Slavery on the Gold Coast and African Resistance to Slavery in Jamaica during the Early Colonial Period



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, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge and New York, 1985, pp. 83-89, 133-134; Edward Long, History of Jamaica or, General Survey of the Ancient and Modern State of the Island, 2 vols, T. Lowndes: London, 1774, vol. II, p.444; Michael Mullin, Africa in America: Slave Acculturation and Resistance in the American South and the British Caribbean, 1736-1831, University of Illinois Press : Urbana and Chicago, 1994; Lynne Guitar, ‘Boiling it Down: Slavery on the First Commercial Sugarcane Ingenios in the Americas (Hispaniola, 1530-45)’ in Slaves, Subjects, and Subversives: Blacks in Colonial Latin America, Jane G. Landers and Barry M. Robinson, (ed), University of New Mexico Press : Albuquerque, 2006, pp. 39-82.

3 Address of the Governor, Council and Assembly of Jamaica to the King, Feb 21, 1734, Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series [hereafter CSPCS], W. Noel Sainsbury, J.W. Fortescue, et.al, Kraus Reprint Ltd: Reprint, Vaduz 1964, #55.

4 Joseph Bryan to William Helyar, June 8, 1678, Helyar MSS, box 1089, part 3, #47; British Library, Additional Manuscripts [Add MSS] 12431: Tracts Relating to Jamaica; Earl Inchiquin to the Lords of Trade and Plantations, Aug. 31, 1690, CSPCS, #1041. Minutes of the Council of Jamaica, Dec. 16, 1701 (addenda), CSPCS, #1190; Governor Codrington to the Council of Trade and Plantations, Dec. 30, 1701, CSPCS, #1132. Edward Long, ‘Account of the Maroons,’ British Library, Add MSS 1241; Anon., ‘History of the Revolted Negroes of Jamaica,’ Add. MSS 12431, pp.69-74; Richard Price, ed. Maroon Societies: Rebel Slave Communities in the Americas, 3rd ed., Johns Hopkins University Press: Baltimore and London 1996, Mavis C. Campbell, The Maroons of Jamaica 1655-1796: A History of Resistance, Collabouration, and Betrayal, Africa World Press: Trenton, N.J, 1990. Michael Craton, Testing the Chains: Resistance to Slavery in the British West Indies, Cornell University Press: Ithaca, 1982. In contrast to Jamaica, Barbados experienced one revolt in 1649 that included servants and slaves. There were five slave revolt plots in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries that never came to fruition. The 1692 plot in Barbados, which was led by Afro-Creoles rather than Africans, was by far the largest. Of the African-led plots, only two involved a significant number of slaves. The St. Kitts revolt of 1690 was the only slave insurrection on the island during this period. Antigua experienced one revolt in 1701, but it only included a few dozen slaves.

5 Craton, Testing the Chains, pp.99-104. Although Genovese does not call it the ‘African phase’ he discussed a shift in slave resistance that corresponded with the decline in the number of African-born slaves in the New World. See Eugene Genovese, From Rebellion to Revolution: Afro-American Slave Revolts in the Making of the Modern World , Louisiana State University: Baton Rouge and London 1979, xiv, pp.82-124.

Walter Rodney, ‘Upper Guinea and the Significance of the Origins of Africans Enslaved in the New World,’The Journal of Negro History 54, no. 4, 1969, pp.327-345. Monica Schuler discussed how the cultural heritage of Akan people shaped their rebellious behavior in ‘Akan Slave Rebellions in the British Caribbean,’ Savacou no.1, June 1970, pp.8-31. John Thornton explored the connection between the military training of enslaved Kongolese men and New World rebellions in ‘African Dimensions of the Stono Rebellion,’ American Historical Review 96, no. 4, Oct. 1991, pp.1101-1113 and Warfare in Atlantic Africa, 1500-1800 ,UCL Press, London and New York, 1999. Sylvaine Diouf pointed out skills that West Africans gained through resistance to the Atlantic slave trade, which they could have employed in the New World. See the introduction to Fighting the Slave Trade: West African Strategies, Ohio University Press; Athens and Oxford, James Currey, 2003. Most recently, Stephanie Smallwood has examined the alienating processes by which slave merchants transformed the meaning of enslavement for their African-born captives and thus shaped their experiences in the New World in Saltwater Slavery: A Middle Passage from Africa to American Diaspora, Harvard University Press: Cambridge, 2007.

