Michael Hardt / Antonio Negri

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24. See Avery Gordon, "The Work of Corporate Culture: Diversity Management," Social Text, 44, vol. 13, no. 3 (Fall/Winter 1995), 3-30.
25. See Chris Newfield, "Corporate Pleasures for a Corporate Planet," Social Text, 44, vol. 13, no. 3 (Fall/Winter 1995), 31-44.
26. See Fredric Jameson, Postmodernism, Or, The Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism (Durham: Duke University Press, 1991); and David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity (Oxford: Blackwell, 1989).
1. Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay, The Federalist, ed. Max Beldt (Oxford: Blackwell, 1948), p. 37. This passage is from Federalist no. 9, written by Hamilton.
2. See J. G. A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975); and J. C. D. Clark, The Language of Liberty, 1660-1832 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994).
3. On the Atlantic passage of the republican tradition from the English Revolution to the American Revolution, see Antonio Negri, Il potere costituente (Milan: Sugarco, 1992), chaps. 3 and 4, pp. 117-222; and David Cressy, Coming Over: Migration and Communication between England and New England in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987).
4. Again, see Negri, Il potere costituente. See also J. G. A. Pocock, "States, Republics, and Empires: The American Founding in Early Modern Perspective," in Terence Ball and J. G. A. Pocock, eds., Conceptual Change and the Constitution (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1988), pp. 55-77.
5. See Polybius, The Rise of the Roman Empire, trans. Ian Scott-Kilvert (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1979), Book VI, pp. 302-352.
6. See Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, 2 vols. (New York: Knopf, 1994), in particular the Author's Introduction, 1:3-16.
7. See Hannah Arendt, On Revolution (New York: Viking, 1963).
8. We are refering directly here to Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, trans. Talcott Parsons (New York: Scribner's, 1950); but see also Michael Walzer, Exodus and Revolution (New York: Basic Books, 1985).
9. For detailed analyses of the conflicts within the Constitution, see primarily Michael Kammen, A Machine That Would Go of Itself (New York: Knopf, 1986).
10. Throughout his reading of Polybius in the Discourses, Machiavelli insists on the necessity that the Republic expand so as not to fall into corruption. See Negri, Il potere costituente, pp. 75-97.
11. The combination of ref ormism and expansionism in the "Empire of Right" is presented wonderfully by Anders Stephanson, Manifest Destiny: American Expansion and the Empire of Right (New York: Hill and Wang, 1995).
12. Virgil, Ecologue IV, in Opera, ed. R. A. B. Mynors (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), verses 4-5, p. 10. The original reads, "Ultima Cumaei uenit iam carminis aetas; / magnus ab integro saeclorum nascitur ordo."
13. Bruce Ackerman proposes a periodization of the first three regimes or phases of U.S. constitutional history. See We The People: Foundations (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1991), in particular pp. 58-80.
14. "What one shared above all was a sense of an entirely new kind of country, uniquely marked by social, economic, and spatial openness." Stephanson, Manifest Destiny, p. 28.
15. Marx explained the economic origins of the United States when analyzing the American economist Henry Charles Carey. The United States is "a country where bourgeois society did not develop on the foundation of the feudal system, but developed rather from itself." Karl Marx, Grundrisse, trans. Martin Nicolaus (New York: Vintage, 1973), p. 884. Marx also discusses the difference of capitalist development in the United States (along with the other settler colonies, such as Australia), in Capital, trans. Ben Fowkes (New York: Vintage, 1976), 1:931-940. For Tocqueville's analysis of the socioeconomic roots of the United States, see Democracy in America, vol. 1, chaps. 2 and 3, pp. 26-54.
16. Thomas Jefferson "saw expansion as the indispensable concomitant of a stable, secure, and prosperous Empire of Liberty." Robert Tucker and David Hendrickson, Empire of Liberty: The Statecraft of Thomas Jefferson (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), p. 162.
17. U.S. Constitution, Article I, section 2. On the three-fifths rule, see John Chester Miller, The Wolf by the Ears: Thomas Jefferson and Slavery (New York: Free Press, 1977), pp. 221-225.
18. For a briefhistory of the crises in the Constitution precipated by black slavery from the Constitutional Convention to the Civil War, see Kammen, A Machine That Would Go of Itself, pp. 96-105.
19. On the emergence of the U.S. industrial working class as a powerful force in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, see David Brody, Workers in Industrial America: Essays on Twentieth-Century Struggles (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980), pp. 3-47; Stanley Aronowitz, False Promises: The Shaping of American Working-Class Consciousness (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1973), pp. 137-166; and Bruno Ramirez, When Workers Fight: The Politics of Industrial Relations in the Progressive Era, 1898- 1916 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1978).
20. For a good analysis of the relationship between U.S. expansionism and European imperialism in terms of foreign policy, see Akira Iriye, From Nationalism to Internationalism: U.S. Foreign Policy to 1914 (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1977).
