Race, Memory, and Civil Society: Who me? Couldnít be!: Racism, Affirmative Action, and Civil Societythe Japanese ywca case



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Affirmative Action in Civil Society: Yes you! (Couldn't be!) Then who?

The children's chant 'who me, couldn't be', was what came to mind when I listened to the strenuous statements of innocence delivered by the YWCA: We are the YWCA - it hurts when you call us racist. We couldn't be, given all we do and all we stand for. For critical race theorists, the response to the chant 'who me?' is always 'yes, you'. We accept the basic premise that American culture was forged in racism. One cannot be part of this culture without absorbing racist ideas, assumptions, perspectives, and gaps in knowledge. This applies to all people, of all races, in all walks of life, for we are social animals, and the racism in the culture is passed along socially. We have had slavery longer than we have not had it. We have had segregation longer than we have not had it. We have had the myth of the yellow peril for as long as we have had Asian Americans, and most Americans do not know that we have had Asians in America for a period longer than we have not had them. Indeed, the United States could well have become a majority Asian nation if not for racist immigration policies of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.80 Racism is deeply a part of who we are. It is no accident that the game including the plaintive cry 'who me?' met derisively with the reply 'yes, you!' was played enthusiastically by Black children in colonized settings.81 Yes, you - denial is everywhere, but we see it and we know you do, too. This un-right thing, this hidden thing, whether what you have taken is a forbidden sweet, a stucco building in Japantown, or a human life -- if you took it, you know. A vigorous denial repeated with confidence might help one forget what one knows, but this is hard for human beings, those social animals, dependent as they are on the views of others in forming views of themselves. This is why it hurts when the other children cry out 'Yes, you'. This is why the next step in the game requires the accused child to point the finger to another in the circle.

Affirmative action can have either a deep or a shallow meaning.82 The shallow meaning is that diversity is good, and we should allow many different kinds of people into the institutions that govern our lives, as long as the newcomers are not so different that they alter the fundamental rules of the game, including notions of standards, merit, truth, and objectivity.
The deep meaning of affirmative action is redistributive and transformative. It acknowledges that there are systemic practices that devalue certain people and their cultures, and that ending that devaluation requires changing business as usual - not just allowing a few tokens to enter elite institutions, but welcoming entire communities of the formerly excluded and allowing them to share in the shaping of new institutions. It means digging deep to understand why some people have had power and some people have been denied it, and knowing that we will not end current inequality without committing to radical change in how we operate. It means welcoming the perspective, ideas, experience, and history of subordinated peoples, not just their bodies. Their minds and their world views are what we need to fulfill the true promise of affirmative action: the growth and change that comes from interaction with difference and confrontation of old dogma. In the case of the universities, this means changing what we teach, whom we choose to teach it, and whom we choose to admit.

How could the YWCA have avoided its widening conflict with the Japanese-American community? If it had practiced deep affirmative action, it would have forged relationships with the Japanese-American community long before it attempted to sell a building out from under it. This would have meant not only having Japanese Americans on the board and in leadership positions, which the YWCA did not have, but also seeking out those members of the Japanese-American community most identified with Japanese-American social justice activism. Rather than choosing 'people like us' who happen to be Japanese American, the goal is to choose people whose knowledge and commitment to social justice is respected within the Japanese-American community. From the YWCA's actions, it is clear that no one like this participated in any decision making at the YWCA. Similarly, in welcoming a few Asian Americans to participate in YWCA policy making, the YWCA failed to seek out anyone with ties to the pan-Asian civil rights coalition. The attitudes, practices, beliefs, and strategies of that coalition were thus a mystery to the YWCA, and the YWCA was stunned by both the level of feeling and the tactics chosen by its adversaries.

