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One: Year 514: Globalization for Whom?

1. See Raymond Baker, Shereen Ismael, and Tareq Ismail, eds., Cultural Cleansing in Iraq (London: Pluto Press, 2010), a shattering scholarly account of the wanton destruction of treasures of early civilization and the Iraqi intellectual class, though as one contributor observes, the United States did provide some funds to train Iraqi scholars in U.S. universities in curatorial expertise, “an offer of lessons in how to be good custodians of your cultural heritage from the country that was responsible for its destruction,” (Zainab Bahrani, Professor of Art History and Archaeology at Columbia University).2. The toll of disease is sometimes invoked to exonerate the conquerors, a feat of apologetics that is not very impressive. Europe suffered vast population decline during the fourteenth century Black Death, but recovered. Native Americans were subjugated, driven from their homes, and slaughtered, hence could not recover.3. For sources where not cited, and further details on the earlier history, here and below, see my Year 501 (Cambridge, MA: South End Press, 1993).4. John Steinbrunner and Nancy Gallagher, and Robert McNamara, respectively. See my Failed States (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2006), for sources and discussion.5. Charles Mann, 1491: New Revelations of the Americas Before Columbus (New York: Knopf, 2005). His quote.6. Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1975), 306, one of the earliest modern studies to shatter the jingoist consensus.7. See among others Kenneth Pomeranz, The Great Divergence (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000). Britain’s crimes in India grew in intensity until post–World War II liberation opened the way to independent development. Much the same was true in China.8. John Maynard Keynes, A Treatise on Money, cited by Sylvia Ann Hewlett, The Cruel Dilemmas of Development (New York: Basic Books, 1980).9. See the penetrating and shocking study by Wall Street Journal bureau chief Douglas Blackmon, Slavery by Another Name (New York: Anchor Books, 2009). Ecology and France’s destruction, see Jared Diamond, Collapse (New York: Penguin, 2005). Sophie Perchellet and Eric Toussaint,, January 18, 2010, on the shameful reaction of France’s Régis Debray Commission to the compensation request. Also, in the wake of the horrendous earthquake of January 2010, on the urgent need to cancel Haiti’s huge debt and for “The most industrialized countries, which have systematically exploited Haiti, beginning with France and the United States, [to] pay compensation towards a fund aimed at financing the reconstruction of the country, controlled by the Haitian people’s organizations.”10. Thomas Griffin, Haiti Human Rights Investigation: November 11–21, 2004, (Center for the Study of Human Rights, University of Miami School of Law, January 2005), On the Lancet report, ensuing controversy, and resolution, see “Half-Hour for Haiti,” blog archive, Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti, August 31, 2006, On the CIA and the coup, see Jim Mann, Los Angeles Times, November 2, 1993; Tim Weiner, New York Times, December 3, 1995. For details of this period, see Year 501, chap. 8, my “Democracy Restored,” Z Magazine, November 1994,, and New Military Humanism (Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 1999), chap. 3. As discussed in “Democracy Restored,” the illegal oil shipments authorized by Bush and Clinton were so prominently reported by the AP that they were impossible to miss, but are almost entirely absent from the media, which have been bitterly opposed to Aristide, with rare exceptions.12. See Peter Hallward, Damming the Flood: Haiti, Aristide, and the Politics of Containment (London: Verso, 2007). For brief review of the late ’90s events, see New Military Humanism.13. Financial Times, July 12, 2009. New Nation, October 26, 2008, reprinted from Al-Ahram Weekly (Egypt), New York Times, Reuters, June 13, 2009.14. Onyebuchi Ezigbo, All Africa, June 23, 2009.15. Michael Glennon, Christian Science Monitor, March 20, 1986; Donald Fox and Michael Glennon, “Report to the International Human Rights Law Group and the Washington Office on Latin America,” (Washington D.C., April 1985), 21. Referring to U.S.