President of Convocation Anour Kassim,Chairman of the University Council



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grammar society's ordinance something which is quite simple and it doesn't have the powers which are vested in the registrar of uh these particular trade unions Yah I'm reminded by the chairman that I should be winding up but I think there is another element which is discussed quite at length in here and I thought I should just take two minutes discussing it and this is the Act It is also discussed in this particular report uh The <-/>the commission comes up with very important <-_conclusion><+_conclusions> and I think I should refer to it It appears on page eighty-two of the <-_>of the<-/> report that is the third book It says Reading and I quote Reading from the Act closely one can simply say that cannot be said to be a trade union Now that is quite an important remark I have noted in various particularly in a newspaper which is issued by that they have taken a lot of pains to show that is a trade union I have come across one issue I've forgotten the <-/>the date on which it came out where the heading which I mean the secretary general of that particular organisation had said that is a trade union and that appeared in very bold uh <-_>very bold<-/> print But then the content of that particular story was quite short and I was quite surprised that the heading was larger than the story itself simply because they had nothing to say I mean they could not show that this particular trade union is a trade union And after all if one can see then it <&/>grammar doesn't have to shout that I can see Okay once you start shouting that you can see then it means you have problems with your eye-sight <&/>laughter I mean that is why it is quite obvious and it came out quite clearly in this There is something else which was discussed in this report with permission of Mr Chairman I think and this is the Industrial Courts Act number forty-one of nineteen sixty-seven and this was the former permanent trade union act And in that particular statute that is the statute which discusses strikes Now strikes have always been problematic and I'd like to <-/>to refer well I will refer only very briefly to what had said as regards strikes In one instance when he was speaking at the first annual congress of that was in ninety sixty-five he said and I quote <&/>quote>We believe that the strike weapon is to workers what armaments are appear to be to nations a <./>su a symbol of security and strength in a stupid world which you can only use only at the price of destroying the thing you are trying to protect in this case the well-being of the workers and just as we do not believe there is any special virtue in waging a war on a country we believe there is virtue in avoiding it where possible So we do not regard the right to strike as a special gift to mankind We rely therefore upon other means of securing this objective

Now those are the words which were spoken by at uh the annual conference of some time in nineteen sixty-five on twenty-fifth of March of nineteen sixty-five Now he was quite consistent in the sense that he actually went ahead and uh initiated the moves to enact a piece of legislation which did not uh make strikes illegal Rather what they did was to make the procedure of striking legally so cumbersome that it became impossible uh The <-/>the procedure which is stipulated is tied in such a way that well I won't have the time to go through it but actually the <-/>the whole procedure which is provided in the Act that is Industrial Courts' Act is such that it's almost impossible for someone to legally strike Now what the people have <-/>have devised is another way around Instead of striking they <-/>they hold meetings Well I think Mr Chairman there is one aspect which I thought I should simply mention in passing and this is uh the local governments Okay and their aspect which they hold insofar as democracy is concerned This is an aspect which has always been uh skipped uh This is an aspect which has not been receiving enough attention or the attention which it deserves And in this particular report I was quite happy to note that it was it has received the necessary attention uh in the public I mean in the in these local governments it is where the people use their power to manage their own affairs Now what happened in our in our history of thirty years is that this particular institution has been messed up by the central government that is the people who want to interfere into almost everything have gone so far to such an extent that they have virtually abolished this particular right Even after nineteen eighty-two when these governments were reintroduced after being abolished the their performance has not been so good because of the interference and the fact they have <-_>they have<-/> been uh so mutilated out of context to such an extent that they cannot function properly But this is something which is also noted in here Now you wonder why it is that I'm mentioning this as regards when I'm ... <&/> end of recording



