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27. Fredric Jameson, for example, argues that the collapse of the Soviet Union was "due, not to its failure, but to its success, at least as far as modernization is concerned." See his "Actually Existing Marxism," in Saree Makdisi, Cesare Casarino, and Rebecca Karl, eds., Marxism Beyond Marxism (London: Routledge, 1996), pp. 14-54; quotation p. 43. More generally on how cold war propaganda (from both sides) blinded us to the real movements of social history within the Soviet regime, see Moshe Lewin, The Making of the Soviet System (New York: Pantheon, 1985).
28. See Leon Trotsky, The Revolution Betrayed, trans. Max Eastman (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1937); and Cornelius Castoriadis, Devant la guerre (Paris: Fayard, 1981). See also a series of article by Denis Berger on the collapse of the Soviet Union, "Perestroiùka: la r‚volution r‚ellement existante?" Futur ant‚rieur, no. 1 (1990), 53-62; "Que reste-t-il de la perestroiùka?" Futur ant‚rieur, no. 6 (1991), 15-20; and "L'Unione Sovi‚tique … l'heure du vide," Futur ant‚rieur, no. 8 (1991), 5-12.
29. It seems to us that one could make a parallel argument about the changing social practices of the Chinese proletariat in the post-Mao era leading up to the "Cultural Fever" movement in the 1980s. See Xudong Zhang, Chinese Modernism in the Era of Reforms (Durham: Duke University Press, 1997). Zhang makes clear the fabulous creativity released during this period.
3.4 POSTMODERNIZATION
1. The texts that set the terms for an enormous literature that debates the periodization of the phases of modern production are Daniel Bell, Coming of Post-industrial Society (New York: Basic Books, 1973); and Alain Touraine, Post-industrial Society, trans. Leonard Mayhew (New York: Random House, 1971).
2. See Manuel Castells and Yuko Aoyama, "Paths towards the Informational Society: Employment Structure in G-7 Countries, 1920-90," International Labour Review, 133, no. 1 (1994), 5-33; quotation p. 13.
3. On the false historical analogies that contributed to the debt crisis of Third World countries, see Cheryl Payer, Lent and Lost: Foreign Credit and Third World Development (London: Zed Books, 1991).
4. The classic presentations of the theories of underdevelopment and dependency are Andre Gunder Frank, Capitalism and Underdevelopment in Latin America (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1967); and Fernando Enrique Cardoso and Enzo Faletto, Dependency and Development in Latin America, trans. Marjory Mattingly Urquidi (Berkeley: University of california Press, 1979). For a very concise critique of stages of development arguments, see Immanuel Wallerstein, The Capitalist World-Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), pp. 3-5.
5. The discourse of development was an illusion, but it was a real and effective illusion that established its own structures and institutions of power throughout the "developing" world. On the institutionalization of development, see Arturo Escobar, Encountering Development: The Making and Unmaking of the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), pp. 73-101.
6. For a critique of the developmentalist ideology of dependency theories, see ibid., pp. 80-81.
7. See, for example, Claude Ake, A Political Economy of Africa (Harlow, Essex: Longman, 1981), p. 136. This is also the general framework presented in the work of andre Gunder Frank and Samir Amin.
8. Robert Musil, The Man without Qualities, trans. Sophie Wilkins (New York: Knopf, 1995), 2:367.
9. Fran‡ois Bar, "Information Infrastructure and the Transformation of Manufacturing," in William Drake, ed., The New Information Infrastructure: Strategies for U.S. Policy (New York: Twentieth Century Fund Press, 1995), pp. 55-74; quotation p. 56.
10. See Robert Chase and David Garvin, "The Service Factory," in Gary Pisano and Robert Hayes, eds., Manufacturing Renaissance (Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 1995), pp. 35-45.
11. See Castells and Aoyama, "Paths towards the Informational Society," pp. 19-28.
12. Manuel Castells describes the most subordinated regions of the global economy as a "Fourth World." See his essay "The Informational Economy and the New International Division of Labor," in Martin Carnoy, Manuel Castells, Stephen Cohen, and Fernando Enrique Cardoso, The New Global Economy in the Information Age (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1993), pp. 15-43.
