1. The Origins and Development of Nazism Karl Lueger, speech reported in Der Österreichische Volksfreund, 2 October 18871



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Nazi Germany

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SEMESTER ONE 2013-14

1. The Origins and Development of Nazism
1.1. Karl Lueger, speech reported in Der Österreichische Volksfreund, 2 October 18871
Whether Democrats or anti-Semites the matter really comes to one and the same thing. The Democrats in their struggle against corruption come up against the Jews at every step, and the anti-Semites, if they want to carry out their economic programme, have to overcome not only the bad Jews, but the bad Christians also. […]
All my party comrades share my opinion that it is the first duty of a Democrat to take the side of the poor oppressed people and to take up the fight with all determination against the unjustified and even harmful domination of a small fraction of the population. To be sure the Manchester Liberal papers have their habit of describing a Democrat in somewhat different terms. They claim, for instance, that it would be the duty of such a Democrat to come forward as an enemy of the Christian religion, to mock and ridicule its believers and priests. But we know that the motive of such a manoeuvre is solely to mislead the people, which we may deduce from the remarkable fact that were anybody to come forward against the Jewish religion and ridicule its doctrines and believers he would be branded by the same organs as a reactionary obscurantist. However, this strange conception can be seen even more clearly in an economic question.

1.2 Georg Schönerer, Austrian Reichsrat deputy, Unverfälschte deutsche Worte, 16 November 18982

Ever more clearly and plainly we may see that Slav insolence and Roman lust for power have closely allied themselves in the old German Ostmark in order to annihilate Germandom in this Empire which has been built up on German foundations.

Clerical spirit of intrigue is influencing the whole of public life in Austria more than ever before, with dangerous effects on the free exercise of the German people’s national powers in a way which is justly causing anxiety to every German.

In view of the steadily growing peril which is threatening us from Rome and Prague, in view of the clerical agitation, asserting itself more insolently from day to day and disposing of the most powerful means, the final target of which is the undermining of the mighty imperial structure created by Bismarck and which needs as an implement to this end an Austria totally given over to Slavism, the genuine German patriot must consider the timely application of an appropriately potent antidote. The struggle against the anti-German power of Rome can be carried only under the general battle-cry: ‘Break with Rome!’ in the hope of the final victory of Germandom over the un-German, quarrelsome, Roman Church. […]

Not Jesuit but Germanic spirit shall rule and command in German lands.
Krems, Nebelung 1898/2011 n.N
With unfeigned German Greeting
1.3 The Pan-German League: Heinrich Class, ‘If I were the Emperor’
A return to health in our national life, in all its branches --cultural, moral, political, and economic--and the maintenance of that recovered health is only possible if Jewish influence is either completely expunged or screwed back to a bearable, innocuous level.
Let us be clear in the discussion of these necessities that the innocent must suffer along with the guilty....

Today, the borders must be totally and unconditionally barred to any further Jewish immigration. This is absolutely necessary, but no longer sufficient. Just as self-evident, foreign Jews who have not yet acquired citizenship rights must be speedily and unconditionally expelled, to the last man. But this also is not enough....We must demand that resident Jews be placed under an Aliens' Law....



A Jew, according to the above Aliens' Law, is anyone who belonged to a Jewish religious corporation as of 18 January 1871, as well as all the descendants of such persons who were Jews at that date, even when only one parent was or is [a Jew by the above definition]. All public offices remain closed to Jews whether of a paid or honorary nature, whether national, state, or municipal. They will not be allowed to serve in the army or navy. They will hold neither the active nor the passive right to vote. The professions of lawyer and teacher are denied them, also that of theatre director.

Newspapers which have Jewish collaborators must make this fact known. The others, which we generally call ‘German’ newspapers, may neither be owned by Jews nor have Jewish editors or reporters. Banks that are not purely personal enterprises may not have Jewish directors. In future, rural property may not be owned by Jews or be mortgaged to Jews.

As compensation for the protection Jews enjoy as foreigners, they shall pay double the taxes of Germans....

And now we come to the saving of the German nation's soul....When it comes to the future of our nation, we must put off weakness....



Resolutely militant policy against the Poles through application of expropriation and introduction of a prohibition against parcellisation of land....Extension of military law to all regions endangered by Polish assault. Especially for Upper Silesia we must demand that those elected by the Polish people can sit in parliament only as advisors; they therefore should have no vote and are to be heard only on those matters of interest to their fellow nationals or homeland. Should it turn out that these determinations are avoided by mergers with other parties, we should not shrink from the further step of finally withdrawing the active and passive franchise from Poles. The definition of a Pole should be established on the same basis as suggested for Jews, naturally with language as the determining factor.