-backed atrocities in Central America in the 1980s and the reaction at home.16. Irene Khan, The Unheard Truth (London: Amnesty International UK, W. W. Norton, 2009).17. David Johnston, Montreal Gazette, “Montreal Summit Tiptoes Around Haiti’s Hidden Crises,” January 25, 2010. “Chavez Writes Off Haiti's Oil Debt to Venezuela," EFE, January 26, 2010. Venezuela, Latin American Herald Tribune,; El Universal (opposition press), “Haiti’s Prime Minister Thanks Venezuela for Support,” January 25, 2010; Cuba’s impressive initiatives received a rare mention on CNN, Steve Kastenbaum, January 17, 2010. Several weeks later, after considerable popular pressure, the rich countries (G-7) pledged debt relief, and support for relief was pledged by the international financial institutions. BBC, February 7, 2010.18. Francis Jennings, Empire of Fortune (New York: W. W. Norton, 1988).19. Cited by Mann, Los Angeles Times. See note 11, this chapter.20. R. W. van Alstyne, The Rising American Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 1960), Reginald Horsman, Expansion and American Indian Policy, 1783–1812 (East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University Press, 1967). Richard Drinnon, Facing West (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1980) and White Savage (New York: Schocken Books, 1972). See also his “The Metaphysics of Empire-Building,” MS, Bucknell University, 1972.21. Russell Baker, “A Heroic Historian on Heroes,” New York Review of Books, July 11, 2009. No letters appeared in reaction, though the editors later published a “clarification” (October 8): Baker, it reads, “wrote that in North America at the time of Columbus, ‘there may have been scarcely more than a million inhabitants.’ However, archaeological evidence and demographic research in recent decades suggest that the number was much larger, with estimates ranging up to 18 million.” Baker was not referring to North America—rather, “from tropical jungle.…” The research is not recent, but decades old. It was also known long ago that the “sparsely populated…unspoiled world” included advanced civilizations (in the United States too).22. Knox cited by Horsman, Expansion and American Indian Policy. Adams cited by William Earl Weeks, John Quincy Adams and American Global Empire (Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 1992).23. Story cited by Nicholas Guyatt, Providence and the Invention of the United States, 1607–1876 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), reviewing the record of Providentialist justifications for the most shocking crimes, and their more general role in forging “the American idea.” Monroe cited by Horsman, Expansion and American Indian Policy. Roosevelt cited by Blackmon, Slavery by Another Name.24. Rice quoted by Peter Baker, New York Times, December 1, 2008.25. On these matters, see my “‘Come Over and Help Us’: A History of R2P” (“Responsibility to Protect”), talk delivered at the UN General Assembly conference on R2P (July 23, 2009), And “Human Rights in the New Millennium,” talk at the London School of Economics (October 2009); Z Magazine, January 2010. See pp. 185f.26. Roger Cohen, New York Times Book Review, April 26, 2009. Morgenthau, pp. 39–40, below.27. Great Seal, see Jennings, Invasion, 229.28. Martin and Annelise Anderson, Reagan’s Secret War (New York: Crown, 2009), cited by Paul Boyer, “Burnishing Reagan’s Disarmament Credentials,” Arms Control Today, September 2009. On Reagan and global jihadism, and Pakistani nuclear weapons, see Ahmed Rashid, Descent into Chaos (New York: Viking Press, 2008). Below, p. 194. The goal of these projects was not to defend Afghanistan, as commonly claimed—the U.S.-Pakistani initiatives may well have delayed Russian withdrawal, some specialists believe. The goal was to “kill Soviet Soldiers,” the CIA station chief in Islamabad declared. He boasted that he “loved” this “noble goal,” making clear that “the mission was not to liberate Afghanistan.” Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes: the History of the CIA (New York: Doubleday, 2007).29. Cited by Lars Schoultz, That Infernal Little Cuban Republic (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2009), 16.30. Ibid., for ample details. Below, for further discussion.31. Ibid. Alfred McCoy, Policing America’s Empire (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 2009).32. John Lewis Gaddis, Surprise, Security, and the American Experience (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004). Matt Bai, New York Times Magazine, October 10, 2004. For more extensive discussion, see Failed States.33. Weeks, John Quincy Adams.34. President Bill Clinton, address to the UN (September 27, 1993); Secretary of Defense William S. Cohen, “Annual Report to the President and Congress,” 1999. Kennan cited by Walter LaFeber, Inevitable Revolutions (New York: W. W. Norton, 1983).35. David Green, The Containment of Latin America (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1971). For more discussion and context, see my Hegemony or Survival (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2003), chap. 3.36. Fawaz Gerges, The Far Enemy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005). See also his Journey of the Jihadist (New York: Harcourt Books, 2006).37. Quoted in Michael Sherry, The Rise of American Airpower (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1987).38. Peter Bergen and Paul Cruickshank, “The Iraq Effect,” Mother Jones, March 1, 2007. Zbigniew Brzezinski, The National Interest, Winter 2003–04.39. Christopher Swannin, Financial Times, April 12, 2006.40. Quoted in Joseph Nevins, Operation Gatekeeper (New York: Routledge, 2002).41. Estimate of economic power, Justice Stephen Field, cited by Morton Horwitz, The Transformation of American Law 1870–1960 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992). Wilson, The New Freedom, 1914, cited by Martin Sklar, The Corporate Reconstruction of American Capitalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).42. Scott Bowman, The Modern Corporation and American Political Thought (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1996). On corporate manslaughter and virtual impunity, see Gary Slapper, Blood in the Bank (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate Publishing, 2000), reviewing the long record in England. For some U.S. analogues, see my introduction to Slapper’s study.43. Horwitz, Transformation of American Law. For a lucid discussion, see Joel Bakan, The Corporation (New York: Free Press, 2004). One major case was Minneapolis & S.L.O. Co. v. Beckwith (1889), in which corporations were considered persons for purposes of the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, enacted to protect rights of freed slaves, but, notoriously, taken over as a device to protect concentrations of private power. See Bowman, The Modern Corporation and American Political Thought.44. Rasul v. Myers, January 2008, Court of Appeals, District of Columbia Circuit.45. Adam Liptak, “Supreme Court to Revisit ‘Hillary’ Documentary,” New York Times, August 29, 2009. When first argued, the case “seemed an oddity [but] it has turned into a juggernaut with the potential to shatter a century-long understanding about the government’s ability to bar corporations from spending money to support political candidates.”46. Citizens United v. FEC, January 21, 2009. Adam Liptak, “Justices Overturn Key Campaign Limits,” New York Times, January 21, 2010. Waldman, blog on New York Times online, cited by editors, same day; Waldman is executive director of the Brennan Center for Justice at the NYU School of Law. Technically the decision also applies to unions, facts constantly brought up in commentary. But that is insignificant in comparison with corporate power, quite apart from very different character of unions representing workers and private tyrannies dedicated to wealth maximization, primarily for the very narrow sector of extreme wealth in whose hands ownership is concentrated.47. For data on business funding, government policy, and public opinion concerning business dominance, see Anthony Dimaggio, “Corporate Power and the Deregulation of Campaign Finance: Supremely Swindled,” Counterpunch, January 25, 2010.48. Thomas Ferguson, Golden Rule: The Investment Theory of Party Competition and the Logic of Money-Driven Political Systems (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), and regular updating since.49. Editorial, New York Times, January 22, 2010.50. Horwitz, Transformation of American Law.51. Horwitz, Transformation of American Law, 98, citing H. Spellman. A Treatise on the Principles of Law Governing Corporate Directors (New York: Prentice-Hall, 1931).52. Jess Bravin, “Democrats Divide on Voice of Possible Top-Court Pick,” Wall