Syrache in Zeit­

altar des Helleniwnus, Strasburg, 1901; G. Meyer, Grie­

chi8che Grammatik, Leipsie, 1896; A. Theimer, Beitr4ge

Sur` Kmntnis des Sprachpebrauchs im N. T., Horn, 1898;

A. N. Jannaris, Historical Greek Grammar, London, 1897;

T. Vogel, Zur Charakterietik des Lukas nark Sprache



and Stil, Leipsic, 1897; f3. Witkowski, Prodromus pram­

matica, Papyrorum Gr um, Cracow, 1897; B. Dieter­

ich, Untersuchungen sur Geschickte der priechischen

Spracha, Leipsic, 1898; G. Heine, Synonymik des new

testamentlichen Griechiech, Leipsie, 1898; E. Mayeer, Gram­matik der yriechischen Papyri, Leipeic, 1908: E. Schweizer, Grammaeik der parpamenischen Inachri/ten, Berlin, 1898; K. Meisterhans, Grammatik der attiechen 1nseltriften, Berlin, 1900; F. Blaas, Grammatik des neuWtamenUio­ken Grieehiech, Gottingen, 1902, Eng. tram., London, 1905; R. Helbing, Grammatik•derSeytuapinta Laut and Wor"re. GSttingen, 1907; R Meister, Prolegomena su einer Grammatik der L%% Vienna, 1907; J. Psichari, Eeaai ear is prec de to Septante, in Revue des gtudw fuiroea, April, 1908.

Lexicons are: Wilke Grimm, Lexicon Grmeo Labinum



in iibroe N. T., Leipsic, 1888; J. H. Thayer, A Greek­Enplish Lexicon of the N. T., New York, 1898; H. Oremer, Bibliedrtkmlopieches Wdrterbuch der neutestamenaiehen Gr&itet, Gotha, 1895, Eng. travel. of earlier ed., Biblico­Theolopical Lexicon of Now Testament Greek Edinburgh, 1878; E. A. 8ophocles, Greek Lexicon o) the Roman and Bysanine Periods. New York. 1898. The Handw6rtar­bull su den SchWten des N. T. of E. Preuschen (Giessen, 1908 eqq.) seems to be insufficient; of. Deutsche Litera­turssitunp, 1908, no. 80.

HELMICHIUS, WERNER: Dutch theologian; b. at Utrecht 1551; d. at Amsterdam Aug. 29, 1808. In 1578 he was pastor at Utrecht, and as an adherent of the oonsistorial party came into conflict with the advocates of more liberal tendencies, led by Hubert Duifhuis, displaying, however, a spirit of mildness and moderation that gained him the esteem of his opponents. In 1581 he delivered the first Protestant sermon in the Utrecht cathedral, and organized the Walloon community in that city. With the fall of the consistorial party Hehinichius was removed from his post; he went as pastor to Delft, and, after repeatedly declining a call to the University of Leyden, became preacher to the Amsterdam community in 1602. Upon the death of Philips van Marnia (q.v.) in 1598, the work of completing the translation of the Bible which the latter left uncompleted was entrusted to Helmi­chius, who, however, also left the work unfinished. Of his works, which were published posthumously, the most important is Psalmorum Davidis et aliorum prophetarum analysis (Amsterdam, 1621).

(G. KAw7aev.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: Wernerus Helmichius, Utrecht, 1895.

HELMOLD : Preacher of Bosow, a village on the

Plan Lake in Holstein; b. in Holstein; d. after 1177.

He was a younger friend of Vicelin (q.v.), and at the

instigation of Gerhard, the first bishop of Lubeck,

wrote a chronicle of the Wends, with the intention

of showing " how Christianity and the German rule

(through colonists from Westphalia and Holland)

had gained a firm footing among the Wends, espe­

cially in Wagria." The chronicle treats chiefly of

Henry the Lion and the new bishopric of Oldenburg­

Ldbeck, and is written in comparatively good Latin,

but is quite unreliable. It extends to 1171, but

was not concluded until after 1172. The last trace

of Helmold is found in the list of witnesses to the

deed of foundation of the monastery of St. John in

Lilbeck, 1177. (W11mELm ALTMANN.)

BIHwoaaAF8y: Helmold's Chronica Slawrum, ed. J. M. Lsppenberg, in in MOB, Script., xu (1869); 1 99, and by W. Wattenbaeh in Geschichtsechreibsr der deutschen vor­wit, 12th year, vol. vii., 1888. Consult: P. Regel, HeL­mold and seine Quedlen. Jens, 1883; 0. Volkel, Die Slaven­chronik Helmolde, Wattenbach, DGQ, ii (1894), 338 sqq.; Potthast, Wepweiser, i. G76 577.