In addition, the YWCA could have done serious consciousness-raising about race. Anyone claiming to do anti-racist work in America has to understand that professions of innocence are not a good first response to charges of racism, because they reveal a white supremacist point of view. The presumption that all acts are racially neutral unless proven otherwise is the perspective of the dominant racial group. The opposite assumption is held by members of racially subordinated groups. Thus when African Americans are stopped by the police for 'suspicious driving', they presume a racist motivation. Whites do not typically make this presumption, and thus when allegations of racism are directed against them, they feel deep, personal affront. If they have talked honestly with people of color, they understand that the widespread presumption of racism exists among people of color, and they might not take this accusation so personally. It is a statement about how the world works, not an accusation of individual evil. The defensive response of 'I am not racist!' translates to 'I don't believe racism is common and deeply ingrained in social practices, therefore when you call me racist you are calling me an evil outsider to humanity and I can no longer remain in a conversation with you'. People of color who have raised issues of racism are used to this response, and when they hear it they often take it as a signal that further conversation is indeed fruitless.

Through difficult coalition work and consciousness-raising, activists have learned that the first response to an allegation of racism (or class privilege, or homophobia, or sexism) best not be denial if learning, growth, and community are the goal. An experienced community organizer would respond to such an allegation with an invitation for further dialogue: tell me more about why you feel that way. The YWCA's first response of denial and personalized outrage at the allegations were signals that the YWCA had not engaged in sustained intercultural work in San Francisco, a community in which layers of acknowledged difference and subordination inevitably affect the work of nonprofits.

Until institutions of civil society are prepared to do this kind of work, the many forms of subordination that pervade our lives will reproduce themselves in civil society. A heterosexual, white, Christian, male world view will dominate. The federal glass ceiling report showed that the predominance of white men in positions of power and leadership is replicated in business, government, media, education and civic organizations.83 This dominance is a statistical reality, and civil society is not exempt from that reality.

In the case of the Japanese YWCA, the Japanese-American community initially had a better shot in the courts, the legislature, and the media than it did in the boardroom of a civil society organization. The ultimate outcome is unknown, as the Japanese YWCA dispute continues at this writing. In the meantime, from the perspective of the Japanese-American community, it is too soon to embrace civil society as the promised moderating influence on abuse of state power. Until deep affirmative action is a normative principle within civil society, the Japanese-American community, and other racially subordinated communities, will have to assess each civil society entity according to the ends in sight. If racial justice is the end, there are times to use the state and times to resist the state. And so it also goes for civil society. For its part, if the YWCA is correct in its assessment that it was unjustly accused, it is still useful for the YWCA to ask why the accusations had such resonance in both state and community fora, and what the YWCA could have done differently, past and present, to make common cause with Asian-American civil rights organizations.

This case study suggests that civil society organizations truly committed to anti racism should:

1) Practice deep affirmative action at all levels of organizational structure;

2) Learn the history and world view of subordinated groups through coalition work and consciousness raising

3) Follow critical anti subordination precepts in programming, operations, and community interactions, including the precept that racism is pervasive, structural, social, often unconscious, and presumptively operational in all aspects of American life;

4) Never let lawyers make policy or dictate political choices;

5) Question internally the role of racial privilege in distributing present advantage;

6) Be prepared for hard feelings, miscommunication, villainization, and intense emotion because race is unfinished business;

7) Learn graciousness in receiving another's pain;

8) Recognize that listening is the first step in forging community; and

9) Withhold judgment, defensiveness, and denial C even when unfairly accused.


The forbearance suggested here is required by broader historical truths. The YWCA is a public- spirited and noble organization. It has reasoned arguments on its side. This does not obviate the need for forbearance. The history of American racism is a reality that the YWCA did not create, but must inevitably own.