6 Amy M. Johnson, ‘Expectations of Slavery: African Captives, White Planters, and Slave Rebelliousness in Early Colonial Jamaica’, PhD diss., Duke University, 2007. Audra Diptee has also explored connections between slavery in Africa and slave rebelliousness in Jamaica although her research focuses on a later period. See From Africa to Jamaica: The Making of an Atlantic Slave Society, 1775-1807, University of Florida Press: Gainesville, 2010.

7 It is unnecessary to try to determine who had been a slave or slave owner prior to their forced Atlantic migration to appreciate the significance of their pre-existing understandings of slavery. Bondmen participated in New World slave insurrections for a variety of reasons; a linear connection between their experience with slavery and their rebelliousness would be problematic. Craton, Testing the Chains, p.26. The cross-disciplinary scholarship on memory, trauma and identity formation is particularly useful for understanding how divergent experiences with and subsequent expectations of slavery and English slave owners may have taken on value for Gold Coast captives in colonial Jamaica faced with collective trauma. See, for example, Remembering Violence: Anthropological Perspectives on Intergenerational Transmission, Nicolas Argenti and Katharina Schramm, (eds), Berghahn Books: New York and Oxford, 2010, and Memory, History, Nation: Contested Pasts, K. Hodgkin and S. Radstone, (eds), Transaction: New Brunswick and London, 2006. Ron Eyerman, Cultural Trauma: Slavery and the Formation of African American Identity ,Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 2001, Remembrances of slavery on the Gold Coast- how slaves were treated, what their obligations and duties were, and what rights slaves had- may have been particularly relevant given that the emerging collective identity of these captives in Jamaica was grounded in slavery. Likewise most of the planters in Jamaica were English suggesting that prior interactions with the English on the Gold Coast would have also been part of these memories. There is no evidence that captives sought to remember slavery specifically, but given the continuity of many other cultural practices on New World plantations and the ways that the upheaval associated with the Atlantic Slave Trade became embedded in social and religious discourses in West Africa it seems likely. Emmanuel Akyeampong, ‘History, Memory, Slave-Trade and Slavery in Anlo (Ghana),’ Slavery and Abolition, vol. 22, no.3 (December 2001): 1-24; Rosalind Shaw Memories of the Slave Trade: Ritual and the Historical Imagination in Sierra Leone (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2002); Bayo Holsely, Routes of Remembrance: Refashioning the Slave Trade in Ghana (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2008); Katharina Schramm, ‘The Slaves of Pikworo: Local Histories, Transatlantic Perspectives,’ History and Memory vol. 23 no.1 (Spring/Summer 2011): 96-130.

8 Account-Ledgers, Cape Coast Castle, 1673-1675, London, Public Records Office [PRO], Treasury Department, Series 70 (T70), T70/656, f. 29; Invoice Books, Homeward, PRO T70/936, ff. 45-46v. Ten Gold Coast captives from the William, six men and four women, were enslaved on Bybrook plantation.

9 By 1675, just twenty years after the English captured the island from the Spanish, there were approximately seventy sugar plantations dotting the island coast and more than 3,500 Africans were imported annually to provide them with labour. Richard Dunn, Sugar and Slaves: The Rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies, 1624-1713 (Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of Chapel Hill Press, 1972),156-157.

10David Eltis, Stephen D. Behrendt, David Richardson, and Herbert S. Klein, Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database. http://slavevoyages.org/tast/assessment/estimates.faces?yearFrom=1655&yearTo=1780&disembarkation=301. These figures represent the number of captives who disembarked from all European carries. Also see David Eltis, ‘The Volume and African Origins of the British Slave Trade before 1714,’ Cahiers d’Etudes Africaines XXXV vol.2, p.138, 1995, pp.618-169 and K.G. Davies, The Royal African Company, London and Longmans, Green and Co. Ltd: New York, 1957, p.46.

