Step 1: What happened between July and October 1921 that led to the Treaty negotiations which took place between October and December?



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Step 1: What happened between July and October 1921 that led to the Treaty negotiations which took place between October and December?
On 1 July, The Irish Times, under the headline ―Irish Peace Proposals, published the text of a letter sent by Lloyd George to de Valera the previous week (24 June), in which he wrote:

Source 1A

I write, therefore, to convey the following invitation to you as the chosen leader of the great majority in Southern Ireland, and to Sir James Craig, the Premier of Northern Ireland:

That you should attend a conference here in London, in company with Sir James Craig, to 
explore to the utmost the possibility of a settlement;

That you should bring with you for the purpose any colleagues whom you may select. The 
Government will, of course, give a safe conduct to all who may be chosen to participate in the conference. 
© The Irish Times, 1 July, 1921. Used with permission.

Craig accepted the invitation. De Valera replied that before replying more fully, he was ―seeking a conference with certain representatives of the political minority in this country.‖ This conference with Southern Unionists including Lord Midleton, took place in the Mansion House, Dublin, on 4 July. In the course of the conference, it was agreed that negotiations could not take place unless there was a cease-fire. Lloyd George indicated his acceptance of this in a letter to Lord Midleton on 7 July (published in The Irish Times, 9 July). De Valera expressed his acceptance in a letter to Lloyd George on 8 July, as follows:



Source 1B

Sir,
The desire you express on the part of the British Government to end the centuries of conflict between the people of these two islands, and to establish relations of neighbourly harmony, is the genuine desire of the people of Ireland.
I have consulted with my colleagues, and secured the views of representatives of the minority of our nation in regard to the invitation you have sent me. In reply, I desire to say that I am ready to meet and discuss with you on what bases such a conference as the proposed can reasonably hope to achieve the object desired.
Ronan Fanning, Michael Kennedy, Dermot Keogh, Eunan O‘Halpin, Documents on Irish Foreign Policy, Volume 1, 1919-1922. Royal Irish Academy, 1998, p.234

On Monday, 11 July, the truce came into effect and hostilities ceased.

_____________________________________________________________________________________________



Show your historical understanding:

  1. In Source 1A, how does Lloyd George describe de Valera‘s leadership role? Is this the way 
that de Valera himself would have described his role?

  2. In Source 1A, what title is Sir James Craig given? Why do you think Lloyd George wanted 
Craig to attend the proposed conference in London?

  3. In Source 1A, why did Lloyd George find it necessary to promise ―a safe conduct‖ to 
people who might be chosen by de Valera to attend the proposed conference?

  4. Why do you think that de Valera organised a conference ―with certain representatives of the political minority in this country‖, before giving a full answer to Lloyd George‘s invitation?

  5. What TWO important developments arose from the Mansion House conference on 4 July?

Source 1C

David Low, The Star, Tuesday, 12 July, 1921

Embedded text in cartoon: whole-hog demands, extreme terms, No compromise deals, Sinn Fein, Peace, Irish peace express, ―stand-firm, obstinacy, Ulster, one-eyed negation, Nothing doing ―Loyalty?

Show your historical understanding: matters for classroom discussion

  1. Name the three political leaders represented in the cartoon. (The ‘Conductor‘ is the British prime minister of the time.)

  2. What difficulties does the cartoonist suggest the British Government will have in trying to bring about peace in Ireland?

  3. How does the cartoon portray the British prime minister‘s role in the proposed peace negotiations?

Following the truce, de Valera led a delegation to London for talks. He was accompanied by Robert Barton, Erskine Childers, Arthur Griffith, Count George Plunkett, Austin Stack, Kathleen O‘Connell and Laurence O‘Neill.



The picture to the right – from a contemporary postcard – shows de Valera on the boat from Dún Laoghaire – in conversation with Sinn Féin Director of Publicity, Desmond Fitzgerald.