I was told as a child that the ceiling tiles in my public school classroom were designed to absorb sound, and I took this to mean that everything that was said in the room became embedded in the tiles. I believed this for a long time, and wondered what I would hear if I could pull a tile down. Five generations of Japanese Americans have now laughed, talked, sung, and danced in the building called the Japanese YWCA. If the building is sold and the walls felled in the raging development some hope to jam through Japantown in the coming years, what voices will rise silently from the dust? Maybe Mrs. Yamato speaking earnestly about the British parliament; Miss Inouye advising how to keep a soufflé from falling; the sound of koto, shakuhachi, taiko, the stylized yowling of kabuki actors; the voices of children, singing 'Chi chi pa pa' in Japanese, then counting to ten in Swahili; the bullhorn voices of speakers at protests; the quiet voices of teachers at naptime; the teasing voices of teens from the nearby projects. There is life embedded in the walls and tiles that no law or title search recognizes. There are voices that a community hears, and that an owner, at present, does not. This is a challenge for organizations of civil society: how will you know what you do not hear, how will you change so you hear it?

Endnotes:



1


* The author acknowledges superb research and editorial assistance by Florence Felix, Hayley Macon, David Meyer, Anna Selden, and Kimberlee Ward.

1YWCA of San Francisco and Marin, 'Dear Fellow Non-Profit Letter', 3 May 1999.

2YWCA of San Francisco and Marin, 'Dear Fellow Non-Profit Letter', 3 May 1999.

31948, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 2.

4Lawrence, C., 1987, The Id, the Ego, and Equal Protection: Reckoning with Unconscious Racism, 39 Stanford Law Review 317 (describing unconscious racism and explaining why the legal 'intent' requirement allows continuation of American racism).

518 U.S.C.S. Appx 3A1.1 (1999) (making race a protected category in hate crime legislation); 42 U.S.C.S. 1982 (1999) (providing protection against race-based denials of access to housing); 42 U.S.C.S. 1983 (1999) (creating a right of civil action when one is deprived of a constitutional right or legal protection based on membership in a protected group, including race).

6Shapiro, H., 1988, White Violence and Black Response: From Reconstruction to Montgomery, Amherst, Massachusetts: University of Massachusetts Press: 31-32. Between 1882 and 1901, 1,914 African Americans were lynched by violent white mobs. In the decades following Reconstruction, racist whites increased the frequency of their violent attacks on African Americans, with the federal government refusing to enforce the constitutional rights of the victims.; Sims, P., 1982, The Klan, New York: Stein and Day: 2. In the 1920s, 'everyone' was joining the Klan. During this time there were four to five million Klan members nationwide, with 400,000 members in the state of Ohio alone. At least eleven governors and 'scores' of congressmen, senators, and local officials were elected through the power of the Klan.

7Third generation Japanese American.

8Minutes from the meeting of the Executive Committee of the San Francisco YWCA, 26 May 1920.

9Minutes from the meeting of the Board of Directors of the San Francisco YWCA, 4 February 1921.

010Minutes from the meeting of the Board of Directors of the San Francisco YWCA, 8 July 1921.

11First generation Japanese American.

212Lawrence, C.R. and Matsuda, M.J., 1997, We Won't Go Back: Making the Case for Affirmative Action, Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company: 21; Johnson, T.R., 1996, The Occupation of Alcatraz Island: Indian Self-Determination and the Rise of Indian Activism, Chicago: University of Illinois Press: 15-25.

313Stannard, D.E., 1992, American Holocaust: Columbus and the Conquest of the New World, New York: Oxford University Press; Churchill, W., 1993, Struggle for the Land: Indigenous Resistance to Genocide, Ethnocide and Expropriation in Contemporary North America, Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press: 33-86.

414Matsuda, M.J., 1985 'The West and the Legal Status of Women: Explanations of Frontier Feminism,' Journal of the West, Vol XXIV No 1: 47-56.

515Williams, P.J., 1991, The Alchemy of Race and Rights: Diary of a Law Professor, Cambridge: Harvard University Press: 216-217.

616Aoki, K., 1998, 'No Right to Own? The Early Twentieth Century 'Alien Land Laws' as a Prelude to Internment,' Boston College Law Review, Vol XL No 1: 55-56, Boston College Third World Law Review, Vol 19 No 1: 55-56.