21. Cited in Frank Ninkovich, "Theodore Roosevelt: Civilization as Ideology," Diplomatic History, 20, no. 3 (Summer 1986), 221-245; quotation pp. 232-233. Ninkovich demonstrates clearly how Roosevelt's imperialism was solidly grounded in the ideology of the "spread of civilization."
22. On Woodrow Wilson and the fortunes of progressive internationalism, see Thomas Knock, To End All Wars: Woodrow Wilson and the Quest for a New World Order (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992).
23. See Antonio Negri, "Keynes and the Capitalist Theory of the State," in Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Labor of Dionysus (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), pp. 23-51.
24. The effects of Monroe's original declaration were ambiguous at best, and Ernst May has argued that the doctrine was born as much from domestic political pressures as international issues; see The Making of the Monroe Doctrine (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1975). The doctrine only really became an effective foreign policy with Theodore Roosevelt's imperialist campaigns, and particularly with the project to build the Panama Canal.
25. For the long history of U.S. military interventions in Latin America and particularly in Central America, see Ivan Musicant, The Banana Wars: A History of United States Military Intervention in Latin America (New York: Macmillan, 1990); Noam Chomsky, Turning the Tide: U.S. Intervention in Central America and the Struggle for Peace (Boston: South End Press, 1985); Saul Landau, The Dangerous Doctrine: National Security and U.S. Foreign Policy (Boulder: Westview Press, 1988).
26. William Chafe poses 1968 as a shift of regime in the United States from the perspective of a social historian: "Any historian who uses the word 'watershed' to describe a given moment runs the risk of oversimplif ying the complexity of the historical process. However, if the word is employed to signify a turning point that marks the end to domination by one constellation of forces and the beginning of domination by another, it seems appropriate as a description of what took place in America in 1968." William Chafe, The Unfinished Journey: America since World War II (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), p. 378. Chafe captures precisely what we mean by a shift in the constitutional regime, that is, the end of domination by one constellation of forces and the beginning of domination by another. For Chafe's analysis of the republican spirit of the movements, see pp. 302-342.
1. Immanuel Kant, "An Answer to the Question: 'What Is Enlightenment?'" in Political Writings, ed. Hans Reiss, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 54-60.
2. Michel Foucault, "What Is Enlightenment," in Ethics: Subjectivity and Truth, vol. 1 of The Essential Works of Foucault 1954-1984, ed. Paul Rabinow (New York: New Press, 1997), pp. 303-319.
3. Ibid., p. 315.
4. On the relationship between modern metaphysics and political theory, see Antonio Negri, The Savage Anomaly, trans. Michael Hardt (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1991).
5. We find versions of this spatial configuration of inside and outside among many of the contemporary philosophers we most admire-even writers such as Foucault and Blanchot who move away from the dialectic, and even Derrida, who dwells on that margin between inside and outside that is the most ambiguous and most murky point of modern thought. For Foucault and Blanchot, see Foucault's essay "Maurice Blanchot: The Thought from Outside," trans. Brian Massumi, in Foucault/Blanchot (New York: Zone Books, 1987). For Derrida, see Margins of Philosophy, trans. Alan Bass (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982).
6. Fredric Jameson, Postmodernism, Or, The Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism (Durham: Duke University Press, 1991), p. ix.
7. We are thinking here primarily of Hannah Arendt's notion of the political articulated in The Human Condition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1958).
8. For Los Angeles, see Mike Davis, City of Quartz (London: Verso, 1990), pp. 221-263. For Sa~o Paulo, see Teresa Caldeira, "Fortified Enclaves: The New Urban Segregation," Public Culture, no. 8 (1996); 303-328.
9. See Guy Debord, Society of the Spectacle, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith (New York: Zone Books, 1994).
10. Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man (New York: Free Press, 1992).
11. "We have watched the war machine . . . set its sights on a new type of enemy, no longer another State, or even another regime, but 'l'ennemi quelconque' [the whatever enemy]." Gilles Deleuze and F‚lix Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, trans. Brian Massumi (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987), p. 422.
12. There are undoubtedly zones of deprivation within the world market where the flow of capital and goods is reduced to a minimum. In some cases this deprivation is determined by an explicit political decision (as in the trade sanctions against Iraq), and in other cases it follows from the implicit logics of global capital (as in the cycles of poverty and starvation in sub-Saharan Africa). In all cases, however, these zones do not constitute an outside to the capitalist market; rather they function within the world market as the most subordinated rungs of the global economic hierarchy.
13. For an excellent explanation of Foucault's concept of the diagram, see Gilles Deleuze, Foucault, trans. Seaïn Hand (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1988), pp. 34-37.