De Valera met with Lloyd George at Downing Street on four occasions between 14 and 21 July. De Valera also met with Craig on 15 and 18 July. On 20 July, Lloyd George put forward the Government‘s proposals, which offered dominion status subject to certain restrictions (on such areas as defence and trade) and gave no commitment to ending partition. These proposals were rejected by the Cabinet and then the Dáil. The reasons were set out in a letter sent by de Valera to Lloyd George on 10 August. The following is a short extract:



Source 1D

To the extent that it implies a recognition of Ireland‘s separate nationhood and her right to self- determination, we appreciate and accept it. But in the stipulations and express conditions concerning the matters that are vital the principle is strangely set aside and a claim advanced by your Government to interference in our affairs, and to a control that we cannot admit.

Ronan Fanning, Michael Kennedy, Dermot Keogh, Eunan O‘Halpin, Documents on Irish Foreign Policy, Volume 1, 1919-1922. Royal Irish Academy, 1998, p.254



In a subsequent letter on 24 August, de Valera wrote:

Source 1E

On the basis of the broad guiding principle of government by the consent of the governed, peace can be secured – a peace that will be just and honourable to all ... To negotiate such a peace, Dáil Éireann is ready to appoint its representatives, and, if your Government accepts the principle proposed, to invest them with plenary powers to meet and arrange with you for its application in detail.

Ronan Fanning, Michael Kennedy, Dermot Keogh, Eunan O‘Halpin, Documents on Irish Foreign Policy, Volume 1, 1919-1922. Royal Irish Academy, 1998, p.260



An Irish Times report on 5 September (following the publication of de Valera‘s reply) ended as follows:

Source 1F

The situation created by Sinn Féin‘s reply is regarded in London as one of extreme gravity. The Lord Lieutenant left Ireland last night by destroyer, on his way to Scotland, presumably to see the Premier.

© The Irish Times, 5 September, 1921.

______________________________________________________________________________________________________

Show your historical understanding


  1. According to Source 1D, what principle has Lloyd George recognised that de Valera says, ―... we appreciate and accept ...‖ ?

  2. b) According to Source 1D, what aspects of Lloyd George‘s offer are not acceptable to de Valera and Sinn Féin?

  3. In Source 1E, on what basis does de Valera say the Dáil is ready to enter into negotiations?

  4. According to Source 1F, how was Sinn Féin‘s rejection of Lloyd George‘s terms viewed in 
London? What other development appeared to bear this out?

_______________________________________________________________________________________________
Following further exchanges of letters, both Lloyd George and de Valera acknowledged that – as de Valera put it in a letter of 19 September – ―misunderstandings are more likely to increase than to diminish ... by a continuance of the present correspondence.‖ Neither leader was prepared to recognise the other‘s stated position; however, both were eager to get talks underway. Lloyd George, therefore, in a letter of 29 September, wrote:

Source 1G

... We, therefore, send you herewith a fresh invitation to a conference in London on October 11th, where we can meet your delegates as spokesmen of the people whom you represent with a view to ascertaining how the association of Ireland with the community of nations known as the British Empire may best be reconciled with Irish national aspirations.

Ronan Fanning, Michael Kennedy, Dermot Keogh, Eunan O‘Halpin, Documents on Irish Foreign Policy, Volume 1, 1919-1922. Royal Irish Academy, 1998, p.269



De Valera responded on 30 September. He wrote:

Source 1H

Our respective positions have been stated and are understood, and we agree that conference, not correspondence, is the most practical and hopeful way to an understanding. We accept the invitation, and our Delegates will meet you in London on the date mentioned ‘to explore every possibility of settlement by personal discussion.