13. Castells and Aoyama, "Paths towards the Informational Society," p. 27.
14. Pierre Levy, Collective Intelligence: Mankind's Emerging World in Cyberspace (New York: Plenum Press, 1997).
15. On the comparison between the Fordist and Toyotist models, see Benjamin Coriat, Penser … l'envers: travail et organisation dans l'entreprise japonaise (Paris: Christian Bourgois, 1994). For a briefhistory of the early developments of Toyota production methods, see Kazuo Wada, "The Emergence of the 'Flow Production' Method in Japan," in Haruhito Shiomi and Kazuo Wada, eds., Fordism Transformed: The Development of Production Methods in the Automobile Industry (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), pp. 11-27.
16. We are thinking primarily of Jrgen Habermas's conceptual division between communicative and instrumental action in works such as The Theory of Communicative Action, trans. Thomas McCarthy (Boston: Beacon Press, 1984). For an excellent critique of this Habermasian division, see Christian Marazzi, Il posto dei calzini: la svolta linguistica dell'economia e i suoi effetti nella politica (Bellinzona, Switzerland: Casagrande, 1995), pp. 29-34.
17. For a definition and analysis of immaterial labor, see Maurizio Lazzarato, "Immaterial Labor," in Paolo Virno and Michael Hardt, eds., Radical Thought in Italy (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996), pp. 133-147. See also the glossary entry on immaterial labor at the end of the same collection, p. 262.
18. Peter Drucker understands the passage toward immaterial production in extreme terms. "The basic economic resource-'the means of production,' to use the economist's term-is no longer capital, nor natural resources (the economist's 'land'), nor 'labor.' It is and will be knowledge." Peter Drucker, Post-capitalist Society (New York: Harper, 1993), p. 8. What Drucker does not understand is that knowledge is not given but produced and that its production involves new kinds of means of production and labor.
19. Robert Reich, The Work of Nations: Preparing Ourselves for 21st-Century Capitalism (New York: Knopf, 1991), p. 177. What is most important to Reich is in fact that advantage-and finally national dominance-will be won in the global economy along the lines of these new divisions, through the geographical distribution of these high- and low-value tasks.
20. See Karl Marx, Capital, vol. 1, trans. Ben Fowkes (New York: Vintage, 1976), pp. 131-137.
21. See Dorothy Smith, The Everyday World as Problematic: A Feminist Sociology (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1987), especially pp. 78-88.
22. Marx in his time conceived cooperation as the result of the actions of the capitalist, who functioned like an orchestra conductor or a field general, deploying and coordinating productive forces in a common effort. See Capital, 1:439-454. For an analysis of the contemporary dynamics of social and productive cooperation, see Antonio Negri, The Politics of Subversion: A Manifesto for the Twenty-first Century, trans. James Newell (Oxford: Polity Press, 1989).
23. See Saskia Sassen, The Global City: New York, London, Tokyo (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991).
24. On the network enterprise, see Manuel Castells, The Rise of the Network Society (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996), pp. 151-200.
25. Bill Gates, The Road Ahead (New York: Viking, 1995), p. 158.
26. A number of Italian scholars read the decentralization of network production in the small and medium-sized enterprises of northern Italy as an opportunity to create new circuits of autonomous labor. See Sergio Bologna and Andrea Fumagalli, eds., Il lavoro autonomo di seconda generazione: scenari del postfordismo in Italia (Milan: Feltrinelli, 1997).
27. On the growth of "producer services" in concentrated centers of control, see Sassen, The Global City, pp. 90-125.
28. Peter Cowhey, "Building the Global Information Highway: Toll Booths, Construction Contracts, and Rules of the Road," in William Drake, ed., The New Information Infrastructure (New York: Twentieth Century Fund Press, 1995), pp. 175-204; quotation p. 175.
29. On rhizomatic and arborescent structures, see Gilles Deleuze and F‚lix Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, trans. Brian Massumi (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987), pp. 3-25.
30. On the false egalitarian promises of the "information superhighway" in the United States, see Herbert Schiller, Information Inequality: The Deepening Social Crisis in America (New York: Routledge, 1996), especially pp. 75-89. For a more global analysis of the unequal distribution of information and technology, see William Wresch, Disconnected: Haves and Have-Nots in the Information Age (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1996).
3.5 MIXED CONSTITUTION
1. For an analysis of the passages of Marx's and Engel's work that deal with the theory of the state, see Antonio Negri, "Communist State Theory," in Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Labor of Dionysus (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), pp. 139-176.