11 Only figures for regions that had a total population of more than fifteen thousand Gold Coast captives during the period from 1655 to 1780 have been included. Some islands, such as Antigua and St. Kitts, received small but steady imports from the Gold Coast while the Dutch Guianas and Saint Domingue experienced a rapid increase in the Gold Coast population in the 1720s followed by a steep decline in imports from the region in the 1750s. Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database. http://slavevoyages.org/tast/assessment/estimates.faces?yearFrom=1655&yearTo=1780&embarkation=4&disembarkation=402.403.401.404.405.804.702.805.703.701.801.802.803.305.304.307.306.309.308.311.310.705.501.704.502.600.301.302.303

12 Long, History of Jamaica, vol. II, 472; Bryan Edwards, The History Civil and Commercial of the British Colonies in the West Indies, 2 vols, Dublin, 1793, vol. II, 59. Governor Jonathon Atkins of Barbados wrote that a slave rebellion on the island had spread rapidly ‘especially amongst the Cormantin negroes, who are much the greater number from any one country, and are a warlike & robust people,’ Gov. Sir Jonathan Atkins to Sec. Sir Joseph Williamson, Oct. 3, 1675, CSPCS, #690. Also Codrington, Dec. 30, 1701, CSPCS, #1132.

13 ‘Saltwater’ usually refers to African-born captives in the Americas. They were distinct from Creoles because of their language, lack of socialization to European society, and sometimes by dress, ritual scarification, and hairstyle, among other differences. I use the term here because captives from the Bight of Benin arrived on the Gold Coast by ship and were also distinct from free people and locally-born bondmen on the Gold Coast. Captives taken from the Gold Coast to Jamaica may have been frustrated that they did not have access to many of the opportunities for advancement and amelioration that bondmen, even ‘saltwater’ captives, often received in their homeland. Pieter De Marees, Description and Historical Account of the Gold Kingdom of Guinea (1602), translated from the Dutch and edited by Alber van Dantzig and Adam Jones, The Oxford University Press: Oxford, for the British Academy, 1987, p.76.

14 John Vogt, Portuguese Rule on the Gold Coast, 1469-1682, University of Georgia Press: Athens, 1979, Davies, The Royal African Company, p.224; Elizabeth Donnan, ‘Part II: The Seventeenth Century, Introduction’ Documents Illustrative of the History of the Slave Trade to America, 4 vols, Carnegie Institution of Washington: Washington, D.C, 1930, vol. I, p.89.

15 Edwards, The History, vol. II, pp. 74-75.

16 General studies of pre-colonial slavery and the impact of the Atlantic slave trade on slavery in Africa include Walter Rodney, ‘African Slavery and other Forms of Social Oppression on the Upper Guinea Coast in the Context of the Atlantic Slave Trade,’ Journal of African History, vol. 7 no.3 ,1966, pp.431-443; Suzanne Miers and Igor Kopytoff, ‘African ‘Slavery’ as an Institution of Marginality’ in Slavery in Africa: Historical and Anthropological Perspectives, University of Wisconsin Press: Madison,1977, pp.3-81; Philip Curtin, Steven Feierman, Leonard Thompson, and Jan Vansina, African History, Boston,1978, pp.156-171; Frederick Cooper, ‘The Problem of Slavery in African Studies,’ Journal of African History vol.20, no.1, 1979, p.119, Ray Kea, Settlements, Trade, and Polities in the Seventeenth Century Gold Coast, Johns Hopkins University Press: Baltimore 1982, Patterson, Slavery and Social Death; Paul E. Lovejoy Transformations in Slavery: A History of Slavery in Africa, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1983, Patrick Manning, Slavery and African Life: Occidental, Oriental, and African Slave Trades, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge and New York, 1990, Claude Meillassoux, The Anthropology of Slavery: The Womb of Iron and Gold, University of Chicago Press, Chicago 1991, Akosua Perbi A History of Indigenous Slavery in Ghana from the 15th to the 19th Century,(Sub-Saharan Publisher: Ghana, 2004.

17 ‘Whenever we purchase a New Negro,’ wrote plantation owner Charles Spooner of the Caribbean island of St. Christopher in the late eighteenth century, ‘we fix him with an Old one, who teaches him the manner of living and the Customs of the Island,’ Testimony Feb. 25, 1788, Board of Trade, 6:9, p.165.

18 Long, History of Jamaica, vol. II, p.403.

19 Perbi detailed the various uses of slave labourers in chapter 4 of A History of Indigenous Slavery in Ghana. Miers and Kopytoff noted that the complexity of the local society, the varied use of slaves, and the range of social positions of slaves were interrelated, ‘African ‘Slavery,’’ p.46.