717Acuña, R., 1998, 'Guadalupe hidalgo el tratado que nunca su cumplino,' La Opinion Vol 72 No 139: 1D; Acuña, R., 1981, Occupied America, A History of Chicanos.

818United States Constitution, Amendment V (1791). The 'Takings Clause' of the Fifth Amendment reads, '...nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation'.

919Aoki, K., 1998, 'No Right to Own?: The Early Twentieth Century 'Alien Land Laws' as a Prelude to Internment,' Boston College Third World Law Journal, Vol XIX No 1: 40; Chan, S., 1986, This Bitter-Sweet Soil: The Chinese in California Agriculture 1860-1910, Los Angeles: University of California Press.

020Kawanabe, K.S., 1996, 'American Anti-Immigration Rhetoric Against Asian Pacific Immigrants: The Present Repeats the Past,' Georgetown Immigration Law Journal, Vol 10 No 4: 701; Sandmeyer, E.C., 1991, The Anti-Chinese Movement in California, Urbana, Illinois: University of Illinois Press: 48.

121Okihiro, G.Y. and Drummond, D., 1989, 'The Concentration Camps and Japanese Economic Losses in California Agriculture, 1900-1942', in R. Daniels, S.C. Taylor, and H.H.L. Kitano (eds) Japanese Americans from Relocation to Redress, Seattle: University of Washington Press: 68; Takaki, R., 1993, A Different Mirror: A History of Multicultural America, Boston: Little, Brown and Company: 381.

22Matsuda, M., 1999, 'McCarthyism, The Internment and the Contradictions of Power', 40 Boston College Law Review 18, 19 Boston College Third World Law Journal, 18.

323Second generation Japanese Americans

424Aoki, K., 1998, 'No Right to Own?: The Early Twentieth-Century 'Alien Land Laws' as a Prelude to Internment,' 40 Boston College Law Review 37-72, 19 Boston College Third World Law Journal, 37-72.

525Nagata, D.K., 1993, Legacy of Injustice: Exploring the Cross-Generational Impact of the Japanese Internment, New York: Plenum Press: 17. Nagata writes of families who had to sell their personal belongings and family businesses, within the span of a few days for a fraction of the object's true worth. For instance, 26-room hotels were sold for a mere $500.

626Aoki, K., 1998, 'No Right to Own?: The Early Twentieth-Century 'Alien Land Laws' as a Prelude to Internment,' Boston College Law Review, Vol XL No 1: 59, Boston College Third World Law Journal, Vol XIX No 1: 59.

727Matsuda, M.J., 1995, 'Looking to the Bottom: Critical Legal Studies and Reparations', in G. Peller, K. Crenshaw, N. Gotando, and K. Thomas (eds), Critical Race Theory: The Key Writings that Formed the Movement, New York: The New Press: 67 (first published in Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review, 1987, Vol 22 No 2: 323-399) (stating that many Issei were unable to achieve the level of financial security they would have, had they not been interned during their most productive working and investing years).

828For a more detailed account of the YWCA's International Institutes, see note 56 infra.

929Minutes from the meeting of the Board of Directors of the San Francisco YWCA, 6 February 1920.

030Minutes from the meeting of the Board of Directors of the San Francisco YWCA, 4 February 1921.

131Minutes from the meeting of the Board of Directors of the San Francisco YWCA, 8 July 1921.

232Minutes from the meeting of the Board of Directors of the San Francisco YWCA, 23 March 1934.

33Born in San Francisco in 1872, Julia Morgan graduated from the University of California at Berkeley with an engineering degree before she traveled to Paris, where she struggled successfully to become the first woman accepted in to the architecture section of the Ecole des Beaux Arts. Morgan went on to become the first female architect in California, where her career flourished during the architectural boom that followed the San Francisco earthquake of 1906. Her commissions included houses, churches, clubs, banks, schools, hospitals, and stores.