2. See M. C. Ricklefs, A History of Modern Indonesia, 2nd ed. (London: Macmillan, 1993). The complex relationship among the Dutch administration, traditional Javanese authorities, and economic powers at the beginning of the twentieth century is described beautifully in Pramoedya Ananta Toer's great four-volume historical novel, The Buru Quartet, trans. Max Lane (London: Penguin Books, 1982-1992).
3. See Brian Gardner, The East India Company (London: Rupert Hart-Davis, 1971); and Geoffrey Wheatcroft, The Randlords (New York: Atheneum, 1986).
4. Marx argued that the greater concentration and centralization of capital acted against the forces of competition and was thus a destructive process for capital. See Karl Marx, Capital, vol. 3, trans. David Fernbach (London: Penguin, 1981), pp. 566-573. Lenin took up this same argument in his analysis of the monopoly phase of capital: monopolies destroy competition, which is the foundation of capitalist development. See V. I. Lenin, Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism (New York: International Publishers, 1939), pp. 16-30.
5. See, for example, Richard Barnet and John Cavanagh, Global Dreams: Imperial Corporations and the New World Order (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1994).
6. The concept of the "autonomy of the political," which belongs to the tradition of political theology, was given its first great definition by the political theologian Thomas Hobbes. The concept was raised to even greater heights by Carl Schmitt; see principally The Concept of the Political, trans. George Schwab (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1976); and Verfassungslehre, 8th ed. (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1993). The political is understood here as the foundation of every social relation-ship and the originary evaluation or "decision" that constructs the sphere of power and thus guarantees the space of life. It is interesting to note that Schmitt's conception of the political is ineluctably tied to the juridical definition of the nation-state and inconceivable outside of its realm. Schmitt himself seems to recognize this fact after having witnessed the catastrophe of the German nation-state. See Carl Schmitt, Der Nomos der Erde im V”lkerrecht des jus publicum europaeum (Cologne: Greven Verlag, 1950). The most extensive consideration of Schmitt's conception of the political that we know is contained in Carlo Galli, Genealogia della politica: C. Schmitt e la crisi del pensiero politico moderno (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1996). This critique of Schmitt's concept of the "autonomy of the political" should also be applied to the various positions that in some way derive from his thought. At two extremes we can cite Leo Strauss, who tried to appropriate Schmitt's concept under his own liberal conception of natural right, and Mario Tronti, who sought to find in the autonomy of the political a terrain that could support a compromise with liberal political forces in a period when the Western European communist parties were in deep crisis. For Strauss's interpretation of Schmitt's text and their ambiguous relationship, see Heinrich Meier, Carl Schmitt and Leo Strauss: The Hidden Dialogue, trans. J. Harvey Lomax (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995). For Tronti, see L'autonomia del politico (Milan: Feltrinelli, 1977).
7. There are numerous excellent critiques of the media and their purported objectivity. For two good examples, see Edward Said, Covering Islam: How the Media and the Experts Determine How We See the Rest of the World (New York: Pantheon, 1981); and Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky, Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of Mass Media (New York: Pantheon, 1988).
8. See, for example, Elise Boulding, "IGOs, the UN, and International NGOs: The Evolving Ecology of the International System," in Richard Falk, Robert Johansen, and Samuel Kim, eds., The Constitutional Foundations of World Peace (Albany: SUNY Press, 1993), pp. 167-188; quotation p. 179.
9. For characterizations of the activities of various kinds of NGOs, see John Clark, Democratizing Development: The Role of Voluntary Organizations (West Hartford, Conn.: Kumarian Press, 1990); Lowell Livezey, Nongovernmental Organizations and the Ideas of Human Rights (Princeton: The Center of International Studies, 1988); and Andrew Natsios, "NGOs and the UN System in Complex Humanitarian Emergencies: conflict or Cooperation?" in Peter Diehl, ed., The Politics of Global Governance: International Organizations in an Independent World (Boulder: Lynne Reiner, 1997), pp. 287-303.
10. James Petras, "Imperialism and NGOs in Latin America," Monthly Review, 49 (December 1997), 10-27.
11. See Polybius, The Rise of the Roman Empire, trans. Ian Scott-Kilvert (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1979), Book VI, pp. 302-352.