<&_>Damian Lubuv on civil organisations, 1994

S2B060T


<#/>Well as professor mentioned I'm going to talk about uh Zanzibar and particularly the question of ethnicity in the context of the revolution and the aftermath <#/>In nineteen sixty-four barely a month after Zanzibar achieved independence from Britain there was a bloody revolution <#/>It was one of the first <-_>one of the first<-/> coups in Africa of which now we've become very familiar we've become used to it uh <#/>In Zanzibar which was a very small country at that time with a population of less than three hundred thousand quite a large number of people were killed between three thousand and thirteen thousand and many others went into exile many onto the mainland and others further afield <#/>Now they're scattered all over the world <#/>Now this revolution at the time was described as the overthrow of an Arab minority by the African majority and that interpretation has more or less remained <#/>It was the interpretation which was picked up immediately in the newspapers and some of the social science uh work which was being done at the time <#/>And this is what I would like to deal with uh to what extent the <-/>the Zanzibar revolution was an overthrow merely of a <-_>of a<-/> racial minority because if the revolution was occurred to solve a racial problem in Zanzibar then it would not have been necessary thirty years later now for us to discuss the revolution because it would have been an aspect of history maybe for the historians to deal with <#/>But the problem is that until today some of the fundamental problems of Zanzibar the conflicts internal political conflicts still persist <#/>So it must raise a question <#/>What did the revolution do <#/>What did it try to solve and why do we have <./>consis persistent problems <#/>And my argument would be that the racial conflict was merely a thin veneer over much deeper social problems linked with Zanzibar <#/>Most of the analyses of Zanzibar particularly the ones that have taken a racial interpretation start with the last census of Zanzibar which uh gave a racial breakdown of the population of Zanzibar <#/>And that census showed that there were seventy-six per cent so-called Africans and I'm putting that in inverted commas <#/>I will expect it will become clear why <#/>Seventeen per cent were Arabs and seven per cent were Indians and other minorities <#/>But it was very obvious to anybody who knows about Zanzibar is <&/>grammar that the African majority of seventy-six per cent will not act as a single social and political group <#/>So very quickly the people who had begun to adopt a racial interpretation an ethnic interpretation began now to try to see further sub-divisions <#/>So then they began to make a distinction between the indigenous Africans who constituted something like fifty-six per cent and the mainland Africans who are something like nineteen per cent <#/>And then once you start on an ethnic interpretation we begin to slip even further and among the indigenous Africans you get further sub-divisions into the so-called tribes <#/>And I don't need to give you all these details <#/>The question is whether these racial pigeon holes which the social scientists are fond of whether they speak of a stable historical reality in the case of Zanzibar <#/>And this question comes up particularly if you bear in mind the history of Zanzibar over the previous two thousand years <#/>Zanzibar is located as the rest of the East African coast as a <./>peri <-_>as an<-/> area of interaction between Africa on the one hand and the Indian Ocean on the other hand <#/>For two thousand years the two worlds have been meeting along the coast and this is where it makes it difficult to uh <-/>to have an ethnic interpretation <#/>If you look for example if you just start with the censuses themselves in answering the question whether these racial categories speak of any historical reality you'll find that there is one ethnic group which I did not mention which is the Swahili and everybody knows that Swahili is spoken along the East African coast and there must be people who are <-/>are Swahili <#/>The census of nineteen twenty-four showed that there were thirty-four thousand Swahilis in Zanzibar <#/>The census of nineteen forty-eight showed that they had disappeared from history <#/>None at all or a very small number <#/>There is another category called the Shirazi <#/>These are the people who are considered the indigenous Africans of Zanzibar <#/>They numbered twenty-six thousand in nineteen twenty-four increased to forty-one thousand in nineteen thirty-one <#/>And yet when we come to nineteen forty-eight they had disappeared from the list <#/>I will <#/>Unfortunately I wasn't able to make enough copies but if you could just share these around you can see from the graphs how these two ethnic groups commit ethnic hara-kiri as they would say and just disappear <#/>The reason why these ethnic categories are not stable is precisely what I said about uh the long history of interaction between different people of different ethnic origins that had been living along the East African coast <#/>There has always been a considerable amount of intermarriage among the people themselves <#/>People who would uh be considered African by one will be considered Arab by another <#/>We even have a category in <-/>in Zanzibar they say <#/>In other words people have to swear that I'm an Arab because otherwise he would not be recognised as an Arab because of the long history of uh intermarriage of adoption of the Swahili culture <#/>Most of the Arabs in Zanzibar until the revolution hardly could speak Arabic most of them were Swahili speaking and some of them as much as major literary figures in Swahili <#/>But ethnically they would be considered as people of Arabic origin <#/>So there was a lot of intermarriage uh between these various people <#/>Uh obviously intermarriage doesn't erase all distinctions <#/>There are class distinctions uh distinctions of origin and so on <#/>But the brief point is that ethnicity in Zanzibar is not a biological category not something that you can count in terms of the percentage of Arab blood that somebody has <#/>It is much more of a sociological dimension <#/>There are differences there are distinctions in society <#/>These are sometimes expressed in ethnic terms but very often they reflect class relations within the society distinctions of culture and a number of other aspects <#/>Now what does origin then <#/>Why was ethnic consideration taken to be as important in Zanzibar uh <#/>And I think something that this process that I've been describing of interaction between various uh groups that had been going on throughout all its history and particularly in the nineteenth century that when we come to the colonial period there is a certain degree of freezing of these ethnic categories which can be traced to the colonial policies <#/>I know this has become sometimes a <-/>a cliché but it is still nevertheless true that the colonial rulers wherever they could they <&/>grammar/subject tried to divide the society into races and various ethnic groups for ease of <-/>of government <#/>So in the case of uh Zanzibar these were categorised as races and each of these races was given an appropriation of uh labour <#/>So in the case of Zanzibar the Arabs were described as landowners the Asians as merchants and the Africans as uh the workers <#/>After independence a lot of these colonial categories were questioned throughout Africa and even Zanzibar <#/>But for quite a few social scientists they had <&/>structure difficulty accepting this easy <-/>accepting or rather rejecting the easy interpretation of the history of Zanzibar <#/>They tried to experiment with other labels like using Marx' categories of class <#/>So they said okay races are not uh usable for tribes but uh classes are <#/>They are perfectly acceptable <#/>So if Arabs are landowners then you are talking about classes <#/>But the problem is that race and class do not coincide that all the racial all the ethnic uh boundaries cut across class-lines <#/>And again I might distribute another graph <#/>And I'll try now to explain how these different classes emerged not merely just taking <+_it> as it occurred at the particular time <#/>I think basically you can say that the pattern of social differentiation in Zanzibar as I said began to develop during the nineteenth century when Zanzibar developed two sectors of the colony which were very important throughout the history <#/>One that it was a centre of trade for the whole of Eastern Africa for various reasons that we don't really need to go <+_into> <#/>But all the trade of Eastern Africa of Kenya Uganda Tanganyika and in parts beyond it was generally through Zanzibar <#/>And that gave rise to an important merchant class which monopolised the trade and from which they benefited <#/>This merchant class was to start with uh Arab led by the Sultan of Oman at that time Said Said but it was also joined very early on by the Indians who had come there <#/>They joined uh as merchants partly because they did not have an opening into land ownership <#/>That I will mention later on <#/>So these began to constitute a merchant class from the nineteenth century <#/>But what is important here to remember is that although this constituted an important merchant class the whole of the commercial empire that Zanzibar built up in the nineteenth century began to break down with the colonial partition of Africa <#/>So the merchant class living in Zanzibar no longer had control over its hinterland over Kenya which became British Tanganyika which became German and so on <#/>And therefore the merchant class in Zanzibar began to be impoverished <#/>Many of them migrated to the mainland <#/>Those who remained in Zanzibar many of the sons had to change their profession from <./>mu from trade into civil service become teachers and so on <#/>Some of them went into lending money to the landowners <#/>But the important thing I want to leave you with is that this merchant class that had developed in the nineteenth century