20 Salt and gold mining was reserved almost exclusively for slave labourers due to its grueling and dangerous nature. According to Wilhelm Müller, a German cleric who traveled to the Gold Coast in the 1670s, ‘The Accasseers [Akan], with great effort and hazard allow the veins of gold to be sought deep in the earth in the mountains. To which end, they use all manner of instruments: huge iron picks, baskets, and strong ropes, not just to dig steps and galleries in the ground, but also to retrieve the gold found there.’ He further reported, ‘They are also in the habit of telling that a great number of slaves are lost in cave ins in the gold mines.’ Wilhelm Müller, Die Africanische auf der Guineischen Gold-Cust Gelegene Landschafft Fetu ,Hamburg,1976, p. 272 translated by Paul E. Lovejoy and cited in Transformations in Slavery, p.117. Also see Kea, Settlements, Trade, and Polities in the Seventeenth Century Gold Coast, pp.202-204 for the organization of labour in gold mining. A small portion of the gold produced was consumed locally, yet most was sent northward through Muslim trade routes or to Europe via Atlantic routes. Ivor Wilks, ‘Land, Labour, Capital and the Forest Kingdom of Asante: A Model of Early Change,’ in The Evolution of Social Systems, J. Friedman and M.J. Rowlands, (eds), University of Pittsburgh Press: Pittsburgh, 1978, pp. 520-522.

21 Slaves could obscure their slave origins through marriage and adoption into the master’s lineage and by acquiring personal wealth to enhance their material status. Moreover, among the Akan it was impolite to discuss a person’s origins. As a result it became more difficult overtime for outsiders of the community to distinguish bondmen from free people. Perbi, A History of Indigenous Slavery in Ghana, p.113 and p.124. Slave origins continue to be a stigma in Ghana. See Peter Haenger, Slaves and Slave Holders on the Gold Coast: Towards an Understanding of Social Bondage in West Africa, Switzerland: Schlettwein, 2000, pp. 162-165 and Interview with Koranteng Ata-Caesar, Lawyer in Tema, on the History of his Family’ March 30, 1993. Appendices 5.5, pp.182-191.

22 Perbi, A History of Indigenous Slavery on the Gold Coast, pp.130-132.

23 Willem Bosman remarked that for people on the Gold Coast, ‘their Riches consist in the Multitude of Slave,’ A New and Accurate Description of the Coast of Guinea, Divided into the Gold, the Slave, and the Ivory Coasts ,London, 1721, p.204. Bondwomen were particularly important because of their productive and reproductive capabilities that enhanced the material wealth and human capital of the lineage.

24 Perbi, A History of Indigenous Slavery in Ghana, pp.112-114. Patterson, Slavery and Social Death, pp. 53-55.

25 Miers and Kopytoff, ‘African ‘Slavery,’’ pp. 25-26.

26 Miers and Kopytoff, ‘African ‘Slavery,’’ p. 20.

27 Jamaican planter Edward Long suggested that the separation of families was the ‘chief oppression’ under which slaves lived and was a likely cause of their high mortality rate. Long, History of Jamaica, vol. II, p. 499. Moreover, an anonymous observer in Jamaica during the first half of the eighteenth century wrote that when planters employed slaves in small numbers and they had families, ‘[they] were no better affected to their condition tho obliged to stay rather than abandon their familys.’ But he recalled that ‘in later times when the planters were so rich as to buy great Numbers of Stout Robust Negroe men att once and immediately begann to treat them as the others they begann to fly to the mountains in small bodies.’ Anon., ‘History of the Revolted Negroes in Jamaica,’ p. 69. Likewise, Sir Hans Sloane who travelled the West Indies remarked that slave families ‘[kept] their Plantations chiefly in good order’ and when they lacked slave wives, ‘the Men should wander to neighboring Plantations, and neglect to serve them.’ Sir Hans Sloane, A Voyage to the Islands Madera, Barbados, Nieves, St. Christophers and Jamaica, etc. 2 vols, Printed by B.M. for the author: London, 1707, vol. I, p.xlviii.

28 Miers and Kopytoff, ‘African ‘Slavery,’’ pp.27-29; Manning, Slavery and African Life, 116. Also see Perbi’s A History of Indigenous Slavery, pp.122-130 and ‘Mobility in Pre-Colonial Asante from a Historical Perspective,’ Research Review NS vol. 7, nos. 1 & 2, 1991, pp.72-86. Some enslaved males were able to achieve notable incorporation and accrue considerable personal wealth largely because of the wide range of social and occupational roles available to them. Indeed, their ability to do so was often a result of their foreignness.