Placzek, A., (1982), Macmillan Encyclopedia of Architects, Vol. 3, London: The Free Press; Wadsworth, G., 1990, Julia Morgan, Architect of Dreams, Lerner Publications Company; Boutelle, S.H., 1995, Julia Morgan, Architect, Abbeville Press.



434YWCA of San Francisco B 20 Year Retrospective, 5 November 1932.

535Minutes from the meeting of the Board of Directors of the San Francisco YWCA, 8 July 1921.

636YWCA of San Francisco B 20 Year Retrospective, 5 November 1932.

737Daniels, R., 1993, Concentration Camps: North America. Japanese in the United States and Canada During WWII. Malabar, Florida: Krieger Publishing Co., 12.

7



838Matsuda, M., 1999, 'McCarthyism, The Internment and the Contradictions of Power', 40 Boston College Law Review 18, 19 Boston College Third World Law Journal, 18.

939YWCA of San Francisco B 20 Year Retrospective, 5 November 1932.

040Smith, P., 1995, Democracy on Trial: The Japanese American Evacuation and Relocation in World War II, New York: Simon & Schuster: 159, 59. Smith tells the story of many Issei who disposed of all possessions having anything to do with Japan so their loyalty to the United States would not be questioned. After the bombing of Pearl Harbor, Japanese Americans destroyed or buried photographs, awards, and other irreplaceable items in an effort to avoid accusations of disloyalty or even violence. Other Japanese Americans 'passed' for Chinese to avoid harassment. Smith recounts the story of a Japanese-American student at Berkeley, who carried a Chinese Student Club card with the name 'Shar Lee'. When he was stopped by the police, he simply showed them the card and they left him alone, apologizing for taking him for a Japanese.

141Cho, S., 1998, 'Race for Redemption: Earl Warren, Internment, and Brown v. Board of Education' Boston College Law Review, Vol XL No 1: 107, Boston College Third World Law Journal, Vol XIX No 1: 107.

242Irons, P., 1989, Justice Delayed: The Record of the Japanese Internment Cases, Middleton, Conn: Wesleyan University Press; Grodzins, M., 1949, Americans Betrayed: Politics and the Japanese Evacuation, Chicago: University of Chicago Press: 300 (citing government documents that acknowledged that there were no known instances of sabatoge or espionage by resident Japanese from the beginning of the war through the evacuation).

343Writ of Error Coram Nobis is a procedural device that allows persons convicted of a crime to challenge the conviction after a sentence has been served. Petitioners must bring before the court matters of fact which, if known at time judgement was rendered, would have prevented its rendition. Minami, D., 1991, 'Coram Nobis and Redress', in R. Daniels, S.C. Taylor, and H.H.L. Kitano (eds) Japanese Americans from Relocation to Redress, Seattle: University of Washington Press: 200. In the Coram Nobis cases, Judge Marilyn Patel vacated the prior convictions of Fred Korematsu and Minoru Yasui under Executive Order 9066 because the records showed that arguments to the Supreme Court justifying the executive order and internment 'were based upon . . . unsubstantiated facts, distortions and representations of at least one military commander, whose views were seriously infected by racism'. Korematsu v. United States, 584 F. Supp. 1406 (N.D. Cal. 1984).

44Crost, L., 1994, Honor By Fire: Japanese Americans at War in Europe and the Pacific, Novato, California: Presidio Press, 118, 123. Because of the valuable activities of Nisei soldiers, United States Brig. Gen. Frank D. Merrill ordered the other men of his special unit to protect the Nisei linguist-soldiers with their lives. Acts of sabotage and espionage performed by Nisei linguist-soldiers, including crawling toward Japanese lines in order to overhear commands, tapping phone lines, and interpreting found Japanese battle plans or diaries. These activities allowed the rest of the unit to anticipate and successfully meet assaults launched by the Japanese Army.

