Negative 1nc – Afro-Pessimism K



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2NC – Permutation

Their leftist discourse utilizes blackness as means for carrying out their own agenda -- serves to further white domination and black suffering


Taylor 13, Terrell Anderson Taylor, B.A. Master’s candidate, Thesis Advisor: Robert J. Patterson, Ph.D. March 19th, 2013, “OPTIMISM AND PESSIMISM IN TWENTIETH CENTURY AFRICAN AMERICAN LITERATURE,” https://repository.library.georgetown.edu/bitstream/handle/10822/558275/Taylor_georgetown_0076M_12322.pdf?sequence=1] NN

As Seigel notes, the juxtaposition of the massive presence of Max with the short exchange and revelation of Bigger's newly found consciousness forces us to think through the contrast between Bigger and Max as symbolic of competing strategies, locations, and resolutions within black politics. The fact that a wide sweeping analysis of social conditions, the connections between Mr. Dalton's exploitation of black living conditions, the ideological message of black inferiority, etc. comes from Max's point of view highlights Bigger’s inability to perform that type of analysis. It is a strategy located outside of blackness. Gibson notes that Max's defense does not face the lived experience of Bigger Thomas as an individual, but is pointed towards the fact of Bigger's situation as systemic function of society (81-82). This is evident in Max's appeals towards preventing further unrest, avoiding the collapse of society at its foundations, and other invocations of the consequences for the stability and existence of society. This external voice 25 concerned with consequences external to Bigger's life is perhaps indicative of the West's invocation of black people as a problem people. Despite the good intentions and efforts of Max, it would seem that the blackness of Bigger matters more than the human suffering, the shared desire to avoid pain that could potentially frame Bigger and Max as equals. A reading of this scene through the lens of afro-pessimism would suggest that Max's position as a sympathetic and liberal white does not absolve him of Anti-blackness. Wilderson argues that white subjects benefit from the fungibility of blackness even, and perhaps especially, when white subjects attempt to empathize with black subjects (Red, White & Black 19). Such attempts require imagining the suffering inherent to the experience of black subjects, which entails two important consequences. First, imagining the black experience enables a white project, marxist, feminist, postcolonial, or otherwise, that utilizes blackness as an arena for executing its own agenda. When marxists explain racism by framing it as a consequence of capitalism, the situation of blackness becomes an opportunity for challenging capitalism as opposed to an elucidation of white supremacy, which in turn, masks the way that marxism participates in white supremacy in the very act. Max's attempt to solve "the problem of blackness" is an appropriation of blackness as an entity with a type of utility, not an ethical gesture towards a group of human beings categorized as black. Second, the position of blackness offers a grammar for white projects. In other words, the slave (or the ontological condition of blackness) becomes a metaphor for white projects, as the aim for the marxist or white feminist is always explained using the grammar of freedom (just as the slave wants freedom in an ontological sense, the feminist desires freedom in a contingent sense of freedom from gendered violence, and the marxist desires freedom from capitalist exploitation) (21-22). Both of these consequences serve to enforce the illegibility and exclusion of blackness from civil society. As 26 blackness works to render white endeavors as both active and legible, it in turns becomes both passive and illegible. The plight of black suffering can only be understood insofar as it can be likened to a contingent instance of white suffering, and such comparisons only occur when articulating them serves the interest of a white subject

Permutation re-entrenches whiteness -- renders blacks fungible and denies basic rights


Taylor 13, Terrell Anderson Taylor, B.A. Master’s candidate, Thesis Advisor: Robert J. Patterson, Ph.D. March 19th, 2013, “OPTIMISM AND PESSIMISM IN TWENTIETH CENTURY AFRICAN AMERICAN LITERATURE,” https://repository.library.georgetown.edu/bitstream/handle/10822/558275/Taylor_georgetown_0076M_12322.pdf?sequence=1] NN

Wilderson goes through the labor of elaborating this framework of anti-blackness for two particular reasons. First, illuminating the function of anti-blackness is necessary to reveal how deeply embedded it is in with civil society, and to highlight the ways that Marxism and other leftist discourses are misguided in targeting capitalism and other structures of oppression as contingent facts of civil society. Second, Wilderson's theoretical exposition reveals the way that leftist discourses not only misunderstand racism, but also benefit from anti-blackness. These discourses are guilty of appropriating the conditions of African Americans for their particular causes, using the situation of black people within civil society as a podium upon which to further their own ends, rendering black people fungible by appropriating them for their own narratives and denying blacks the right to articulate their own. Additionally, leftist discourses are unable to realize that using the metaphor of slavery to make their own political demands legible eliminates the only language to speak to the ontological condition of slavery. Because slavery is now a 7 rhetorical move used to clarify the political demands of various groups, it makes the presence of slavery within the present unthinkable and invisible.


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