Ronan Fanning, Michael Kennedy, Dermot Keogh, Eunan O‘Halpin, Documents on Irish Foreign Policy, Volume 1, 1919-1922. Royal Irish Academy, 1998, p.270



________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Show your historical understanding:

  1. In Source 1G, comment on Lloyd George‘s use of the phrase, ―the people whom you 
represent‖.

  2. What was to be the purpose of the conference, according to Lloyd George in Source 1G?

  3. In Source 1H, what does de Valera mean when he writes, ―Our respective positions have 
been stated and are understood‖?

  4. In Source 1H, does de Valera sound optimistic or pessimistic about the negotiations?

____________________________________________________________________________________________
On 14 September Dáil Éireann had already chosen a delegation of plenipotentiaries, in anticipation of a possible conference with representatives of the British Government:
 Arthur Griffith, Minister for Foreign Affairs (Chairman); Michael Collins, Minister for Finance; Robert Barton, Minister for Economic Affairs; Eamon Duggan, Deputy for Meath and Louth; George Gavan Duffy, Deputy for County Dublin.

The following instructions to the plenipotentiaries were dated 7 October, 1921:

Source 1I

  1. The Plenipotentiaries have full powers as defined in their credentials.

  2. It is understood however that before decisions are finally reached on the main questions that a despatch notifying the intention of making these decisions will be sent to the Members of the Cabinet in Dublin and that a reply will be awaited by the Plenipotentiaries before the final decision is made.

  3. It is also understood that the complete text of the draft treaty about to be signed will be similarly submitted to Dublin and reply awaited.

  4. In case of break the text of final proposals from our side will be similarly submitted.


  1. Show your historical understanding:

    1. What is the meaning of ‘plenipotentiaries‘?

    2. In what ways do the other instructions appear to contradict the meaning contained in the 
word ‘plenipotentiaries‘?
    It is understood that the Cabinet in Dublin will be kept regularly informed of the progress of the negotiations.

The plenipotentiaries were also given a document, Draft Treaty A, which set out the essential elements of a settlement from an Irish perspective. It envisaged a form of association with Britain whereby an independent Ireland would be voluntarily associated with the British Commonwealth for purposes of common concern and would recognise the authority of the Crown as head of that association. The proposed arrangement became known as ‘external association‘. Some clauses of this draft treaty – including clauses on Ulster – had not been completed before the delegation left


Step 2: What were the main issues that arose in and the around the Treaty negotiations between October and December? (SOURCES 2A-2K)
SIGNIFICANT DEVELOPMENTS

11 October Conference began. Plenary session of all delegates. Positions stated

24 October Last full plenary session. Irish draft proposals presented. (Subsequent negotiations carried on between sub-committees of the two delegations.) Griffith and Collins met with Lloyd George and Chamberlain

2 November Series of meetings between Griffith and Collins and Lloyd George, Lord Birkenhead and Chamberlain. Main focus: Griffith letter on recognition of king

12 November Meeting between Griffith and Lloyd George. Griffith agreed to written proposals on Ulster issue (used later by Lloyd George in a way that Griffith had not anticipated

22 November Irish memorandum‘ set out a summary of discussions to date, repeating proposal on ‘external association‘.

24 November British response conveyed by Lord Birkenhead: insistence on recognition of Crown.


28 November Lloyd George offered to put into writing any phrase which would guarantee Ireland‘s equal status with Canada as a Dominion

1 December British counter-proposals presented, including an Oath of Allegiance

3 December Irish delegates returned to Dublin. Cabinet met to hear from delegates- discuss British proposals. Divisions evident. Decisions: original instructions to be followed; no consent to Oath of Allegiance as worded; if required to end negotiations, break on Ulster; no final agreement without reference to Dáil

4 December British team left the discussions when Gavan Duffy suggested membership of Empire was unacceptable. Sense of crisis point reached

5 December Lloyd George met Collins regarding boundary commission proposal. Afternoon: final session began. Lloyd George produced written agreement of 12th November, indicating Griffith prepared to accept Empire if effective boundary commission established. Also threatened immediate resumption of war if delegates did not sign

6 December 2:10am, ‘’Articles of Agreement’’ signed.

COMMENTARY: The two main Issues that arose 
for the British were the Crown and Ulster. Defense was also an important issue side, who feared an independent Ireland could be used as a base from which to attack Britain,

THE CROWN: The British wanted Ireland within the Empire, with MPs/TDs swearing an Oath of Allegiance to the Crown. The Irish argued for ‘external association’.