HELPERS IN REED, THE FOURTEEN: A group of twice seven saints especially honored in Roman Catholic Germany since the middle of the fifteenth century. They belong to various peoples and periods, and bear the names Achatius, Egidius (or Giles, q.v.), Barbara, Blasius (Blaise), Catherine (the Martyr), Christopher, Cyriacus, Dionysius ((Areopagita 7), Erasmus, Eustachius, George, Mar­garet, Pantaleon, and Vitus. Sporadically the number is increased to fifteen by the insertion of a St. Magnus (Bishop Magnus of Oderzo, near Treviso, in Italian tradition; Abbot Magnus of Fassen am­Lech in South German legend). Those not treated in special articles are the following: (1) Achatius (more correctly Acacius), is said to have been a bishop of Melitene in Lesser Armenia, who fearlessly professed his faith in the Decian persecution and thus gained mercy from his judge. (2) Blasius, or Blaise, bishop of Sebaste in Armenia, martyred, according to tradition, about 316, is said to have possessed






Helpers in Need THE NEW SCHAFF HERZOG 818

Helvetic consensus



marvelous gifts of healing. (3) Erasmus (Ital.

Elmo), whose death is dated by tradition in 303,

is said, after being unharmed by burning pitch and

brimstone in Lebanon, to have come to Formise

in Campania, where he converted many heathen

and worked miracles by his prayers. (4). Mar­

garet, a Christian virgin, beheaded after incredi­

ble tortures at Antioch in Pisidia during the

Diocletian persecution, is said to have prayed in

prison especially for women in childbirth and for

the amelioration of their pangs. (5) Pantaleon is

said to have been Diocletian's physician in Nico­

media, and, after marvelous deeds of self sacrificing

devotion during the first two years of this monarch's

persecution, is supposed to have been tortured and

beheaded. (6) Vitus (Ital. Guido) is said, at the

age of seven or twelve, to have converted' his nurse,

St. Crescentia, and her husband, Modestus, and to

have performed miracles, healing the emperor's son

of demoniac possession. He refused to sacrifice to

idols, and after terrible tortures was drowned in

the Lucanian river Silarus. Each of these saints

is invoked in special forms of danger, as Margaret

in difficult delivery, Vitus in peon by demons

and cramps, &gidius in pestilence, and Barbara in

fever.


The formation of this group of fourteen saints

may date back to 610, when Boniface IV. converted

the Pantheon at Rome into the Christian Church

of the Virgin and the Martyrs, replacing the fourteen

idols in it with an equal number of altars with relics

of martyrs. At all events, the origin of the cult of

this group is far prior to the vision, in 1446, in which

the Upper Franconian shepherd Hermann Leicht

beheld the Christ child surrounded by the helpers

in need, thus leading to the foundation of the famous

pilgrim shrine of the Vierzehnheiligen Kirche near

Staffelstein. (O. Z6Cxr.Ext.)

BIHLIOCinAPHr: Uhrig, in TQ, lax (1888), 72 128; G. Ott,

Die 1,¢ NoAelfer, Steyl, 1882; H. Weber, Die Venhrunp

der 14 Aeilipen NoAelfer, Kempten, 1886; F. P6sl, Lo­

pende von den' 1,¢ heiligen Nothelfern, Regeneborg, 1891;

J. Kieffer, Die heilspen 1.¢ Nothelfer, Dulmen, 1900; KL,

ix. 515 522.

HELVETIC CONFESSIONS.

I. The First Helvetic Con  Its Acceptance by the

fession, 1536. Swiss (¢ 3).

Origin of the Confession II. The Second Helvetic Con 

U 1)• fession, 1566.

Its Content ($ 2). Origin and History (1 1).

Content (¢ 2).

L The First Helvetic Confession, 1536 (Confessio

Helvetica prior, also called Second Confes§ion of

Basel, Confemio Basiliensis posterior,

r. Origin in distinction from the Basel Confes­

of the sion of 1534; see BA$EL, CONFE88ION

Confes  oF ): The reformatory movement of

lion. Switzerland was for a long time with­

out a uniform formula of confession,

each city having its own confession. It was only

in 1536 that the necessity for uniformity was felt,

when Pope Paul III. (q.v.) convened a general

council, to meet in Mantua in the following year.