12. See G. A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975).
13. On the transformation from a model of bodies to a functional model in the U.S. Constitution, see Antonio Negri, Il potere costituente: saggio sulle alternative del moderno (Milan: Sugarco, 1992), chap. 4, pp. 165-222.
14. It is interesting to note here that, at least since the constitutionalism of the Weimar Republic, the continental European tradition of constitutional thought has also adopted these principles, which were presumed to belong only to the Anglo-Saxon world. The fundamental texts for the German tradition in this regard are Max Weber, Parlament und Regierung im neugeordneten Deutschland (Munich: Duncker & Humblot, 1918); Hugo Preuss, Staat, Recht und Freiheit (Tbingen: Mohr, 1926); and Hermann Heller, Die Souveranit„t (Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1927).
15. Generally the analyses that come from the Left are the ones that insist most strongly that the genesis of Empire activates the "bad" forms of government. See, for example, tienne Balibar, La crainte des masses (Paris: Galil‚e, 1997), a book which in other regards is extremely open to the analysis of the new processes of the (mass) production of subjectivity.
16. For an analysis of these processes and a good discussion of the relevant bibliography, see Yann Moulier Boutang, "La revanche des externalit‚s: globalisation des ‚conomies, externalit‚s, mobilit‚, transformation de l'‚conomie et de l'intervention publique," Futur ant‚rieur, no. 39-40 (Fall 1997), pp. 85-115.
17. It should be clear from what we have said thus far that the theoretical condition underlying our hypotheses has to involve a radically revised analysis of reproduction. In other words, any theoretical conception that regards reproduction as simply part of the circulation of capital (as classical economics, Marxian theory, and neoclassical theories have done) cannot deal critically with the conditions of our new situation, particularly those resulting from the political-economic relations of the world market in postmodernity. Our description of biopower in Section 1.2 is the beginning of such a revised analysis of reproduction. For the definition of some fundamental elements that relate to the integration of labor, affect, and biopower, see Antonio Negri, "Value and Affect" and Michael Hardt, "Affective Labor," boundary2, 26, no. 2 (Summer 1999).
18. We are refering once again to the work of Michel Foucault and to Gilles Deleuze's interpretation of it. See our discussion in Section 1.2.
19. This first variable and the analysis of the functioning of the network in constitutional terms relates in certain respects to the various autopoietic theories of networks. See, for example, the work of Humberto Maturana and Francisco Varela. For an excellent analysis of systems theory in the context of postmodern theories, see Cary Wolfe, Critical Environments (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998).
20. The various advances in systems theories contribute also to our understanding of this second variable. Niklas Luhmann's work has been the most influential for the analysis of autopoietic systems in terms of legal and social philosophy.
21. Jameson offers an excellent critique of "the conception of mass culture as sheer manipulation." He argues that although mass culture is "managed," it nonetheless contains utopian possibilities. See Fredric Jameson, "Reification and Utopia in Mass Culture," in Signatures of the Visible (New York: Routledge, 1992), pp. 9-34.
22. See Guy Debord, Society of the Spectacle, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith (New York: Zone Books, 1994); and Comments on the Society of the Spectacle (London: Verso, 1990).
23. Fredric Jameson, "Totality as Conspiracy," in The Geopolitial Aesthetic: Cinema and Space in the World System (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992), pp. 9-84.
24. Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan, ed. C. B. Macpherson (London: Penguin, 1968), p. 200.
25. See Brian Massumi, ed., The Politics of Everyday Fear (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993).
3.6 CAPITALIST SOVEREIGNTY
1. Gilles Deleuze and F‚lix Guattari, Anti-Oedipus, trans. Robert Hurley, Mark Lane, and Helen Lane (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1983), p. 224.
2. On Deleuze and Guattari's conception of the axiomatic of capital, see Gilles Deleuze and F‚lix Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, trans. Brian Massumi (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987), pp. 452-473.
3. Robert Blanch‚, Axiomatics, trans. G. B. Keene (New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1962), pp. 30-31.
4. There is, of course, one element of transcendence and segmentation that is essential to the functioning of capital, and that is class exploitation. This is a boundary, however flexible or indiscernible it may be at times, that capital must maintain throughout society. Class divisions continue to be centrally effective in the new segmentations that we investigate later in this section.