Strees Journal, February 8, 2010.53. For details and sources, see my World Orders Old and New (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994). On consequences, see NAFTA at Seven (Washington, DC: Economic Policy Institute, 2001), papers_nafta01_index/.54. A secondary benefit, as a number of economists pointed out, was that its highly protectionist features would turn Mexico into “America’s preferential market, with Japan and the EC at a disadvantage” (Jagdish Bhagwati, a genuine free trade advocate). See World Orders, chap. 2, for discussion and sources.55. U.S. National Intelligence Council (NIC), Global Trends 2015 (2000).56. David Schmitz, Thank God They’re on Our Side (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1999). On Operation Condor, the “transnational criminal operation” established by the coup, employing terror, torture, and murder to protect traditional elites from social and economic reform and ensure U.S. political and economic hegemony, see J. Patrice McSherry, Predatory States (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2005). There may be more to discover after the overthrow of the U.S.-backed Paraguayan dictatorship, where archives were housed. On the events and prospects, see Hugh O’Shaughnessy, The Priest of Paraguay: Fernando Lugo and the Making of a Nation (London & New York: Zed Books, 2009).57. Greg Grandin, Empire’s Workshop: Latin America, the United States, and the Rise of the New Imperialism (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2007). Two: Latin America and U.S. Foreign Policy

1. Hans Morgenthau, The Purpose of American Politics (New York: Vintage Books, 1964).2. Samuel Huntington, International Security 17, no. 4 (Spring 1993).3. Michael Desch, International Security, vol. 32, no. 3, Winter 2007/8.4. Schmitz, Thank God They’re on Our Side.5. Augustus Richard Norton, Middle East Policy, Spring 2005. For review of polls and public opinion, and much other insight, see Jonathan Steele, Defeat (London: I. B. Tauris Publishers, 2008).6. Jonathan Monten, International Security, Spring 2005; Katerina Dalacoura, International Affairs 81, no. 5 (October 2005).7. Thomas Friedman, New York Times, January 12, 1992. David Ignatius, Washington Post Weekly, November 10, 2003.8. For details on this revealing episode, see Hegemony or Survival, chap. 5; and Failed States, chap. 3.9. See Gilbert Achcar, Noam Chomsky, and Stephen Shalom, Perilous Power (Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2007), epilogue. Water, John Bohannon, Science, August 25, 2006. Below, for further discussion and sources.10. Thomas Carothers, Critical Mission: Essays on Democracy Promotion (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2004).11. Thomas Carothers, In the Name of Democracy (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1991). Also his essay in Abraham Lowenthal, ed., Exporting Democracy (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991).12. Robert Pastor, Condemned to Repetition (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987), his emphasis.13. Lawrence Jacobs and Benjamin Page, American Political Science Review 99, no. 1 (February 2005).14. On Wilson and the DR, see Frank Moya Pons, The Dominican Republic: A National History (Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener Publishers, 1998); Piero Gleijeses, The Dominican Crisis (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978); Bruce Calder, The Impact of Intervention (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1984).15. William Stivers, Supremacy and Oil (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1982).16. Hirohito cited by Tsuyoshi Hasegawa, Racing the Enemy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005). Dulles cited by Stephen Rabe, Eisenhower and Latin America (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1988). Arthur Schlesinger, Memorandum from the President’s Special Assistant (Schlesinger) to the President’s Assistant Special Counsel (Goodwin), March 8, 1961; Report to the President on Latin American Mission, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961–1963, vol. XII, American Republics (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office).17. Ernest May and Philip Zelikow, The Kennedy Tapes (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998).18. Louis Pérez, The War of 1898 