<$B> <#/>May I please interrupt you

<$A> <#/>Yes

<$B> <#/>Would you please explain inaudible

<$A> <#/>Yes I will <-_>I will<-/> come to it Yes I'm sort of leading up to it uh when I read the second part I assume it's a bit too early I'm sorry
<#/>So this merchant class began to disintegrate and a large proportion of uh the <-/>the former merchant class had actually been reduced to small shopkeepers civil servants teachers and so on artisans <#/>So that was one sector of the economy on which Zanzibar had thrived in the nineteenth century and how the classes had begun to disintegrate <#/>The second was the plantation sector <#/>During the nineteenth century uh Zanzibar developed as a major plantation area growing cloves the spice cloves for which Zanzibar became famous <#/>And that plantation of course economy was based on slave labour coming from the interior of Africa <#/>Initially the <-/>the big landowners were Arabs uh particularly Oman Arabs who had come with the Sultan and who were given large parcels of land <#/>But cloves like anybody who knows about Zanzibar and the clove economy the clove economy is very unstable uh <#/>Production fluctuation very very widely from year to year and the prices accordingly also fluctuate <#/>So it <-/>it was a very dangerous venture for any land-owning class <#/>So even during the nineteenth century the merchant class and the land-owning class was unstable <#/>Many of them were getting impoverished <#/>To add to these normal problems two events occurred in the eighteen seventies which broke the back of the land-owning class <#/>The first was a major hurricane which hit Zanzibar in eighteen seventy-two which wiped out almost the whole of the uh clove plantation area almost the whole of it <#/>So all the clove trees had to be replanted <#/>Now that hurricane was in eighteen seventy-two <#/>In eighteen seventy-three <+_article> slave trade was abolished so that no fresh supplies of labour could come in <#/>Now under these conditions the land-owning class which is already precarious now had problems of dealing with shortage of labour and the problem of replanting <#/>And the net result was that they were not able to do it <#/>Not all of them were able to do it <#/>Many of them were forced to sell part of their land in order to <-/>to buy or to get labour to replant <#/>Many of them got heavily in debt <#/>And in this process of trying to re-establish themselves as uh <-/>as clove producers they were forced to apart from selling the land they were also forced to make arrangements with the local peasant population in Zanzibar and the two islands of and in order to get labour without having to pay money because they didn't have money and at the same time peasants like peasants in many other places when they are not enmeshed in a money economy they have no use of a lot of money They prefer to work on their own plots of land So they would not sell their labour power Instead they were prepared to <-/>to provide to cultivate to replant a plantation with clove trees and then have a share of the land itself which sounded very unusual to me When I read it the first time I said this can't be I can't imagine the land owner replanting the plantation and then giving half of it to uh <-/>to the peasants who helped clear the land and plant it but this system persisted