ULSTER: The British had established a ‘home rule‘ parliament and had no desire to overturn it. The Irish wanted all-Ireland recognition for the Dáil: they were prepared to concede some level of devolution to majority-Unionist counties once the ultimate authority of the Dáil was recognised.


Source 2B

Erskine Childers to Eamon de Valera, 21 October, 1921 “.. The question of the Crown has now been directly raised by the British Representatives and will come up at the Conference on Monday.
Two courses are open to the Delegates:

(a) To refuse allegiance to the Crown,

(b) Neither to refuse it or accept it at the present stage but to say that they are satisfied on other points - Ulster, Defence, Trade etc. – they would be prepared to consider the question of the Crown: in other words to obtain a field of manoeuvre and delay the crucial question.

They request instructions as to which course to adopt.
It must be added that the British Representatives showed a strong desire to press matters to an immediate issue.”

Ronan Fanning, Michael Kennedy, Dermot Keogh, Eunan O‘Halpin, Documents on Irish Foreign Policy, Volume 1, 1919-1922. Royal Irish Academy, 1998, p.287

Source 2A

Letter from Arthur Griffith to Eamon de Valera, 11 October, 1921: “A E[amon], a Chara,
The meeting today has left on my mind the impression that the English Government is anxious for peace and also that this question of naval defence re the coasts of Ireland is a fixed idea of theirs – that they believe it vital to their lives.
The question of the Crown and Ulster did not arise. When they do the sailing will be rough. Today they were amiable and both sides were quite polite to each other ...”

Ronan Fanning, Michael Kennedy, Dermot Keogh, Eunan O‘Halpin, Documents on Irish Foreign Policy, Volume 1, 1919-1922. Royal Irish Academy, 1998, p.274




Show your historical understanding:

  1. In Sources 2A and 2B, what exactly is meant by ―”the question of the Crown’’?

  2. Explain Griffith‘s comments in Source 2A about the question of naval defence being a 
―fixed idea‖ of the British delegation.

  3. Explain Griffith‘s comments in source 2A about what he thinks will happen when the issues of the Crown and Ulster arise.

  4. According to Griffith in Source 2A, how did the two delegations get on with each other on 11 October, the first day of the conference?

  5. In Source 2B, Erskine Childers, as secretary to the delegation, is writing to de Valera on 21 October looking for instructions on an issue that has now been raised. What is that issue?

  6. What does Childers mean in source 2B when he writes that ―the British Representatives 
showed a strong desire to press matters to an immediate issue?


Source 2C

Letter of Arthur Griffith to Eamon de Valera, 24 October, 1921: “A chara,
[Michael] and I were asked to see Lloyd George and Chamberlain this evening at the conclusion of the Conference.
They talked freely – Chamberlain frankly. The burden of their story was that on the Crown they must fight. It was the only link of Empire they possessed.
They pressed me to say that I would accept the Crown provided we came to other agreements. It was evident they wanted something to reassure themselves against the Die-Hards. I told them I had no authority. If we came to an agreement on all other points I could recommend some form of association with the Crown ...
Told them the only possibility of Ireland considering association of any kind with Crown was in exchange for essential unity ...


