Young and Keil 2009



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Aff

Link Defense

A2: Advertising

Inevitable—must work within


Kolhonen 2005 (Paul, Finnish architecture professor, “Moving Pictures” http://www.contempaesthetics.org/newvolume/pages/article.php?articleID=351)

Economist's aesthetics also places architects, city planners and designers in a new position. They are no longer just resolving the given problem in a merely functional and eye-pleasing way. In addition to all this they have also become image-builders for their clients. The present situation, where the marks of the economist's aesthetics can be seen in every city, demands a new sensibility towards advertising and commercial culture. It seems that advertising is something we are not about to escape. In reality, nowadays we have to accept at least some advertising in our living environment. The best we can do is to try to understand its mechanics and its visual and social effects and to make informed decisions when we are developing our cities.

A2: Planning Links

Your claims about planning are polemical: elide history


Scott 1998 (Professor of Political Science at Yale, Seeing Like a State )

Aided by hindsight as it is, this unsympathetic account of high- modernist audacity is, in one important respect, grossly unfair. If we put the development of high-modernist beliefs in their historical con- text, if we ask who the enemies of high modernism actually were, a far more sympathetic picture emerges. Doctors and public-health engi- neers who did possess new knowledge that could save millions of lives were often thwarted by popular prejudices and entrenched political in- terests. Urban planners who could in fact redesign urban housing to be cheaper, more healthful, and more convenient were blocked by real- estate interests and existing tastes. Inventors and engineers who had devised revolutionary new modes of power and transportation faced opposition from industrialists and laborers whose profits and jobs the new technology would almost certainly displace

No impact—lack of authoritarian government checks violence


Scott 1998 (Professor of Political Science at Yale, Seeing Like a State )

It is possible, I believe, to say something more generally about the "elective affinity" between authoritarian high modernism and certain institutional arrangement^.^^ What follows is rather crude and provi- sional, but it will serve as a point of departure. High-modernist ideolo- gies embody a doctrinal preference for certain social arrangements. Authoritarian high-modernist states, on the other hand, take the next step. They attempt, and often succeed, in imposing those preferences on their population. Most of the preferences can be deduced from the criteria of legibility, appropriation, and centralization of control. To the degree that the institutional arrangements can be readily moni- tored and directed from the center and can be easily taxed (in the broadest sense of taxation), then they are likely to be promoted. The im- plicit goals behind these comparisons are not unlike the goals of pre- modern ~tatecraft.~~ Legibility, after all, is a prerequisite of appropria- tion as well as of authoritarian transformation. The difference, and it is a crucial one, lies in the wholly new scale of ambition and intervention entertained by high modernism.

A2: Impact

Interventions don’t actually change lives—resistance exists even post plan


Scott 1998 (Professor of Political Science at Yale, Seeing Like a State )

It is far easier for would-be reformers to change the formal struc- ture of an institution than to change its practices. Redesigning the lines and boxes in an organizational chart is simpler than changing how that organization in fact operates. Changing the rules and regula- tions is simpler than eliciting behavior that conforms to them.I1O Re- designing the physical layout of a village is simpler than transforming its social and productive life. For obvious reasons, political elites- particularly authoritarian high-modernist elites-typically begin with changes in the formal structure and rules. Such legal and statutory changes are the most accessible and the easiest to rearrange.

U.S. setting disables bigger impacts


Scott 1998 (Professor of Political Science at Yale, Seeing Like a State )

If such schemes have typically taken their most destructive human and natural toll in the states of the former socialist bloc and in revo- lutionary Third World settings, that is surely because there authori- tarian state power, unimpeded by representative institutions, could nullify resistance and push ahead. The ideas behind them, however, on which their legitimacy and appeal depended, were thoroughly West- ern. Order and harmony that once seemed the function of a unitary God had been replaced by a similar faith in the idea of progress vouch- safed by scientists, engineers, and planners. Their power, it is worth re- membering, was least contested at those moments when other forms of coordination had failed or seemed utterly inadequate to the great tasks at hand: in times of war, revolution, economic collapse, or newly won independence. The plans that they hatched bore a family resem- blance to the schemes of legibility and standardization devised by the absolutist kings of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. What was wholly new, however, was the magnitude of both the plans for the wholesale transformation of society and the instruments of statecraft -censuses, cadastral maps, identity cards, statistical bureaus, schools, mass media, internal security apparatuses-that could take them far- ther along this road than any seventeenth-century monarch would have dreamed. Thus it has happened that so many of the twentieth cen- tury's political tragedies have flown the banner of progress, emancipa- tion, and reform.