The desirability of a union between the Reformed

and the Lutherans was recognized, and Capito of

Augsburg and Butzer of Strasburg especially tried

to influence the Swiss Reformed in the direction of



union. Luther expressed a longing for peace in several letters to tipper German cities. The chief task of the mediators was to have a Swiss formula of the Lord's Supper prepared which would meet the approval of Luther. At the end of 1534 Butter held a convention of Swabian cities on the question of the Lord's Supper at Constants, to which the Zurich Reformers sent a Confesfio super eucharistia with the approval of Basel, Schaffhausen, and St. Gall. It acknowledged that the true body and the true blood of Christ are really present in the Lord's Supper, and are offered to the believers who eat the true body by faith. All ideas of substance were guarded against, but the people of Bern refused their signature. Even a more moderate formula, drawn up by theologians of Zurich and Basel in 1535 at Aarau, did not satisfy the people of Bern. They desired a general meeting, and this was convened by the magistrates of Zurich, Bern, Basel, Schaff­haueen, St. Gall, Miihlhausen, and Biel, on Jan. 30, 1536, at Basel. A general confession was here drawn up by Bullinger of Zurich, Myconius and Grynaeus of Basel, and others. They were joined later by Leo Jud of Zurich and Megander of Bern, and still later by Butter and Capito.

The confession declared emphatically that the Lord's Supper is not merely a human act of con 

fession, but that the bread and wine a. Its are food and nourishment of spiritual Content. and eternal life. Nevertheless, the

confession did not go beyond the state­

ment of the spiritual partaking of the person of the

crucified Christ. Speaking generally, it removed

the peculiarities of Zwinglian theology most offen­

sive to the Lutherans in the spirit of the Zwinglian

Reformation. This spirit finds expression in the

arrangement of the whole the Scripture, its inter­

pretation and "purpose" forms the basis (arts. i. v.),

upon which the doctrines of salvation (vi. iii.)

and then, with characteristic minuteness of detail,

the doctrines of the Church, the Word, the sacra­

ments, and church ordinances (xiv. xxvii.) are dis­

cussed. In particular points the Reformed spirit

is recognizable from the still intact union of the

new life with the faith of salvation (art. xiii.); also

from the doctrine of the Church, which places the

invisible congregation of the exalted Christ in the

foreground, and emphasizes as the sign of the visible

congregation " ° common, public, and orderly dis­

cipline " (art. w.).



The confession was written in Latin, and trans­

lated into German by Leo Judge. After the com­

pletion of the theological work, the

3. Its Ac  secular and spiritual delegates ac­

ceptance by sembled on Feb. 4 for a final session.

the Swiss. The Strasburg party once more em­

phasized the necessity of Christian

harmony with the German estates, but the delegates

claimed to possess no authority in that matter.

On Mar. 27 the delegates of the town councils

assembled again at Basel, without theologians, and

unanimously accepted the confession. Then the

delegates of Strasburg and Constant were called

before the assembly, but they refused their eigns­

ture; the Strasburg delegate especially, who was

accompanied by Capito the only theologian






217 RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA Helpers fn Need

Helvetio Coneenens



present was intent upon putting obstructions in the way of the new confession and inducing the Swiss to accept the Tetrapolitan Confession (q.v.). In this way Strasburg undoubtedly thought a union of Lutherans and Reformed could more easily be effected, but the result was only that the Swiss promised to examine the Tetrapolitan Confession and not to publish their own. Thus the First Hel­vetic Confession did not bring about the desired union, in spite of the fact that it contained Luther­anizing formulas; but it cemented the union of the Evangelical cantons of Switzerland, and the new confession formed the basis upon which their later doctrinal discussions rested.

II. The Second Helvetic Confession, 3[566 (Con­feasio Helvdica Posterior): This was the work of Heinrich Bullinger (q.v.), who made

i. Origin the first draft of it in 1562. During and the plague in 1564 he revised and

History. elaborated this sketch, and laid it

beside his will, to be presented, in case

of his death, to the magistrates of Zurich, as a tes­

timony of his faith. An incident brought it before

the public. The Emperor Maximilian II. called a

diet to Augsburg, Jan. 14, 1566. As the Elector­

palatine Frederick III., who had seceded from the

Lutheran and joined the Reformed Church, was

afraid that, for this reason, he would be put under

the ban of the realm, he addressed himself to

Bullinger, and asked him to draw up a confession

showing that the Reformed Church in no point

differed from the true apostolic doctrine. Bullinger

sent him the above mentioned memoir, and it

pleased him so much that he asked permission to

have it translated into German and published.

Bullinger's work appeared in Mar., 1566, at Zurich,

under the title Con/essio et mpositio simplex ortho­

dox

onis christianx. At the same time there appeared

a German edition, a little later a French translation

at Geneva, and the confession was translated also

into Dutch, English, Hungarian, Polish, Italian,

Rumanian, even into Arabic and Turkish. As the

origin of the confession excluded the influence of

parties and cliques, it soon found approval without

compromises, not only in the Swiss Churches, but

in all Reformed Churches. The union of Zwfnglian­

ism and Calvinism which appears in it was not

artificially produced, but was a natural growth.