Ronan Fanning, Michael Kennedy, Dermot Keogh, Eunan O‘Halpin, Documents on Irish Foreign Policy, Volume 1, 1919-1922. Royal Irish Academy, 1998, p.290-291





Source 2D

Arthur Griffith to David Lloyd George, 22 Hans Place, London, 2 November, 1921

“Sir,
In our personal conversation on Sunday night you stated that three things were vital – our attitude to the British Commonwealth, the Crown and Naval Defence. You asked me whether, provided I was satisfied on other points, I would give you personal assurances in relation to these matters.
I assured you in reply that, provided I was so satisfied, I was prepared to recommend a free partnership of Ireland with the other States associated within the British Commonwealth, the formula defining the partnership to be arrived at in later discussion. I was, on the same condition, prepared to recommend that Ireland should consent to a recognition of the Crown as head of the proposed association of free States.
...
I stated that this attitude of mine was conditional on the recognition of the essential unity of Ireland.”

Ronan Fanning, Michael Kennedy, Dermot Keogh, Eunan O‘Halpin, Documents on Irish Foreign Policy, Volume 1, 1919-1922. Royal Irish Academy, 1998, p.299


Show your historical understanding:


  1. Who were the four people involved in the meeting described by Griffith in Source 2C?

  2. What was the British position on the issue of ―the Crown, as described in Source 2C?

  3. According to Source 2C, what did Griffith say would be necessary before any concession could be made in relation to the Crown?

  4. In Source 2C, explain the difference between the British reference to the need to ―accept 
the Crown and Griffith‘s references to ―association with the Crown.

  5. According to Source 2D, what ―assurances‖ did Lloyd George look for from Griffith?


Source 2E

Arthur Griffith to Eamon de Valera, 12 November, 1921
...

I have just seen [Lloyd George]
... Lloyd George and his colleagues are sending a further reply to the Ulstermen ... offering to create an all-Ireland Parliament, Ulster to have the right to vote itself out within 12 months, but if it does a Boundary Commission to be set up to delimit the area, and the part that remains after the Commission has acted to be subject to equal financial burdens with England.
Lloyd George intimated that this would be their last word to Ulster. If they refused, as he believed they would, he would fight, summon Parliament, appeal to it against Ulster ...
 told him it was his proposal not ours. He agreed but he said that when they were fighting next Thursday with the ‘Die-Hards‘ and Ulster in front, they were lost if we cut the ground away behind them by repudiating the proposal. ’I said we would not do that ... I could not guarantee its acceptance, as, of course, my colleagues knew nothing of it yet. But I would guarantee that while he was fighting the ‘Ulster‘ crowd we would not help them by repudiating him.


Ronan Fanning, Michael Kennedy, Dermot Keogh, Eunan O‘Halpin, Documents on Irish Foreign Policy, Volume 1, 1919-1922. Royal Irish Academy, 1998, pp.307-308
In relation to source 2D, explain fully what Griffith said he was prepared to recommend and what this attitude was ―conditional on?

Show your historical understanding:


  1. In Source 2E, reference is made to a proposal for a boundary commission.

a. Explain the circumstances in which this proposed commission would be set up.

b. Explain the purposes for which this proposed commission would be set up.



  1. In Source 2E, what response did Lloyd George tell Griffith he expected from ―the Ulstermen?

  2. According to Source 2E, what guarantee did Griffith give to Lloyd George in relation to the boundary commission proposal?


Source 2F
Arthur Griffith to Eamon de Valera, 22 November, 1921The accompanying Memo ... was handed in at Downing Street today at 12.30.
About half an hour later Jones rang me up and asked could he see me immediately. I told him to come to Hans Place where he arrived about 1.15. He said Lloyd George was in despair about the document. Birkenhead and Chamberlain also considered it impossible. It did not accept the Crown or the Empire. It bought them back to where they were six weeks ago ... He suggested the document should be withdrawn or substituted, as Lloyd George‘s only idea of a reply to it was a letter ending the negotiations.”