29 Miers and Kopytoff , ‘African ‘Slavery,’’ pp. 30-32; Manning, Slavery and African Life, pp. 114-115.

30 John K. Thornton, Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400-1680, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge and New York, 1992, pp. 85-88. Wealthy men and women invested in slaves as a reproducing form of private property similar to European investments in land.

31 The exception would be in gold and salt mining. Slave based plantations developed around Kumasi, Denkyira, and Akyem in the early 1700s in response to the centralization of the Akan states. However, the number of slaves labouring under this mode of production was small and free peasants farmed alongside them. Moreover, the Asante slowed the creation of a slave caste by assimilating captives into their lineages. For gold mining plantations see Wilks, ‘Land, Labour, Capital and the Forest Kingdom of Asante,’ pp. 519-526; Kea, Settlements, Trade, and Polities, vol. 5, pp.11-50, pp.202-204; Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery, pp. 117.

32 Basil Davidson with F. K. Buah. A History of West Africa to the Nineteenth Century. Rev, (ed.), Anchor Books: Garden City, N.Y, 1966, 178-179; E. Frances White ‘Women in West and West-Central Africa’ in Women in Sub Saharan Africa: Restoring Women to History, Iris Berger and E. Frances White, (eds.),Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1999, p.65.

33Miers and Kopytoff, ‘African ‘Slavery,’’ p.29.

Bosman, A New and Accurate Description of the Coast ofGuinea, p.56.

34 Founded in 1672, the Royal African Company maintained a monopoly of the English slave trade until the ‘ten percent act’ of 1698. From 1698 to 1712, individual traders paid a fee to the company to trade in slaves. After 1712, the English slave trade was carried on exclusively by private traders. George Zook, The Company of Royal Adventures Trading in to Africa, New Era Publishing Co.: Lancaster, P.A, 1919, and Davies, The Royal African Company.

35 Ira Berlin, ‘From Creole to African: Atlantic Creoles and the Origins of African-American Society in Mainland North America,’ William and Mary Quarterly 53, no.2, 1996, pp.251-288. Also see George Brooks, Eurafricans in West Africa: Commerce, Social Status, Gender, and Religious Observance from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century, Ohio University Press : Athens, 2003. For examples of their service see Robin Law, (ed), The English in West Africa, 1681-1683, part I, Oxford University Press: Oxford and New York, 1997.

36 Barbot on Guinea: The Writings of Jean Barbot on West Africa, 1678-1712, P.E.H. Hair, Adam Jones, and Robin Law, (eds), 2 vols ,Hakluyt Society : London, 1992, vol. II, p. 382. William Rogers wrote from Whidah, ‘Forty or fifty Gold Coast Slaves are much wanted for Factory use’ May 22, 1714, T70/5, Letter Books, Letters Received, Abstracts from Africa, 1705-1714, f.102-103.

37 ‘Voyage of the Hannibal, 1693-1994,’ Donnan, Documents Illustrative, 404-407. Also see W. Jeffrey Bolster, Black Jacks: African American Seamen in the Age of Sail, Harvard University Press: Cambridge, 1997, p. 52.

38 Commenda, February 20, 1694/5, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MSS (Rawl.MSS) C746, f.67.

39 Bosman, A New and Accurate Description of the Gold Coast, pp. 92-93. Bosman noted that the leader of the slave caravan was ‘not treated as a Slave, but as a great Merchant.’

40 John Freeman, August 4, 1702, T70/51, Letters sent to Africa, 1698-1728, p.268.

41 July 1, 1720, T70/53, Letters sent to Africa, 1698-1728, f.3.

42 James Walvin, Questioning Slavery (London and New York: Routledge, 1996), 75, 79-80; Orlando Patterson, The Sociology of Slavery: An Analysis of the Origins, Development and Structure of Negro Slave Society in Jamaica, (London: Granada Publishing Limited, 1973), 74.

43 Patterson, Sociology, 74, 79-84. Also see Diana Paton ‘Punishment, Crime and the Bodies of Slaves in Eighteenth Century Jamaica,’ Journal of Social History, (Summer 2001): 923-954.

44Walvin, Questioning, 70. Also see pages 49-71. Physical punishments were common for both servants and slaves during this period.

45 Barry Higman, Slave Population and Economy in Jamaica, 1807-1834, (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 170-172.

