President of Convocation Anour Kassim,Chairman of the University Council



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<&/>laughter which obviously having I mean he was telling <#/>Because Ali Hassan Mwinyi's speech had been prominently put in the papers you know which he gave to a conference <#/>So oh yes you can't tell me as a linguist analysing you know calmly wasn't trying to say no move away from this idea of change although we know subsequently of course there was the Zanzibar change okay <#/>So perhaps maybe people are going to wish to discuss and my colleague here has agreed to <-/>to chip in at the end maybe <#/>I will say one more thing about Ali Hassan Mwinyi so that you can see the contrast uh <#/>President Mwinyi tends to use involvement markers such as the use of hearer inclusive we the first person <-_singular><+_plural> pronoun and the use of a greater proportion of verbs than nouns to construct the message chunks <#/>His speech style is in perfect accord with the trends towards ideology bearing which seems to have gradually become a distinct characteristic of the political disposition of the Tanzanian government ever since the acute economy crisis of the seventies forced it to accept them and with strictures <#/>It is perhaps relevant to discuss uh to point out okay that uh this tendency on the part of Mwinyi itself is a <-_>is a<-/> tendency which characterises also a lot of the speeches of politicians like Thatcher and Reagan and Mitterrand to some extent the use of hearer inclusive we etcetera and projecting an image of uh <-/>of all-inclusiveness of a fireside chat of being all together of blurring power relationships so if you see if you you know you are listening to a speech say of a president you may in this particular kind of style be made to believe you are equal and obviously you are not <#/>So the outcome is that there are who have suggested that this is a sort of synthetic democratisation y<-/>synthetic <-/>synthetic <-/>democratization <#/>Synthetic in the sense that it is not genuine to blur again yet again to blur power <-/>power relationships power from a distance <#/>That might work in a situation where you are thinking in terms of a small government government which only is just as hopeless as everybody else and you know can't be expected to do a lot of things etcetera etcetera as n outlook not you know not created not popularized not necessarily caused by a particular leader say Ali Hassan Mwinyi but rather by the times <-_>by the times<-/> <#/>As for Julius Nyerere there are <-_ certain parts certain areas in his style which seem to <./>coin to be sort of similar to the sort of style one would associate with senior academic senior lecturing by those in academia who are insurrectionary if you like who are seeking to undermine existing perceived wisdom okay <#/>And you know a study by Alfred Marshall an economist who uh he uh you know those who study economics obviously know Marshall he's a famous you know nineteenth century early twentieth century economist <#/>A study of Marshall's lecturing style has this to say <&/>quote <#/>Marshall's eyes lit up now talking easily now chuckling over some story now questioning his class now pausing impressively with rapt expression his eyes in the far corner of the room now speaking his solemn prophetic tones of some problem of the future <#/>Humour played an important part in his lectures <#/>He had good stories <#/>No one enjoyed their fun more than himself meaning he obviously laughed <#/>Now one would not have thought that a lecturer would do that but I suspect Professor Marshall adopted that kind of style in the later part of his academic career when he began to question a lot of the wisdom he himself had actually uh you know helped to <-/>to become received wisdom okay <#/>So what I'm saying uh all we're saying is that the idea of an ideology by someone seeking to push a particular ideology and set it up as distinct from all others okay being associated with something bookish and at the same time that bookishness with being would seem to be ironic you know but that <-/>that is indeed what is being found <#/>On the other hand the idea of a president who encourages collective leadership listens to everything you know and so on and also being more using more verbs making more distinctions and you know as you can see from example the example there on page one you know the one one ten one ten that is Mwinyi there saying sentence <#/>This is a speech Ali Hassan Mwinyi President Ali Hassan Mwinyi gave on the occasion of ex-President Nyerere getting the Lenin prize you know ironically uh getting the Lenin prize and here sort of you know President Mwinyi was giving an eulogy you know praise of the president and he says sentences <#/>You see and you can see you know the avoidance of uh using adjectives there in describing things you know using things words <#/>This is a trait which seeks to describe activities rather than to use adjectives and so <#/>So I'm saying you know those are <-/>are the kinds of points you come up with and obviously we could go on but we've agreed that we'd say little and then in the cause of your the discussion my colleague will also chip in bring in some of his own experiences

<&_>Dr. Azaveli Lwaitama on the language of political leadership, 3/11/93

S2B059T


<#/>My understanding of uh what the commission has done or has said insofar as civil organisations are concerned <#/>There are there is one or two points which I thought are preliminary points which I thought I should make before I go looking at the particular aspects <#/>The first one is that I was actually very much impressed uh by the thoroughness of the report which was prepared by this particular commission <#/>But after going through the <-/>the book <-/>book one okay I started wondering whether or in that particular in their <-_>in their<-/> zeal the commissioners had whether the commissioners in their zeal had not actually exceeded uh their <-/>their limits which were set out in the terms of reference <#/>For instance my impression was that the commissioners actually attempted to either rewrite a history on <./>poli party on party politics or at least they have given an honest impression or honest of party politics and I say this particularly as regards the history of CCM <#/>I have been educated in here from primary school up to the university level and I remember in primary education and secondary education when it came to teaching us about the history of party