Under all conditions Polish newspapers and periodicals must include a German translation next to the Polish text. German will be the only tolerated language for any assembly....

However, there must be created a Central Office in which everything concerning the Polish question is deliberated upon. Only after an Ostmark ministry [has been created] in which the practical struggles of the Polish question are worked out by experts, guaranteeing uniformity of direction, will, and execution of policy, can we expect a lasting success. Should it come to the stage of Polish resistance with recourse to means thus far avoided, the state should not shrink from the ultimate. However, we need not speak of this today and, hopefully, never will have to.

When we consider that in [Alsace-Lorraine] the number of French speakers has grown constantly since 1871, we need to speak out in cold blood. We didn't take the Reichsland ‘for the sake of your beautiful eyes’; we took it out of military necessity. The inhabitants were an extra; the territory was the main thing. We have already made our choice once. Now we choose again. Every adult must declare publicly and without reservation for himself and his family, to which meeting of the obligation also applies, that the French language will be used neither in the home nor outside it and that no newspapers, periodicals, or books will be brought in from France. Whoever refuses this obligation has opted against the German Empire and must swiftly leave the country. Breach of the obligation meets with the same fate.


[…]
The constitution will be abolished. The territory will be placed under a minister for Alsace-Lorraine...and ruled dictatorially....

If we are now to create order in our fatherland, we must also consider the Danes and also place before them a new, deciding choice: Whoever fails to declare himself unconditionally for the Prussian state must cross the border [to Denmark]. Danish language and administration must at a certain point in time vanish from schools, churches, courts, and administration. Only until this time will Danish newspapers, with German translations included, be tolerated.

To facilitate the settlement of Germans [in Schleswig], the right of expropriation of Danish landed property is to be granted to the state, similar to the one applying to Poles. Further, the protective measures of the Law against Revolution is to be universally applied against Danish intrigues....

Concerning the counter-measures [against alien non-citizens in the German Empire] we will have to distinguish according to the race- relatedness as well as the value or lack of value of the foreigners before taking appropriate action....

As a significant measure...the highly welcome return immigration of Germans from the lost colonial outposts of the far-flung ancient Empire should be fostered through the most generous expenditures. The Welfare Association for Return Immigration has rendered great service, gathering and developing information. From this core an imperial central office will be established to distribute within the country the German colonists fetched back from southern Russia, Galicia, Russian Poland, and North America.

Keeping this overall goal firmly in sight means therefore that all non-German aliens must be expelled from the territory of the Empire as swiftly as possible and under all conditions; and then they must be kept out for the duration....

Simultaneously, we must take steps for the preservation of our rural population--vitally important in respect to our national health, our posterity, and the composition of the army. We will thus secure the eastern lands and the solid anchoring of this [peasant] estate without which the state can not exist....


[…]
In the discussion of voting rights it has already been put forth that the political strivings of women cannot be regarded as justifiable or useful. The strength of the woman is instinct. If she is conscious of her nation and proud of its character, history, greatness, and exploits, the German woman, acting on instinct, will cause her children to value their fatherland in feeling and attitude so that when they begin to think they can do naught but love it....

We must rethink the axiom: equal rights for all. It should be replaced by the principle: political rights are to be regulated according to the service the individual renders to the totality and according to his behaviour toward it....

It is essential that everyone interested in public life learn to rethink matters, that we must pursue an active foreign policy--in a word, an aggressive one. Either we find that things are going well, that we are prospering more each day and have space enough for a long, long time to come; then we ought to let things run their course and limit ourselves to a defensive posture, that is, defending ourselves should another dare to attack us.... Or we notice that not only is the economic struggle for existence growing ever sharper within the country, but that the foreign market is also becoming increasingly difficult. Then, in the near future, we shall find that the resulting necessities arising from these conditions will not be met by present-day Germany together with all its colonies. That being so, we will have to acquire territory....

Obviously, any expansion in Europe is to be brought about only through victorious wars.... If we have been victorious and force cessions of territory, we will thereby get regions inhabited by Frenchmen or Russians, people who are hostile toward us. We then have to ask whether such an increase in territory improves our situation.... Since we have broached the question of evacuation [of native populations] in passing, so to speak, it is perhaps not out of order to speak of it publicly on occasion. By so doing, our enemies will recognise that such desperate measures already have their advocates in Germany.... In other words, we ought not think of an aggressive war to take foreign territory for purposes of evacuating [inhabitants]. But we ought to accustom ourselves to thinking of such a measure as an allowable response to foreign attack. A predatory war contradicts our principles. But a punishment for a ruthless attack justifies us, even to this severest measure, for there is such a thing as ‘iron necessity.’ A defensive war in this sense may legitimately be conducted in an aggressive way on the German side, for we must undertake to pre-empt the enemy....