Ronan Fanning, Michael Kennedy, Dermot Keogh, Eunan O‘Halpin, Documents on Irish Foreign Policy, Volume 1, 1919-1922. Royal Irish Academy, 1998, p.313




Show your historical understanding:

  1. According to Source 2F, why was the memo unacceptable to the British side?


Source 2G

Arthur Griffith to Eamon de Valera, 29 November, 1921: “Last night (Monday) Mr. Duggan and myself at Lloyd George‘s request went to Chequers to meet Lloyd George.
We met him there with Lord Birkenhead and Sir Robert Horne, Chancellor of the Exchequer. They declared the document we had sent in earlier was impossible for them. No British Government could attempt to propose to the British people the abrogation [cancellation] of the Crown. It would be splashed to atoms.

We told them we had no authority to deal with them on any other basis than the exclusion of the Crown from purely Irish affairs. We then entered into a general discussion in which they knocked out my argument that the Crown in the Dominions was merely a symbol but in Ireland a reality – by offering to put in any phrase in the Treaty we liked to ensure that the function of the Crown in Ireland should be no more in practice than it is in Canada or any Dominion ...

Ronan Fanning, Michael Kennedy, Dermot Keogh, Eunan O‘Halpin, Documents on Irish Foreign Policy, Volume 1, 1919-1922. Royal Irish Academy, 1998, p.319
According to Source 2F, what response to the memo was Lloyd George considering?

Show your historical understanding:


  1. Who were the five people attending the meeting referred to in Source 2G? Where did the meeting take place?

  2. According to Source 2G, why was the document sent in by the Irish delegation unacceptable to the British Government?

  3. According to Source 2G, what was the Irish position in relation to the Crown?


Source 2H

David Lloyd George to Arthur Griffith (London), 30 November, 1921: “ I enclose a draft of the Treaty which we are prepared to submit for the approval of Parliament ...
According to Source 2G, what did the British representatives say in an effort to persuade 
the Irish representatives to accept the Crown? 


Show your historical understanding:

  1. A draft Treaty was sent to the Irish delegation two days after the meeting described in Source 2G. According to Source 2H, who else would need to approve this draft Treaty before it could become effective?

  2. On the Irish side, who would need to approve any draft Treaty before it could become effective?


Show your historical understanding:

  1. As set down in Source 2I, what ―national status was Ireland to have?

  2. Explain the meaning of the term ―Executive‖ as used in Source 2I.

  3. As set down in Source 2I, what was to be the official name of the new state?

  4. In relation to the proposed oath to be taken by the members of parliament in the new state 
(as set down in Source 2I),

    1. What was the first thing to which ―true faith and allegiance‖ was sworn?

    2. What recognition was to be given to the King?

  5. In the period of transition (expected to be between 6 and 12 months), Northern Ireland was to continue to be ruled by its home rule parliament. If the Northern Ireland parliament did not wish to be part of the Irish Free State, according to Source 2I what steps were to be taken?

  6. Explain the terms under which the proposed Commission was to operate, as set down in Source 2I.




Source 2I

Extract from ―Conference on Ireland: Proposed Articles of Agreement’’ [marked ―Secret]. 30 November, 1921

Ireland shall have the same national status in the Community of Nations known as the British Empire as the Dominion of Canada, the Commonwealth of Australia, the Dominion of New Zealand, and the Union of South Africa, with a Parliament having powers to make laws for the peace, order and good government of Ireland and an Executive responsible to that Parliament, and shall be styled and known as the Irish Free State ...

The oath to be taken by members of the Parliament of the Irish Free State shall be in the following form:-

I .......... solemnly swear to bear true faith and allegiance to the Constitution of the Irish Free State; to the Community of Nations known as the British Empire; and to the King as the Head of the State and of the Empire ...

If after the expiration of six months and before the expiration of twelve months ... an address is presented to His Majesty by both Houses of the Parliament of Northern Ireland ... the powers of the Parliament and Government of the Irish Free State shall no longer extend to Northern Ireland and ... ... a Commission shall be appointed by the British Government to determine in accordance with the wishes of the inhabitants, so far as may be compatible with economic and geographic conditions, the boundaries between Northern Ireland and the rest of Ireland ...