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1998); Louis Pérez, Cuba: Between Reform and Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996).19. For details and sources, see Failed States, chap. 4, and for a comprehensive study, see Lars Schoultz, Human Rights and United States Policy Toward Latin America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1981). For voices of the victims of U.S. state terror—almost never heard—see Keith Bolender, The Unknown War (London: Pluto Press, 2010).20. Leonard Weinglass, lawyer for the Cuban Five, at the National Lawyers Guild Conference, October 19, 2002, Pasadena, CA, Edith Lederer, Associated Press, September 2, 2009.21. Noah Feldman, New York Times Book Review, February 12, 2006. Steven Erlanger, New York Times, February 14, 2006.22. July 1961, cited by Schoultz, Human Rights and United States Policy Toward Latin America.23. John Norris, Collision Course (Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 2005), a study strongly endorsed in the introduction by Strobe Talbott, the highest Clinton official responsible for East European affairs, who writes that those who want to know “how events looked and felt at the time to those of us who were involved” in the war should turn to Norris’s account, written with the “immediacy that can be provided only by someone who was an eyewitness to much of the action, who interviewed at length and in depth many of the participants while their memories were still fresh, and who has had access to much of the diplomatic record.” That the plight of Kosovar Albanians could not have been a serious issue is evident from the rich Western documentary record, which shows that the worst atrocities, by far, were the anticipated consequence of the NATO bombing. For review of the record, see my A New Generation Draws the Line (London: Verso, 2000). Of the official reasons offered at the time, the only one that is tenable, and was constantly repeated by U.S. and UK governments, is that “the credibility of NATO” was at stake. Ibid., for discussion; and more extensively, David Gibbs, First Do No Harm (Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 2009), who argues that “credibility of NATO” in the Balkans is shorthand for U.S. domination over Europe, and takes it to be the driving force behind U.S. Balkans policy from the collapse of Yugoslavia. A similar view had been expressed even more strongly by the conservative military historian and analyst Andrew Bacevich, though without evidence. He dismisses any pretense of humanitarian concern and writes that the bombing of Serbia was intended “to provide an object lesson to any European state fancying that it was exempt from the rules of the post-Cold War era” established by Washington: “the war’s architects understood” from the outset that “its purpose had been to sustain American primacy” in Europe, and “the workmanlike demolition of Serbia” demonstrated “what a great power did to fend off perceived threats to its preeminence” and “to forestall the intolerable prospect of Europe’s backsliding” toward an independent course. American Empire (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), 104f., 196. Dean Baker, The Conservative Nanny State (Washington, DC: Center for Economic and Policy Research, 2006), e-book, Stephen Rabe, The Road to OPEC (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1982).25. War-Peace Studies programs of the Council on Foreign Relations and the State Department, 1939–45. The only careful study is Larry Shoup and William Minter, Imperial Brain Trust (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1977).26. See Joyce Kolko and Gabriel Kolko, The Limits of Power (New York: Harper & Row, 1972). Berle Papers, May 11, 1951, cited by Lloyd Gardner, Three Kings (New York: New Press, 2009). See also Aaron David Miller, Search for Security (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1980); Irvine Anderson, Aramco, the United States and Saudi Arabia (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1981); Michael Stoff, Oil, War and American Security (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1980); David Painter, Oil and the American Century (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986).27. The manic intensity of the assault is reviewed in detail in Schoultz, That Infernal Little Cuban Republic. On poll