Heinrich Class (Daniel Frymann), ‘Wenn ich der Kaiser wär’ [‘If I were the Emperor’], 1912

1.4 Proclamation of the German Fatherland Party
Large sections of the German people do not agree with the position of the present Reichstag majority on the most important questions affecting the life of the Fatherland. They see in the attempt to create and prioritise conflicts about constitutional questions, especially now when the fate of the Reich is at stake, a danger to the Fatherland, and a boost to our enemies, even if it is unintended. They are of the opinion that the Reichstag elected before the war is no longer actually representative of the will of the German people. […] The German Fatherland Party aims to bring together all the patriotic forces regardless of party political allegiance. It is made up of patriotically inclined individuals and organisations. It wishes to be a support and back-up for a strong Reich government which does not give in either to internal or external pressures, but knows how to respond to events with German fortitude and unshakeable faith in victory.
Proclamation of the Deutsche Vaterlandspartei, October 1917


1.5 The Nazi Party Programme
The programme is the political foundation of the NSDAP and accordingly the primary political law of the State. It has been made brief and clear intentionally.

All legal precepts must be applied in the spirit of the party programme.

Since the taking over of control, the Führer has succeeded in the realisation of essential portions of the Party programme from the fundamentals to the detail.

The Party Programme of the NSDAP was proclaimed on the 24 February 1920 by Adolf Hitler at the first large Party gathering in Munich and since that day has remained unaltered. Within the national socialist philosophy is summarised in 25 points:

1. We demand the unification of all Germans in the Greater Germany on the basis of the right of self-determination of peoples.

2. We demand equality of rights for the German people in respect to the other nations; abrogation of the peace treaties of Versailles and St. Germain.

3. We demand land and territory (colonies) for the sustenance of our people, and colonisation for our surplus population.

4. Only a member of the race can be a citizen. A member of the race can only be one who is of German blood, without consideration of creed. Consequently no Jew can be a member of the race.

5. Whoever has no citizenship is to be able to live in Germany only as a guest, and must be under the authority of legislation for foreigners.

6. The right to determine matters concerning administration and law belongs only to the citizen. Therefore we demand that every public office, of any sort whatsoever, whether in the Reich, the county or municipality, be filled only by citizens. We combat the corrupting parliamentary economy, office-holding only according to party inclinations without consideration of character or abilities.

7. We demand that the state be charged first with providing the opportunity for a livelihood and way of life for the citizens. If it is impossible to sustain the total population of the State, then the members of foreign nations (non-citizens) are to be expelled from the Reich.

8. Any further immigration of non-citizens is to be prevented. We demand that all non-Germans, who have immigrated to Germany since the 2 August 1914, be forced immediately to leave the Reich.

9. All citizens must have equal rights and obligations.

10. The first obligation of every citizen must be to work both spiritually and physically. The activity of individuals is not to counteract the interests of the universality, but must have its result within the framework of the whole for the benefit of all Consequently we demand:

11. Abolition of unearned (work and labour) incomes. Breaking of rent-slavery.

12. In consideration of the monstrous sacrifice in property and blood that each war demands of the people personal enrichment through a war must be designated as a crime against the people. Therefore we demand the total confiscation of all war profits.

13. We demand the nationalisation of all (previous) associated industries (trusts).

14. We demand a division of profits of all heavy industries.

15. We demand an expansion on a large scale of old age welfare.

16. We demand the creation of a healthy middle class and its conservation, immediate communalisation of the great warehouses and their being leased at low cost to small firms, the utmost consideration of all small firms in contracts with the State, county or municipality.

17. We demand a land reform suitable to our needs, provision of a law for the free expropriation of land for the purposes of public utility, abolition of taxes on land and prevention of all speculation in land.

18. We demand struggle without consideration against those whose activity is injurious to the general interest. Common national criminals, usurers, Schieber and so forth are to be punished with death, without consideration of confession or race.

19. We demand substitution of a German common law in place of the Roman Law serving a materialistic world-order.

20. The state is to be responsible for a fundamental reconstruction of our whole national education programme, to enable every capable and industrious German to obtain higher education and subsequently introduction into leading positions. The plans of instruction of all educational institutions are to conform with the experiences of practical life. Understanding of the concept of the State [Staatsbürgerkunde] must be striven for by the school as early as the beginning of understanding. We demand the education at the expense of the State of outstanding intellectually gifted children of poor parents without consideration of position or profession.

21. The State is to care for the elevating national health by protecting the mother and child, by outlawing child-labour, by the encouragement of physical fitness, by means of the legal establishment of a gymnastic and sport obligation, by the utmost support of all organisations concerned with the physical instruction of the young.