politics they usually started with Tanganyika African Association uh <#/>In this report I was delighted to find that at least they have gone a step back and looking at African Associations which in other words simply emphasises the fact that the political parties which came to be formed in our country had started or had their beginnings in civil organisations as such <#/>African Association was a civil organisation and it answered all the <#/>It had all the necessary elements which distinguish it as a civil organisation and it is from this particular organisation African Association that we have uh political parties such as KANU coming into existence <#/>It is actually a progenitor to this particular party KANU and also it is a progenitor to the party of Zanzibar <#/>This is something which comes out quite clearly in the report and it shows quite clearly that civil organisations are quite important <#/>That is the first thing which impressed me insofar as the historical aspect of this particular report is concerned <#/>I The <-/>the second thing which I should make as a preliminary observation is actually a point which comes out in almost all report writings <#/>In almost all report writings the people who are set <-/>set out to write that particular report after collecting various data collecting data and all that when it comes to writing and the <-_>several words<-/> it is very difficult to avoid putting out their views instead of those which were supposed to be uh which were actually given by the people <#/>Now in this <-_>in this<-/> regard what I'm saying is that what is stated in this particular report is not confined merely to systematisation of the views and points which were given by the people generally but actually I can detect that it reflects the report itself reflects the views which were held by the commissioners <#/>Well I'm not saying that this is a bad thing only that I'm saying that here we are where we are supposed to write to systematise <#/>I mean the report the whole intention was actually of the commission was simply to systematise the views and opinions of the people concerning whether they want to have one party or multi-party and how to widen democracy in our country but I fear that what has come out is more than that only that in this particular aspect the commissioners may have had held these particular views whether they were actually expressed by the people or not <#/>As I have noted that this is not a bad thing only that it is a reflection of what we <-/>we have <#/>This is even more prominent in cases of politics that is politicians will not want to put up a suggestion <#/>They will normally say that the people say this and that but actually they are the ones who are saying it uh <#/>I'm interested in part three of the fourth term of reference which in my uh independent interpretation the report is written in Kiswahili at least the first book uh and the second is written in Kiswahili except for the third which concerns law <#/>That one is written in English as usual uh <#/>In the first part I'm interested in the fourth term of reference which is discussed in detail in book one <#/>This part talked about the purpose of <-/>term of reference is that the commission was required to suggest ways in which democracy could be increased <#/>And also the commission was supposed to <-/>to suggest ways in which they could instil either what is known as a political culture or democratic culture in the country irrespective of the form of government <-_>the form of government<-/> which is meant to be suggested by that particular politic by <-/>by the commission <#/>In other words the commission was required to give suggestions on how the democracy could be increased <#/>Okay they <#/>It is an admission that it was novel that democracy was a little bit uh restricted did not not altogether not existing and the commission was required to suggest ways in which this particular democracy could be increased in our country and also the purpose <#/>I mean another thing which was supposed to be presented or to be suggested by the commission was actually instilling what I fail to get the proper word but it's either political culture or democratic culture into the society how this is going to be instilled in the society <#/>Now it is upon this that the element of civil organisations comes into play <#/>It has been noted <#/>It has been stated in various parts of this particular report that and actually the my colleagues who have earlier on that is the day before yesterday have actually stated quite clearly that democracy is not assured by simply having several parties political parties <#/>Political parties alone cannot ensure that there is democracy <#/>Now in realisation of that particular fact then the commissioners in my understanding of this particular report were required to look into ways of either strengthening or instilling that particular democratic culture into our country <#/>That aspect as I have noted earlier on is <-/>is asked on page from page fifteen on of the first book that is part two of their report <#/>This report deals with aspects <#/>I mean the <-/>the this particular report deals with <./>asp this particular aspect that is of civil organisation s and it is titled again in my interpretation political situation before and after independence <#/>Obviously there are some other parts which are discussing this particular element of civil organisations but in the main the historical aspect or the historical part is discussed in this uh <-_>in this<-/> particular part that is from page fifteen onwards of the first book <#/>The first thing which comes out quite clearly is that the <-/>the report tries to look at three things <#/>Okay <#/>It tries to answer three basic things <#/>That is why when and how these organisations came into being <#/>Okay there 's particular civil organisations in plus political organisations came into being and here as I have said they discuss the origins of political parties and they note quite clearly that they had their beginnings in civil organisations <#/>I don't think I have to go into the details of what was stated in there but there are some features which are quite important and they come out quite clear in that particular report <#/>The first one was that it is the circumstances existing at that particular time for instance in nineteen twenties up to nineteen thirties the economic hardships okay which brought together the people various people who felt the need to establish civil