545Grodzins, M., 1949, Americans Betrayed: Politics and the Japanese Evacuation, Chicago: University of Chicago Press: 298-300. Grodzins writes that the decision not to intern the Japanese Americans living in Hawaii provides strong evidence that the internment on the mainland was not due to the professed 'military safety' concerns. First, Japanese Americans in Hawaii made up a much larger percentage of the population than they did on the West Coast (37% and 1%, respectively). Additionally, Hawaii's dependence on Japanese-American labor and transportation difficulties deterred the internment of Japanese Americans in Hawaii.

646Third and fourth generation Japanese Americans.

747Matsuda, M.J., 1995, 'Looking to the Bottom: The Contestation and Coalition' in G. Peller, K. Crenshaw, N. Gotanda, and K. Thomas (eds), Critical Race Theory: The Key Writings that Formed the Movement, New York: The New Press, 70.

848Public reaction against the Redress Movement included editorials and letters to the editor asserting that 'since Japan had bombed Pearl Harbor the now rich Japanese government should make any payments that were due'. Daniels, R., 1991, Redress Achieved, 1983-1990, in R. Daniels, S.C. Taylor, and H.H.L. Kitano (eds) Japanese Americans from Relocation to Redress, Seattle: University of Washington Press, 219-220.

949The exhibit, 'A More Perfect Union: Japanese-Americans and the U.S. Constitution', opened at the National Museum of American History on October 1, 1987 and is still on display.

050Restitution for World War II Internment of Japanese Americans and Aleuts, 50 U.S. Code 1989 (August 10, 1988), signed by President Ronald Reagan.

151Notably, upon introduction the House bill was assigned the symbolic number H.R. 442, for the 442nd Regimental Combat Team, the heroic Nisei unit of WWII. Daniels, R., 'Redress Achieved, 1983-1990', in R. Daniels, S.C. Taylor, and H.H.L. Kitano (eds) Japanese Americans from Relocation to Redress, Seattle: University of Washington Press, 221.

252Matsuda, M.J., 1998, 'McCarthyism, the Internment and the Contradictions of Power', Boston College Law Review, Vol XL No 1: 9, Boston College Third World Law Journal, Vol XIX No 1: 9.

353Writs of Habeus Corpus are legal mechanisms designed primarily to challenge unlawful imprisonment.

454Posner, R.A., 1997, 'Beyond All Reason: The Radical Assault on Truth in American Law; book reviews', The New Republic, No 15 Vol 217: 40. Posner attempts to dismiss the academic merit of the work of critical race theorists by calling them 'whiners'.

55Dreyfuss, J. and Lawrence, C.R., 1979, The Bakke Case: The Politics of Inequality, New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich: 143.

656By the mid-1920s, the YWCA operated 55 International Institutes in immigrant neighborhoods. The Institutes were service-oriented agencies designed to promote assimilation as well as nationalist pride, primarily through classes in both English and the immigrant's 'mother tongue'. The San Francisco International Institute described itself as 'an agency whose purpose in every activity is to promote interests and understanding of the nationality communities of San Francisco, to work for the conservation of the aesthetic values in their culture, to cooperate with them in their efforts to become a part of American life'. Bremer, E., 1923, The International Institute: A Re-Analysis of Our Foundations, quoting San Francisco International Institute Annual Reports, 1928-1934.

757Bell, J. and Wilkins, H., 1944, Interracial Practices in Community YWCAs: A Study Under the Auspices of the Commission to Gather Interracial Experience as Requested by the Sixteenth National Convention of the YWCAs of the USA, New York: National Board YWCA.

858Lerner, G. (ed), 1972, Black Women in White America: A Documentary History: 479.

959Lerner, G. (ed), 1972, Black Women in White America: A Documentary History: 491.

060Lerner, G. (ed), 1972, Black Women in White America: A Documentary History: 493.

161 'Our mission is to empower women and girls and to eliminate racism'. YWCA Home Page, www.ywca.org.