22. We demand abolition of the mercenary troops and formation of a national army.

23. We demand legal opposition to known lies and their promulgation through the press. In order to enable the provision of a German press, we demand, that: a. All writers and employees of the newspapers appearing in the German language be members of the race: b. Non-German newspapers be required to have the express permission of the State to be published. They may not be printed in the German language: c. Non-Germans are forbidden by law any financial interest in German publications, or any influence on them, and as punishment for violations the closing of such a publication as well as the immediate expulsion from the Reich of the non-German concerned. Publications which are counter to the general good are to be forbidden. We demand legal prosecution of artistic and literary forms which exert a destructive influence on our national life, and the closure of organisations opposing the above made demands.

24. We demand freedom of religion for all religious denominations within the state so long as they do not endanger its existence or oppose the moral senses of the Germanic race. The Party as such advocates the standpoint of a positive Christianity without binding itself confessionally to any one denomination. It combats the Jewish-materialistic spirit within and around us, and is convinced that a lasting recovery of our nation can only succeed from within on the framework: common utility precedes individual utility.

25. For the execution of all of this we demand the formation of a strong central power in the Reich. Unlimited authority of the central parliament over the whole Reich and its organisations in general. The forming of state and profession chambers for the execution of the laws made by the Reich within the various states of the confederation. The leaders of the Party promise, if necessary by sacrificing their own lives, to support by the execution of the points set forth above without consideration.

NB: Adolf Hitler proclaimed the following explanation for this programme on the 13 April 1928:

Explanation

Regarding the false interpretations of Point 17 of the programme of the NSDAP on the part of our opponents, the following definition is necessary:

Since the NSDAP stands on the platform of private ownership it happens that the passage ‘gratuitous expropriation’ concerns only the creation of legal opportunities to expropriate if necessary, land which has been illegally acquired or is not administered from the view-point of the national welfare. This is directed primarily against the Jewish land-speculation companies.
Edited by: Dr. Robert Ley
Published by: Central Publishing House of the N.S.D.A.P. Franz Eher, successor Munich
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1708-PS (Military Tribunal at Nuremberg)
1.6 To the entire working Germany!
The total bankruptcy of the Revolt of 1918, the great betrayal of the people is revealed through the failure of the whole of the policy of fulfilment and impoverishment. Resignation before the French bayonets, crawling before stock exchange pirates of Wall Street, corruption, protection of fraud, lack of work, inadequate housing, a frightening epidemic of suicide, emigration of the best elements of the people etc., these are all the consequences of ‘Victory along the whole front’. Fighting purposefully and fearlessly against this

Shame of Versailles and of the Dawes Betrayal

is only the

National Socialist German Workers’ Party

It fights

Against the debasement of German life and the disintegration of the belief of all sections of the people,

for the re-awakening of the national feeling of honour, of military thinking and of the will to freedom.

Against the dominance of international finance capital and its Marxist-democratic servants,

for the nationalisation of the banks of issue and of the stock exchange, that is for protecting the whole of the honest working people from private exploitation.

Against the profiteering of department stores,

for the protection of the national community of all workers of the brain and fist from external threat and internal enslavement.

Against the lies of internal class solidarity and international reconciliation,

for the reversal of foreign policy with the help of the natural opponents of the French-Polish system.

Against the lying speeches of the readiness of the French, Poles and Czechs to be friendly ; against the swindle of Locarno and of the lie about the League of Nations,

for a just revaluation of the robbed, high taxation of the banking aristocracy and the death penalty for those who exploit the people.

Against the consequences of the inflation swindle, cheating on the stock exchange and the freedom of the exploiter,

for building housing, the protection of the tenant and the provision of work for the Dawes army of unemployed, for the annulment of the Dawes agreement, for cleaning up our literature and theatre, for the furtherance of German art and artists.

Against Dawes payments and huge taxes in favour of ‘reparations’ and international black marketers,

for the independence and incorruptibility of German public life, for a law to protect the Fatherland and the honour of the people.

Against the filth and trash which is poisoning our youth, and our whole culture, and against its Jewish and non-Jewish purveyors,

for the arrest and punishment of those responsible for the November Revolts, for the inflation, for the Dawes crime, and for the League of Nations betrayal

Against the organised lies of the international Jewish press and for their continuous betrayal of the people and of the country,

for true nationalism and real socialism , which does not recognise bourgeois or proletarians but only Germans.

German worker, burgher, farmer!

Germans of all occupations and estates!

German men and women!

He who wishes to fight for Germany’s honour, for the freedom of German labour and for a real national state, votes for that Movement which has already realised within its ranks the united front of all the working people,

the


National Socialist German Workers’ Party (Hitler-Movement)

Vote List 10 in Every Election


Völkischer Beobachter No 113, 15 May 19283


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