organisations <#/>It is the circumstances which were obtaining at the particular time which compelled the people to form civil organisations <#/>The second thing which is quite important is the spontaneity of these particular organisations <#/>No one came to tell the people that you should form organisations <#/>They felt the need <#/>They organised themselves and they organised themselves on the lines of that particular need <#/>Okay here's a group of people who had a problem a common problem <#/>And they thought that if they wanted to resolve that particular problem or at least to mitigate its effects then they had to come together and establish something which will reflect their interests <#/>You see <#/>Now the element of spontaneity is quite important in the sense that we have organisations which start at the grassroots <-_>at the grassroots<-/> level instead of having organisations that started at the top as is quite fashionable right now <#/>We have organisations which have started at the top and they're supposed to cater for the needs of the people with definitely uh failure which is quite evident <#/>This is the second thing which was is quite important which comes out of that particular historical analysis <#/>And then there is a third thing which is also important <#/>And this is one is the problem of putting demarcation between the roles objectives aims and goals of civil organisations and political activities <#/>I mean it's very difficult to put a very clear demarcation between the aims objectives and goals of civil organisations and political goals <#/>Now this had two-fold effect <#/>The first one is that it led the governments whatever whether it's colonial or the independent governments to actually try and either control or suppress these civil organisations <#/>The lack of demarcation the <-/>the fact that the aims of these civil organisations however they were defined or whatever their aims or goals were meant that in the final analysis they came to be interpreted as political goals <#/>The lack of definition or the lack of demarcation between these two definitely meant that these organisations uh were actually a subject of either separation by the governments both the colonial and independent governments or at least try and control them <#/>This is something which comes out quite clearly in this particular report <#/>Now the colonial government had various had started actually they had simply started and this came to be done even with more efficiency by the independent government and trying to control this they used mainly two ways <#/>First by enacting <-_legislations><+_legislation> passing legislation pieces of legislation which could at least either suppress or control the particular these civil organisations or in cases of Zanzibar for instance there was outright force in eliminating these uh civil organisations <#/>The statutes which are discussed in this particular report which were used by the colonial government and later on adopted and modified and even perfected one could say by the uh <-/>the independent government include such <-_legislations><+_legislation> as trade unions ordinance co-operative ordinance and co-operative various co-operatives acts which were passed by independent governments uh the trade unions' ordinance society's ordinance and the rest <#/>I mean there are quite a number of statutes which are discussed by this particular report and they all show one thing that is they either want to suppress the <-/>the <-/>the civil organisations at least if they can be if they cannot be suppressed altogether then they are aimed at being eliminated by <-/>by the <-_>by the<-/> governments in power <#/>The reasons why these uh <./>soc the civil organisations were actually particularly those which had goals which <./>tend tended <-/>tended to interfere or which had very little demarcation between politics and their <-/>their objectives was the fact that these political these civil organisations tended to threaten the governments in power an this was something which could not be accepted by these governments and therefore they tended to want to suppress them as I have noted <#/>Now there are a number of things which emerged particularly after independence <#/>There are a number of trends actually which emerged after independence uh which are quite important and they are <./>determ and they are discussed quite at length in this particular report <#/>The first one which is quite pervasive in its <-_>in its<-/> influence is the doctrine of white supremacy <#/>The fact that the party wanted to assume the powers of discussing all issues or dealing with all issues which arise and all matters which had to be discussed by the people had to be done under the umbrella of the party <#/>I believe the this is something which was discussed quite at length by my colleagues the day before yesterday so I won't go into the details of that particular element but it's important to note that it is very difficult and this something which was realised then and it has actually been pointed out quite clearly by the <-_>by the<-/>report that one political party or so many political parties cannot effectively represent the interest of various people <#/>I'll give just one example uh <#/>People in area are terrorised and actually they are being harassed out of existence by lions but then there are people here in Dar es Salaam mainly and Arusha who say that lions are quite important as a tourist attraction <#/>Therefore if one organisation wants to represent the interest of the people of and at the same time they want to represent the interests of people who are living in Dar es Salaam and who view the lions as uh an important inheritance or heritage which needs to be preserved for the future generation then we'll definitely have problems <#/>And secondly the fact that these people are talking about they may be talking about lions that element can also develop into I mean the intention in putting forward their views they will definitely want to put and come up with a policy and once they want to put up the policy then they'll definitely fall in the domain of politics and in that case the difference between the mere aspect of looking at lions will turn into a political issue and the demarcation between a pressure group which wants to either to eliminate lions or to preserve the lions become <&/>grammar a political issue and as such each wants to be dominated by the <-_>by the<_/> political party <#/>That is one thing which comes out