5. See Michel Foucault, "La 'gouvernementalit‚,'" in Dits et ‚crits (Paris: Gallimard, 1994), 3:635-657; and Il faut defendre la soci‚t‚ (Paris: Seuil/ Gallimard, 1997).
6. See Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Labor of Dionysus (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), pp. 257-259.
7. See Michael Hardt, "The Withering of Civil Society," Social Text, no. 45 (Winter 1995), 27-44.
8. For an excellent explanation of Foucault's conception of the diagram, see Gilles Deleuze, Foucault, trans. Seaïn Hand (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1988), pp. 34-37.
9. On the relation between identity and belonging and on the constitution of a "whatever" subjectivity, see Giorgio Agamben, The Coming Community, trans. Michael Hardt (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993).
10. Rosa Luxemburg, The Accumulation of Capital, trans. Agnes Schwarzchild (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1968), p. 446.
11. The classic work in this regard is Samir Amin's Accumulation on a World Scale, trans. Brian Pearce (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1974).
12. See Mike Davis, City of Quartz: Excavating the Future in Los Angeles (London: Verso, 1990), pp. 221-263.
13. Michel Aglietta has demonstrated clearly in structural terms the violent and dictatorial powers of monetary regimes. See his La violence de la monnaie (Paris: PUF, 1982). See also the essays in Werner Bonefeld and John Holloway, eds., Global Capital, National State, and the Politics of Money (London: Macmillan, 1995).
4.1 VIRTUALITIES
1. On this style of political theorizing, see C. B. Macpherson, The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism: Hobbes to Locke (New York: Oxford University Press, 1962); and Albert O. Hirschman, The Passions and the Interests: Political Arguments for Capitalism before Its Triumph (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977).
2. On the immanent relation between politics and ontology, see Antonio Negri, The Savage Anomaly, trans. Michael Hardt (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1991); and Baruch Spinoza, Theologico-Political Treatise, in The Chief Works of Spinoza, vol. 1, trans. R. H. M. Elwes (New York: Dover Press, 1951), pp. 1-278.
3. On postmodern right and postmodern law, see Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Labor of Dionysus (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), chap. 6, pp. 217-261.
4. See R‚mi Brague, Du temps chezPlaton et Aristote (Paris: PUF, 1982).
5. G. W. F. Hegel, Science of Logic, trans. A. V. Miller (Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Humanities Press International, 1989), pp. 327-385.
6. The measure of value means its orderly exploitation, the norm of its social division, and its capitalist reproduction. Certainly Marx goes beyond Marx, and one should never pretend that his discussions of labor and value are only a discourse on measure: beyond value, labor is always the living power of being. See Antonio Negri, "Twenty Theses on Marx," in Saree Makdisi, Cesare Casarino, and Rebecca Karl, eds., Marxism Beyond Marxism (New York: Routledge, 1996), pp. 149-180.
7. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, trans. Terence Irwin (Indianapolis: Hackett, 1985), p. 119 (1129b30).
8. On the virtual, see Gilles Deleuze and F‚lix Guattari, What Is Philosophy?, trans. Hugh Tomlinson and Graham Burchell (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994); and Gilles Deleuze, Bergsonism, trans. Hugh Tomlinson and Barbara Habberjam (New York: Zone, 1988), pp. 94- 103. Our conception of virtuality and its relationship to reality is somewhat different from the one that Deleuze derives from Bergson, which distinguishes between the passage from the virtual to the actual and that from the possible to the real. Bergson's primary concern in this distinction and in his affirmation of the virtual-actual couple over the possible-real is to emphasize the creative force of being and highlight that being is not merely the reduction of numerous possible worlds to a single real world based on resemblance, but rather that being is always an act of creation and unforeseeable novelty. See Henri Bergson, "The Possible and the Real," in The Creative Mind, trans. Mabelle Andison (New York: Philosophical Library, 1946), pp. 91-106. We certainly do recognize the need to insist on the creative powers of virtuality, but this Bergsonian discourse is insufficient for us insofar as we also need to insist on the reality of the being created, its ontological weight, and the institutions that structure the world, creating necessity out of contingency. On the passage from the virtual to the real, see Gilbert Simondon, L'individu et sa genŠse physicobiologique (Paris: PUF, 1964); and Brian Massumi, "The Autonomy of Affect," Cultural Critique, no. 31 (Fall 1995), 83-109.
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