Subjective resistance prevents worst impacts


Scott 1998 (Professor of Political Science at Yale, Seeing Like a State )

Human resistance to the more severe forms of social straitjacketing prevents monotonic schemes of centralized rationality from ever being realized. Had they been realized in their austere forms, they would have represented a very bleak human prospect. One of Le Corbusier's plans, for example, called for the segregation of factory workers and their families in barracks along the major transportation arteries. It was a theoretically efficient solution to transportation and production problems. If it had been imposed, the result would have been a dispir- iting environment of regimented work and residence without any of the animation of town life. This plan had all the charm of a Taylorist scheme where, using a comparable logic, the efficient organization of work was achieved by confining the workers' movements to a few repetitive gestures. The cookie-cutter design principles behind the lay- out of the Soviet collective farm, the ujamaa village, or the Ethiopian resettlement betray the same narrowness of vision. They were de- signed, above all, to facilitate the central administration of production and the control of public life.

Impacts overblown


Scott 1998 (Professor of Political Science at Yale, Seeing Like a State )

The invention of scientific forestry, freehold tenure, planned cities, col- lective farms, ujamaa villages, and industrial agriculture, for all their ingeniousness, represented fairly simple interventions into enormously complex natural and social systems. After being abstracted from sys- tems whose interactions defied a total accounting, a few elements were then made the basis for an imposed order. At best, the new order was fragile and vulnerable, sustained by improvisations not foreseen by its originators. At worst, it wreaked untold damage in shattered lives, a damaged ecosystem, and fractured or impoverished societies. This rather blanket condemnation must be tempered, especially in the case of social systems, by at least four considerations. First, and most important, the social orders they were designed to supplant were typically so manifestly unjust and oppressive that almost any new order might seem preferable. Second, high-modernist social engineering usu- ally came cloaked in egalitarian, emancipatory ideas: equality before the law, citizenship for all, and rights to subsistence, health, education, and shelter. The premise and great appeal of the high-modernist credo was that the state would make the benefits of technological progress available to all its citizens. The two remaining reasons for tempering our condemnation of such schemes have less to do with their potentially destructive conse- quences than with the capacity of ordinary human actors to modify them or, in the end, to bring them down. Where functioning represen- tative institutions were at hand, some accommodation was inevitable. In their absence, it is still remarkable how the dogged, day-to-day re- sistance of thousands of citizens forced the abandonment or restruc- turing of projects. Given sufficient time and leeway, of course, any high-modernist plan will be utterly remade by popular practice. Soviet collective farms, the most draconian case, were finally brought down as much by the dispirited work and resistance of the kolkhozniki as by the political shifts in Moscow.


Alt Fails

Alternative can’t overcome individualism


Kipfer 2002 (Associate prof of polisci and French at York University, Urbanization, Everyday Life and the Survival of Capitalism: Lefebvre, Gramsci and the Problematic of Hegemony, Capitalism, Nature, Socialism 13:2)

The defeat of the new left in the aftermath of 1968 demonstrated the difficulty of sustaining quasi-revolutionary conjunctures with long-term urban strategies aimed at transforming everyday life, promoting self- management, and transforming "minimal difference" (a component of hegemony) into "maximal" difference (an element of counter- hegemony). Abstractly universalist, centralist and "phallocentric" Jacobin tendencies among the French left, which ignored difference altogether, did not help in this regard.124 For Lefebvre, minimal, or "induced" difference exists as an alienated, isolated fragment - an unmediated form of individualist or pluralist particularity - that is easily serialized, reproduced, trivialized and naturalized within the parameters of phallocentric abstract space and the reified "world of signs" of modernism. Maximal, "produced" forms of differential space and cyclical time, however, are festive, affective, unalienated, fully lived forms of plurality that can only flourish in a post-capitalist world defined by use-value and self-management.125 Asserting the right to difference can be a moment of counter-hegemonic politics if it liberates the "parodies" of minimal difference from the totalizing forces of commodification, uneven development, linguistic abstraction, phallocentrism and bourgeois power.126

U.S. urbanism irrelevant—global south key—alt can’t address that


Kipfer Siederi and Wieditz 2012 (Associate prof of polisci at York University, “Henri Lefebvre: Debates and Controversies” in Progress in Human Geography

Today, the anti-productivist leanings that inhere in Lefebvre’s conception of time, space, and everyday life appear at first sight to be of obvious importance given the socio-ecological state of the planet. But this – the planetary importance of Lefebvre’s work – is one of the thorniest questions in Lefebvre scholarship, one that should be approached with a great deal of caution (Kipfer et al., 2008). While Lefebvre’s work in the 1970s and 1980s strove towards a genuinely multipolar conception of knowledge production and political struggle, the European focus of his intellectual endeavours and lived experiences prevented him from realizing his own ambitions. Today, of course, the planetary pertinence of Lefebvre is not contingent only on his work but also on ongoing social processes and political struggles. Accelerated urbanization in the global South, the disintegration of state socialism, and the contradictions of Euro-American imperialism have contributed to a situation where Lefebvrean insights are taken in fresh directions in such places as Brazil and Hong Kong (on the latter, see Ng et al., 2010; Tang et al., 2012). Our own paper, itself squarely situated in Euro-American debates, will only be able to point to the fact that Lefebvre’s ultimate fate for truly global analyses will be determined by developments beyond the North Atlantic.
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