46 Patterson, Sociology, 64.

47 Close ties to the master’s household were not always favorable as enslaved females were especially vulnerable to sexual, physical, and verbal abuse in the master’s home. See Thavolia Glymph, Out of the House of Bondage: The Transformation of the Plantation Household, (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008) and Douglas Hall, In Miserable Slavery: Thomas Thistlewood in Jamaica, 1750-1786 (MacMillan: 1999).

48 Patterson, Sociology, 61-62; Thomas Roughley, The Jamaica Planter’s Guide; or, A System for Planting and Managing a Sugar Estate, or Other Plantation in that Island, and Throughout the British West Indies in General, Printed by A. & R. Spottiswoode for Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown, Paternoster-Row: London, 1823, pp.79-82.

49 Between 1674 and 1725 approximately 62 percent of the 31,360 Africans shipped from Africa to Jamaica by the Royal African Company were males. See David Eltis and Stanley L. Engerman, ‘Was the Slave Trade Dominated by Men?’ Journal of Interdisciplinary History, vol. 23, no. 2, 1992, p.241, Table 1. Herbert Klein, ‘African Women in the Atlantic Slave Trade,’ in Women and Slavery in Africa, 36; David Galenson, Traders, Planters and Slaves: Market Behavior in Early English America, Cambridge University Press Cambridge, 1986, 95; Joseph E. Inikori, ‘Export versus Domestic Demand: The Determinants of Sex Ratios in the Transatlantic Slave Trade’ Research in Economic History Vol. 14, 1992, pp. 117-166.

50 Barry W. Higman, ‘African and Creole Slave Family Patterns in Trinidad,’ Journal of Family History Vol. 3 ,1978, pp. 163-180; Thornton, Africa and Africans, 172; Edwards, The History, Civil and Commercial, vol. II, 135.

51 See Michael Craton, ‘Changing Patterns of Slave Families in the British West Indies’ Caribbean Slave

Society and Economy, Hilary Beckles and Verene Shepherd, (eds), The New Press: New York, 1991, 228-249. Long wrote of bondmen in Jamaican in 1774, ‘They are all married (in their way) to a husband, or wife, pro tempore, or have other family connexions,…’ The History of Jamaica, vol. II, 414. Slaves did attempt to create stable families, but they had limited ability to control or protect its members. See Chapter 6 in Barbara Bush, Slave Women in Caribbean Society: 1650-1838, Indiana University Press : Bloomington, 1990).

52 Richard Ligon, A True and Exact History of Barbadoes Illustrated with a Map of the Island, Humphrey Mosey: London, 1657, pp.37-38, 43-47. Also see Richard Blome, A Description of the Island of Jamaica; With the other Isles and Territories in America, to which the English are Related 2nd ed. , Printed by J.B for Dorman Newman, London, 1678, p. 37.

53 Elsa V. Goveia, ‘The West Indian Slave Laws of the Eighteenth Century,’ in Caribbean Slave Society and Economy, pp. 349-350. Also see Walvin, Questioning Slavery, p.61 and Patterson, The Sociology of Slavery, pp.80-84.

54 Paton, ‘Punishment, Crime and the Bodies of Slaves in Eighteenth Century Jamaica,’ p. 931.

55 Long, History of Jamaica, vol. II, 444-445.

56 Long, History of Jamaica, vol. II, 470; Codrington, Dec. 30 1701, CSPCS, #1132.

Craton, Testing the Chains, 37. Daniel Warner wrote that captives from the Gold Coast in Antigua were considered ‘the best esteemed Slaves here,’ cited in Mullin, Africa in America, 25. For a discussion of African ethnicity and labour in the opinions of colonial planters see Long, History of Jamaica, vol. II, 403-404 and Edwards, The History, Civil and Commercial, vol. II, 59-72. While many planters held the Coromantees in high esteem, their prominent roles in rebelliousness prompted some island officials to consider refusing additional shipments from the Gold Coast. See Long, History of Jamaica, vol. II, pp.444-446, pp. 470-471.

57 Joseph Bryan to William Helyar, June 8, 1678, Helyar MSS, Box 1089, part 3, #47.

58 According to this act, captured runaways who had been on the island for less than three years received a lighter punishment than those who had been ‘seasoned.’ Acts of Assembly Passed on the Island of Jamaica, from the year 1681 to the year 1769 Inclusive, Jamaica, Kingston, 1787, p.76.

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