results for the past three decades, showing about 2–1 support for normalization, see, “Two in Three Americans Favor Re-Establishing Ties with Cuba,” poll, December 15, 2006, One can only guess what the results would be if the topic could be discussed.28. LBJ, “Remarks to American and Korean Servicemen at Camp Stanley, Korea,” November 1, 1966, Bruce Franklin, War Stars (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988; expanded 2008). Samuel Huntington, Who Are We: the Challenges to America’s National Identity (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1985). On the nativist legacy reflected in this and similar scholarship, and contemporary manifestations in the United States and Europe, see Anouar Majid, We Are All Moors (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2009).29. Colette Youngers and Eileen Rosin, eds., Drugs and Democracy in Latin America (Washington, DC: WOLA, Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2005). Adam Isacson, Jay Olson, and Lisa Haugard, Blurring the Lines (Washington, DC: Latin America Working Group, Center for International Policy, and WOLA, September 2004). On the impact of U.S. training over many years, see Martha Huggins, “US-supported State Terror: A History of Police Training in Latin America,” in Huggins, ed., Vigilantism and the State in Modern Latin America (Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 1991).30. Fourth fleet, see EFE, “El Senado Brasileño Rechaza la Reactivacíon de la IV Flota Naval de EE UU,“ El Pais, September 7, 2008, Stephan Kuffner, Time, May 14, 2009.32. “Colombia’s Uribe Signs Pact with Honduras’ Lobo,” Latin American Herald Tribune. January 31, 2010, On the general remilitarization project, and particularly the crucial role of the Colombian terror state, now partially controlled by the paramilitary-narcotrafficking alliance, see Greg Grandin, “Muscling Latin America,” Nation, February 8, 2010. On the “horrific atrocities” of the successor groups to the paramilitaries, and the increase in the vast displacement in Colombia (second only to Sudan) as their terror and land grabs expand, see Human Rights Watch, “Colombia: Stop Abuses by Paramilitaries’ Successor Groups,” February 3, 2010. Full report at Simon Romero, New York Times, February 3, 2010. For background, see among others Doug Stokes, America’s Other War: Terrorizing Colombia (London: Zed Books, 2005); Forrest Hylton, Evil Hour in Colombia (London: Verso, 2006).34. White Paper, Air Mobility Command, Global en Route Strategy, presented at symposium, Maxwell Air Base, April, 2009. Ethan Vesely-Flad, “U.S. & Colombia discuss major military bases agreement,” Associated Press, July 15, 2009. Cited at Juliana Sojo, Washington Report on the Hemisphere, Council on Hemispheric Affairs, August 18 2009.35. Department of Air Force, Military Construction Program Fiscal Year (FY) 2010, Budget Estimates, Justification Data Submitted to Congress, May 2009. The submission was republished in November 2009, softening the wording, presumably in response to the sharply negative response in Latin America. Eva Golinger, “Washington Alters US Air Force Document to Hide Intentions Behind Accord with Colombia,” Postcards from the Revolution, November 27, 2009, It is reasonable to speculate that the original thinking prevails.36. “Transparencia Para Pactos Militares Transnacionales Acuerdan Presidentes,”, August 28, 2009, Eduardo Mendoza, “Encuentro Martinelli-Clinton: Proponen acceso expedito a EU,” La Prensa (, September 27, 2009.38. Quoted in Michael Warren, “Uribe Stands Ground on U.S. Military Deal,” Associated Press, August 28, 2009.39. See Stokes, America’s Other War.40. Marina Litvinsky, “Latin American Leaders Say ‘No’ to U.S. Drug War,” Inter Press Service, February 12, 2009, On the expansion of the “drug war” by Obama, along the conventional lines, see Suzanna Reiss, “Beyond Supply and Demand: Obama’s Drug Wars in Latin America,” NACLA Report on the Americas, January–February 2010.41. See Jerry Kuzmarov, The Myth of the Addicted Army (Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 2009), from which much of what follows on Nixon’s “drug war” is drawn.42. M. J. Crozier, S. P. Huntington, and J. Watanuki, The Crisis of Democracy (New York: NYU Press, 1975), report to the Trilateral Commission. The general tenor of the commission is illustrated by the fact