By suppressing many a harsh formula which would

have separated the different pardles, Bullinger not

merely harmonized the Zurich and Genevan theol­

ogy, but expressed to the satisfaction of all the

peculiarly Reformed conception of Christianity.

His work was not a compromise in the sense of

Lutheran Melanchthonianism; in spite of all its

elasticity it retained a sufficiently defined type of

Reformed thought.

The order of articles (iii., Scripture; iii. v., God and worship; vi. vii., providence and creation; viii.=x3[., the fall and preparation of sal 

a. Content. vation; xii. xvi., appropriation of salva­tion andnewlife; xvii. xxi., Church,ser mon, and sacraments; xxii. axe., church ordinances, etc ) and the thorough treatment of the ecclesiastical organization show the same Reformed peculiarities



as the first Helvetic confession. The doctrine of predestination avoids with the utmost care every speculative offense. The confession is entirely si­lent upon the question of reprobation; it shows Bullinger's practical caution which, by cutting off all speculative consequences, clings to the consoling part of the dogma. Election finds unmitigated ex­pression without any synergism. The doctrine of the sacraments is an expansion of the First Helvetic Confession. The rejection of old and new heresies serves an apologetic tendency, by showing that the Reformed could not be classed as heretics (3[.e., Anti­Trinitarians), in the sense of the imperial law of Theodosius, while minor deviations of doctrines and forms ought to be tolerated by Evangelical brethren. (E. F. KARL MtTLLER.)

Btnlaoanwrar: The text is given in H. A. Niemeyer, Col­leetio eonfesaionum, Leipsic, 1840; Schaff, Creeds, iii. 211­306, 829 909 (of First, in Lat. and Germ.; of Second, in Lat. and Eng.); K. Miller, Die Bakenntnisschriften der rejormierte» Kirden, Leipsic, 1903. For the his­tory consult: Schaff, Creeds, i. 388 420; idem, Chris­tian Church, vii. 219 222; J. J. Hottinger, Helvetische Kirchengesehichle, vol. iii., Zurich, 1708; C. Pestalossi,



Heimich Bullinger, Elberfeld, 1858; K. Miller, Sym 

bolik, Leipsic, 1896; E. Bldsch, Geechichte der achuei­zerisdvreformirten Kirchen, Bern, 1898 99. On the First Confession, besides the above, consult: Sammlunp der ltlteren eidpen6saischen AbecAiede, iv., i., pp. 598, 616 eqq., 669 eqq., 682 .qq., 784 sqq., Lucerne, 1878; M. Kirchhofer, Oswald Myconiue, Zurich, 1813. On the Second, consult: H. A. Niemeyer, ut sup., prolegomena, pp. lx(ii. lxviii.; L. Thomas, La &onfession helvaiqw, Geneva. 1853.


HELVETIC CONSENSUS (Formula consensus

ecclesiarum Helveticarum): The name of a Swiss

Reformed symbol drawn up in 1675

Origin. to guard against doctrines taught at

the French academy of Saumur. The

strict and uncompromising definition of the doc­

trines of election and reprobation by the Synod of

Dort (1618 19) occasioned a reaction in France,

where the Protestants lived surrounded by Roman

Catholics. Moles Amyraut (q.v.), professor at

Saumur, taught a hypothetical or conditioned

universalism. His colleague, Louis Cappel, denied

the verbal inspiration of the Hebrew text of the

Old Testament; La Place rejected the immediate

imputation of Adam's sin as arbitrary and unjust.

The famous and flourishing school of Saumur came

to be looked upon with increasing mistrust as the

seat of heterodoxy, especially by the Swiss, who

were in the habit of sending students there. The

first impulse to attack the new doctrine came from

Geneva. In 1635 Friedrich Spanheim (q.v.) wrote

against Amyraut, whom the clergy of Paris tried

to defend. In course of time the heresy of Amyraut

gained ground in Geneva. In 1649, Alexander

Morus, the successor of Spanheim, but suspected

of belonging to the liberal party, was compelled by

the magistrates of Geneva to subscribe to a series

of articles in the form of theses and antitheses, the

first germ of the Formula consensus. His place was

taken by Philippe Mestrezat, and later by Louis

Trouchin, both inclined toward the liberal tendency

of France, while Frangois Turretin zealously de­

fended the orthodox system. Mestrezat induced

the Council of Geneva to take a moderate stand­

point in the article on election, but the other cantons




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