262As evidence of this support, the Japanese American Citizens League, one of the oldest, largest, and most respected Japanese-American organizations, resolved to: 1) support transferring the property to the Soko Bukai; 2) petition the National YWCA to assist in the resolution of the lawsuit in favor of the Soko Bukai; and 3) encourage JACL chapters to support the Soko Bukai Legal Defense Fund. JACL Resolution: 'Japanese Community Lawsuit Against San Francisco YWCA', adopted January 24, 1998. The JACL has 24,500 members and 112 chapters in 25 states and Washington, DC.

363 Lawrence, C., 1993, 'Beyond Redress: Reclaiming the Meaning of Affirmative Action', Amerasia Journal, Vol 19 No 1: 1-6.

464Saito, N.T., 1998, 'Justice Held Hostage: U.S. Disregard for International Law in the World War II Internment of Japanese Peruvians - A Case Study', Boston College Law Review, Vol XL No 1: 281-290, Boston College Third World Law Journal, Vol XIX No 1: 281-290.

565San Francisco/Marin YWCA Executive Director Carol Newkirk, 16 February 1999, letter to San Francisco Board of Supervisors.

66San Francisco/Marin YWCA Executive Director Carol Newkirk, 16 February 1999, letter to San Francisco Board of Supervisors.

767Taguma, K.J., 19 February 1999, 'YWCA Letter to Supervisors Under the Gun', Nichi Bei Times.

868For more information on these pivotal events, see 'Salute to the 60s and 70s: Legacy of the San Francisco State Strike', Amerasia Journal, Vol. 15, No. 1(1989), Los Angeles: Asian American Studies Center, University of California; Choy, C., 1983, 'The Fall of the I-Hotel', video, San Francisco: National Asian-American Telecommunications Association; 'The Redress Movement', in R. Daniels, S.C. Taylor, and H.H.L. Kitano (eds) Japanese Americans from Relocation to Redress, Seattle: University of Washington Press.

969Taguma, K.J., 19 February 1999, 'YWCA Letter to Supervisors Under the Gun' Nichi Bei Times, San Francisco: 1.

070Taguma, K., 26 February 1999, 'Community Demonstrates Anger at Japantown YWCA Building', Nichi Bei Times, San Francisco: 1.

171Taguma, K., 26 February 1999, 'Community Demonstrates Anger at Japantown YWCA Building', Nichi Bei Times, San Francisco: 1.

272' 'A Question of Trust', 30 October 1997, San Francisco Examiner: A-20.

373Felner, J., 1999, 'Unlikely Foes Face Off', Ms., Vol IX No 5: 26-30.

474YWCA of San Francisco and Marin, 'Dear Fellow Non-Profit Letter', May 3, 1999.

575Felner, J., August/September 1999, 'Unlikely Foes Face Off', Ms., 27.

676Felner, J., August/September 1999, 'Unlikely Foes Face Off', Ms., 27.

77 'About the 1830 Sutter Lawsuit', YWCA of San Francisco, Marin and San Mateo Newsletter: 5-6

878Felner, J., August/September 1999, 'Unlikely Foes Face Off', Ms., 29

979Reagon, B.J., 1983, 'Coalition Politics: Turning the Century', in B. Smith (ed), Home Girls: A Black Feminist Anthology, New York: Kitchen Table Women of Color Press: 354.

080Hing, B.O., 1993, Making and Remaking Asian America Through Immigration Policy 1850-1990, Stanford, California, Stanford University Press.

181Lomax, A., Elder, J.D. and Hawes, B.L., 1997, Brown Girl in the Ring, New York: Pantheon Books: 138. The Cookie Jar game originated in the United States and spread to the British Isles and the Caribbean.

282Lawrence, C.R. and Matsuda, M.J., 1997, We Won't Go Back: Making the Case for Affirmative Action, Boston Houghton Mifflin Company: 27.

383Federal Glass Ceiling Commission, Good For Business: Making Full Use of the Nation's Human Capital, March 1995 (Bureau of National Affairs).


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