that the Carter administration was heavily drawn from its ranks.43. Carter, news conference, March 24, 1977. Bush cited by Barbara Crossette, New York Times, October 24, 1992.44. Iraq mega-embassy, Ernesto Londoño, Washington Post, August 29, 2009; Pakistan-Afghanistan, Saeed Shah and Warren P. Strobel, McClatchy Newspapers, May 27, 2009. Militarization of the Gulf region, Nick Turse, “Out of Iraq, Into the Gulf,”, November 22, 2009. Diego Garcia, see p. 63, below.45. Katherine McIntire Peters, “Defense Budget Portends Difficult Tradeoffs,” Government, August 12, 2009, Tom Engelhardt,, January 26, 2010. Editorial, New York Times, February 4, 2010. Sanger, New York Times, February 2, 2010. Gerald Seib, “Deficit Balloons into National Security Threat,” Wall Street Journal, February 2, 2010, warning that national security will be harmed by the deficit (noting that the deficit is “twice as large” as the “staggering” defense outlays.) “Imperial overreach,” in the familiar locution.46. Agence France-Presse, June 8, 2009. Jorn Madslien, “In Graphs: Arming the World,” June 14, 2009, BBC News, Ali Gharib, Inter Press Service, December 12, 2009. Associated Press, November 1, 2008.47. Andrea Shalal-Esa, Christian Science Monitor, January 27, 2009. Mark Knoller, “White House to Hold Firm on European Missile Shield,” CBS News, July 1, 2009, Joseph Gerson, “Dawn of Hope and Nuclear Paradoxes” (special address, Japan Scientists Association, Kobe, Japan August 2, 2009.)48. Quoted by Ian James, Associated Press, August 26, 2006.49. James Hodge and Linda Cooper, “U.S. Continues to Train Honduran Soldiers,” National Catholic Reporter, July 14, 2009, Mark Weisbrot, Guardian, Counterpunch, September 7, 2009. On the “yawning political and socioeconomic divide” between wealthy coup supporters and opponents, who include the “solidly working-class” supporters of the ousted president, see Ginger Thompson, New York Times, August 9, 2009: members of “this country’s small upper class…felt threatened by [President Zelaya’s] efforts to lift up the poor” with such measures as a 60 percent increase in the minimum wage in a country where 60 percent live in poverty. On possible U.S. complicity and prior knowledge, see among others Michaela D’Ambrosio, “The Honduran Coup: Was It a Matter of Behind-the-Scenes Finagling by State Department Stonewallers?” Washington Report on the Hemisphere, Council on Hemispheric Affairs, September 16, 2009. On Obama’s foot-dragging and tacit support, see Alexander Main, “‘A New Chapter of Engagement’: Obama and the Honduran Coup,” NACLA Report on the Americas, January–February 2010.50. Amnesty International, Honduras: Human Rights Crisis Threatens as Repression Increases (London: Amnesty International Publications: August 2009).51. Schoultz, Human Rights, 7.52. Llorens and Valenzuela, Alexandra Olson, Associated Press, December 1, 2009. Anselem, Ginger Thompson, New York Times, November 11, 2009. Aid, OAS resolution, Mark Weisbrot, Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR), Common Dreams, December 16, 2009. IRI-NDI, CEPR, press release, November 23, 2009.53. Among others, see now Financial Times Mideast editor David Gardner, Last Chance (London: I. B. Tauris Publishers, 2009).54. See Failed States, Afterword, here and below. Brazil-China, and more generally Brazilian development and trade, see Kenneth Maxwell, “Lula’s Last Year,” and Riordan Roett, “How Reform Has Powered Brazil’s Rise,” Current History, February 2010.55. Mark Weisbrot, Rebecca Ray, and Jake Johnston, Bolivia: The Economy During the Morales Administration (Washington, DC: Center for Economic and Policy Research, December 2009), Frank Chávez, “Bolivia: Evo Morales, the Best Ally of the Middle Class,” Inter Press Service, January 8, 2010, David Felix, Latin American Research Review, January 1, 1998. Ha-Joon Chang, Kicking Away the Ladder (London: Anthem Press, 2002); Bad Samaritans (London: Random House, 2007).57. Karen Lissakers, Banks, Borrowers, and the Establishment (New York: Basic Books, 1991).58. For insightful accounts of the roots of the crisis, see Dean Baker, Plunder and Blunder (Sausalito, CA: PoliPoint Press, 2009); John Bellamy Foster and Fred Magdoff, The Great Financial Crisis (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2009). Three: Democracy and Development:
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