quite clearly in this particular report that one political party or even so many political parties cannot represent the interests of so many people who have diverging interests and they want to put them in a different way or to express them in very different ways and manners <#/>Now if only one political party or several political parties for that matter want to have a monopoly of this particular business of talking or representing the interests of various groups in the society then uh definitely democracy is being snuffed out <#/>The other element which uh is quite responsible which a trend which has been shown which was quite unfavourable to the development of serious or very serious civil organisations is are the policies various policies which are enunciated by the party particularly the policies of what is known as developmentism <#/>These are the policies which were enunciated particularly with uh much vigour from nineteen sixty-one up to nineteen sixty-seven <#/>Now the policies of developmentism had one effect in that they tried to interfere into almost every sphere <#/>Now if these particular policies are coupled with the <-/>the party supremacy then we have the government wanting to put its finger into almost everything uh in such a way the civil organisations are actually snuffed out <#/>There <-/>there are very good examples here insofar as these policies of developmentism are concerned and this is the relationship between the government and federation of labour for instance something which is discussed quite at length in part two of this report <#/>And also there is relationship between the government the party and the government and <_/>comparatives><+_co-operatives> Okay this is also discussed quite at length insofar as this particular report is concerned The other element which <-/>which is also the which also comes out quite clearly in this particular report is the fact that these the elements the <-/>the <-/>the fact that the party has assumed all the powers to talk for the people instead of I mean to talk for the people representing all their interests has actually had such a pervasive influence that even after the party had started releasing some of these particular powers had started actually allowing some organisation for <-/>for particularly co-operative societies and the pace at which they have been accepted back has been actually very slow And the <-/>the commission notes that this is something which was to be expected because after a long period of time where people have been working under control then leaving them I mean leaving that particular control then it will take time before people really recognise and appreciate the fact that they are now free to form their own free co-operatives and as such they can go ahead and do whatever they want Maybe I should talk only about I mean we should concentrate I see I have already used more than twenty minutes I think I should talk about the statives which have been discussed in this which directly relate to the civil organisations The first thing is the constitution Article twenty of the constitution provides for this necessary freedom of association I believe this is something which had also been covered by my colleagues uh last <-/>last I mean the day before uh <-_>the day before<-/> yesterday and I don't have to think I don't have to waste time on that But there are other statutes which are quite important apart from that basic law that is article twenty or section twenty of our constitution There is for instance this notorious statute society's ordinance Okay this is discussed uh in this particular commission I mean in this particular report and it appears in section in part three on page forty-four Now what interested me is that the <-/>the commission recommends puts up a general recommendation Okay after discussing some of the provisions of which are actually hindering the freedom of organisation of these I mean the civil organisations and showing that this particular statute is particularly bad insofar as it hinders civil people to organise themselves <&/>grammar <-_It's><+_It> merely says that that particular ordinance I mean that particular ordinance ought to be amended for instance but then I thought it should have gone farther and stipulate very frankly that uh society's ordinance as it is a bad thing and therefore what we need is simply a register okay whereby these various organisations which are formed should be registered just like the register of births and deaths I mean a person when he's born he's supposed to be registered but then the <./>regi <-/>the person who registers you doesn't have any control in your life right And what we would need is actually such a thing Instead of having a law which will stipulate that if you do this then the society's abolished and so on and so forth That can be left up to the general laws Rather what is supposed to be done is to have a very simple statute and a very simple institution which is simply supposed to record this existence of these <./>commis I mean civil organisations I thought that one would have been a little better than uh the <-/>the <-/>the having anything which is in the lines of this particular statute Instead of having some very few cosmetic changes to this particular statute we should have actually a very simple statute which simply seeks to record the number of these civil organisations in whatever form they may <-_>they may<-/> <-_>they may<-/> take The second statute which is discussed in this <./>ord uh in this report is trade unions ordinance You will note that even in the part three of this particular report the discussion on trade unions occupies a very small portion And I was also surprised by this fact simply because the statute is actually superfluous whether with or without amendments Now that we have the organisation for instance and all those trade unions which can be registered actually are unions I mean there is no need of having this particular statute at all because what <-/>what is it going to actually register or what is it that it is going to supervise All things are supervised by and the rest Therefore I would say that there is uh no need of having this particular statute at this particular time If we want to seriously have trade unions independent trade unions then we would need another type of <./>re another type of legislation and I would suggest that it should take the form of uh uh just like I have said yesterday <&/>
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