Ronan Fanning, Michael Kennedy, Dermot Keogh, Eunan O‘Halpin, Documents on Irish Foreign Policy, Volume 1, 1919-1922. Royal
Source 2J

Extracts from copy of secretary‘s notes of meeting of the cabinet and delegation held in Dublin on 3 December, 1921

Meeting of cabinet and delegation
In reply to a question by Minister of Defence as to who was responsible for the splitting of the Delegation so that two Members (Messrs. Griffith and Collins) did most of the work and the other members were not in possession of full information it was stated that the British Government was responsible but it had the approval of the whole delegation.
The Minister of Defence here remarked that the British Government selected its men. On the motion of Mr. Griffith this remark was withdrawn.

Meeting of cabinet
In the course of a lengthy discussion of the Treaty, the President gave it as his opinion that it could not be accepted in its then form. He personally could not subscribe to the Oath of Allegiance nor could he sign any document which would give N.E. Ulster the power to vote itself out of the Irish State. With modifications, however, it might be accepted honourably, and he would like to see the plenipotentiaries go back and secure peace if possible.

Meeting of cabinet and delegation (resumed)



  1. Mr. Griffith would not take the responsibility of breaking on the Crown ...

  2. The President took his stand on the Irish proposals, which meant external association with the 
Crown. He suggested the following amendments to the Oath of Allegiance:- ‘’I ... do solemnly swear true faith and allegiance to the constitution of the Irish Free State, to the Treaty of Association and to recognise the King of Great Britain as Head of the Associated States. ... ‘’

Ronan Fanning, Michael Kennedy, Dermot Keogh, Eunan O‘Halpin, Documents on Irish Foreign Policy, Volume 1, 1919-1922. Royal Irish Academy, 1998, p.344-345

_________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Show your historical understanding:


  1. What was the name of the Minister of Defence referred to in Source 2J?

  1. According to Source 2J, who was responsible for the splitting of the delegation so that Griffith and Collins did most of the work?

  2. According to Source 2J, who approved this arrangement?

  1. According to Source 2J, what remark made by the Minister of Defence had to be subsequently withdrawn? Why was this?

  2. Who is the person referred to as ―the President‖ in Source 2J?

  3. According to Source 2J, what details of the draft Treaty were most unacceptable to the President?

  4. According to Source 2J, did the President want the draft Treaty rejected outright? Explain your answer.

  5. From your reading of Source 2J, which of these statements is accurate? Give the reasons for your choice.

  1. Neither the President nor Griffith favoured any relationship with the Crown.

  2. Griffith was more prepared to compromise on the issue of the Crown.

  3. The President was totally opposed to any form of oath of allegiance.

  1. What differences are there between the proposed amendments to the oath as set out in Source 2J and the wording in the draft Treaty as set out in Source 2I?

___________________________________________________________________________________________

Source 2K

Arthur Griffith to Eamon de Valera, 4 December, 1921 “... They talked of their difficulties. We said we had just as many. We had tried to meet them. They asked what was the difficulty about going in like Canada in the Empire. Gavin Duffy said that we should be as closely associated with them as the Dominions in the large matters, and more so in the matter of defence, but our difficulty is coming within the Empire.They jumped up at this and the conversation came to a close, we undertaking to send them copies of our proposals tomorrow, and they undertaking to send in a formal rejection tomorrow. They would, they said, inform Craig tomorrow that the negotiations were broken down. We then parted.”

Ronan Fanning, Michael Kennedy, Dermot Keogh, Eunan O‘Halpin, Documents on Irish Foreign Policy, Volume 1, 1919-1922. Royal Irish Academy, 1998, p.348-349



_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Show your historical understanding:


  1. According to Source 2K, what did Gavan Duffy say that caused the British representatives to end the talks?

  2. What were the positions of the two delegations as the talks broke up, according to Source 2K?



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