<&_>Professor Shariff, 18/6/94

S2B061T


<#/>This afternoon we're going to present a seminar on social problems uh <#/>There are many social problems in our contemporary societies which in most of the cases are pretty much the same <#/>There are causes of these problems as well <#/> argued these social problems are prevalent because there are ill-mannered lazy and irresponsible people <#/>By ill-mannered people he means those individuals who behave or having manners which are not capable or accepted in a particular value consensus of a particular social group <&/>grammar <#/>Lazy people are those who do things unwillingly or do little work <#/>Irresponsible people are those who do things without a proper sense or those who do not do what they are supposed or should do like doing a certain <-_>a certain<-/> duty or uh caring <+_for> a thing or person <#/>Now in this seminar uh we'll define social problems according to different writers emergence of social problems causes and their social control <#/>We'll take truancy poverty homosexuality unemployment and criminality as our case studies <#/>Finally we will conclude by insisting that some problems like unemployment and poverty are not necessarily caused by lazy people and for some problems the causes may be uh irresponsible people <#/>In this uh question uh yeah we we'll use uh structural functionalist and Marxist approaches uh <#/>The social problems as defined by in his book known as Social Problems nineteen-seventy are those conditions which have a negative impact on individual and social well-being as identified by sociological analysis of the organisation and functioning uh of a <-/>a society <#/>Another sociologist in his book Social Problems defines a social problem as a condition which is defined by a considerable number of persons as a deviation from some social norms which they cherish <#/>Also according to <+_article> Encyclopaedia of Social Sciences social problems are described as perplexing questions about human societies proposed for solution <#/>So from these definitions we can simply say that a social problem is any condition which affects the majority of the members of society negatively <#/>The most common social problems existing in many societies are drug addiction alcoholism criminality poverty teenage pregnancy uh delinquency prostitution marriage and divorce problems mental illness and homosexuality <#/>And uh in this particular uh seminar the focus will be on truancy unemployment homosexuality poverty and crime uh <#/>Now let's begin with uh the emergence of social problems uh <#/>Something only becomes a social problem when people see it as <-_a> threatening and undesirable <#/>For a social problem to emerge there must be people saying that uh something is wrong and that they want it stopped <#/>Hence the reaction of the significant group is crucial uh <#/>There must be some socially significant groups declaring an action or a condition to be a social problem <#/>But also there must be more through institutional support uh for instance church against abortion or mass media to publicise the problem educate the people and making it open to public opinion <#/>Without institutional or mass media support a social problem uh may never emerge <#/>This can well be uh illustrated by uh smoking <#/>Many people believe it is bad and dangerous but they get little institutional or mass media support uh but uh nowadays at least there are some uh uh institutional support and mass media that smoking is uh dangerous <#/>You'll find that in many places they write in buses or cars in public places you find uh that smoking is forbidden smoking is not allowed no smoking and so on <#/>But as this must occur for something to emerge as a social problem uh a loss of interest and concern can lead to <+_article> disappearance of <+_article> social problem <#/>For example in North America now with regard to premarital sex where there is little strongly organised criticism among groups with social power or influence <#/>Also in some societies social drinking does not become a social problem because many people do it and they do not want to be criticised <#/>They have controls placed over their right to drink <#/>But the best reason for this is that there is an institutional support <#/>Traditionally social drinking is a custom of many tribes in Africa uh Tanzania included but in some it is not and so it is a social problem <#/>For example in Zanzibar uh social drinking any alcoholic drinking is undesirable <#/>It's not allowed <#/>It's not known <#/><./>There uh Therefore a social problem is uh not <./>trans transferable I mean from one society to another <#/>It is only a social problem in a particular social context and another good illustration is the smoking of marijuana <#/>It is legal in Jamaica but it's illegal in many other societies <#/>However most societies have pretty much the same social problems <#/>Now let us see what are the general causes of social problems uh <#/>There are some general causes of social problems which differ among various interest social groups and they need to be identified in part <#/>First of all deviance <#/>By deviance it means any act which goes against the norms and values of a particular society by an individual or corporate members of a group which disregards to flout the norms and values <&/>grammar uh <#/>This is the major constituent of social problems <#/>With society not being blamed the individual is not the only one uh to blame for most social problems uh <#/>What has frequently come to be blamed is one institution the family <#/>Most people belong to families but the families are not organised collectively anyway <#/>So they are easy to criticise and have no means of fighting back <#/>The family often gets blamed for such deviant behaviour because apart from reproduction the primary function of this institution is the inheritance of culture uh morals norms and values to the new members of society <#/>It is its responsibility to make sure that the uh children do not deviate from the culture <#/>They conform to the norms and values of the society <#/>We must also confess that
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