14. See tienne Balibar, "Is There a 'Neo-Racism'?" in tienne Balibar and Immanuel Wallerstein, Race, Nation, Class (London: Verso, 1991), pp. 17-28; quotation p. 21. Avery Gordon and Christopher Newfield identify something very similar as liberal racism, which is characterized primarily by "an antiracist attitude that coexists with support for racist outcomes," in "White Mythologies," Critical Inquiry, 20, no. 4 (Summer 1994), 737-757, quotation p. 737.
15. Balibar, "Is There a 'Neo-Racism'?" pp. 21-22.
16. See Walter Benn Michaels, Our America: Nativism, Modernism, and Pluralism (Durham: Duke University Press, 1995); and "Race into Culture: A Critical Genealogy of Cultural Identity," Critical Inquiry, 18, no. 4 (Summer 1992), 655-685. Benn Michaels critiques the kind of racism that appears in cultural pluralism, but does so in a way that seems to support a new liberal racism. See Gordon and Newfield's excellent critique of his work in "White Mythologies."
17. Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, p. 178.
18. Ibid., p. 209.
19. See Lauren Berlant, The Queen of America Goes to Washington City: Essays on Sex and Citizenship (Durham: Duke University Press, 1997). On her formulation of the reactionary reversal of the slogan "The personal is the political," see pp. 175-180. For her excellent analysis of the "intimate public sphere," see pp. 2-24.
20. The liberal order of Empire achieves the kind of "overlapping consensus" proposed by John Rawls in which all are required to set aside their "comprehensive doctrines" in the interests of tolerance. See John Rawls, Political Liberalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993). For a critical review of his book, see Michael Hardt, "On Political Liberalism," Qui Parle, 7, no. 1 (Fall/Winter 1993), 140-149.
21. On the (re)creation of ethnic identities in China, for example, see Ralph Litzinger, "Memory Work: Reconstituting the Ethnic in Post-Mao China," Cultural Anthropology, 13, no. 2 (1998), pp. 224-255.
22. Gilles Deleuze, "Postscript on Control Societies," in Negotiations, trans. Martin Joughin (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), pp. 177- 182; quotation p. 179.
23. See Phillipe Bourgois, Ethnicity at Work: Divided Labor on a Central American Banana Plantation (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989).
24. See Aristotle, De generatione et corruptione, trans. C. J. F. Williams (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982). In general, on the philosophical conceptions of generation and corruption, see Reiner Schrmann, Des h‚g‚monies bris‚es (Mouvezin: T.Efir., 1996).
1. See in particular Gilles Deleuze, "Bartleby, ou la formule," in Critique et clinique (Paris: Minuit, 1993), pp. 89-114; and Giorgio Agamben, "Bartleby o della contingenza," in Bartleby: la formula della creazione (Macerata: Quodlibet, 1993), pp. 47-92.
2. J. M. Coetzee, The Life and Times of Michael K (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1983), p. 151.
3. tienne de La Bo‚tie, The Politics of Obedience: The Discourse of Voluntary Servitude, trans. Harry Kurz (New York: Free Life Editions, 1975), pp. 52-53. In French, Discours de la servitude volontaire, in Oeuvres complŠtes (Geneva: Slatkine, 1967), pp. 1-57; quotation p. 14.
1. Gilles Deleuze and F‚lix Guattari, Anti-Oedipus, trans. Robert Hurley, Mark Lane, and Helen Lane (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1983), p. 239.
2. One of the best historical accounts of the IWW is contained in John Dos Passos's enormous novel USA (New York: Library of america, 1996). See also Joyce Kornbluh, ed., Rebel Voices: an I.W.W. Anthology (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1964).
3. "It would be possible to write a whole history of the inventions made since 1830 for the sole purpose of providing capital with weapons against working-class revolt." Karl Marx, Capital, trans. Ben Fowkes (New York: Vintage, 1976), 1:563.
4. On the changing relation between labor and value, see Antonio Negri, "Twenty Theses on Marx," in Saree Makdisi, Cesare Casarino, and Rebecca Karl, eds., Marxism Beyond Marxism (New York: Routledge, 1996), pp. 149-180; and Antonio Negri, "Value and Affect," boundary2, 26, no. 2 (Summer 1999).
5. Deleuze and Guattari, Anti-Oedipus, p. 29 (translation modified).
6. One of the most important novels of the Italian Resistance is Elio Vittorini's Uomini e no (Men and not men) in which being human means being against. Nanni Balestrini's tales about class struggle in Italy in the 1960s and 1970s take up this positive determination of being-against. See in particular Vogliamo tutto (Milan: Feltrinelli, 1971); and The Unseen, trans. Liz Heron (London: Verso, 1989).
7. Yann Moulier Boutang argues that the Marxian concept of the "industrial reserve army" has proven to be a particularly strong obstacle to our understanding the power of this mobility. In this framework the divisions and stratifications of the labor force in general are understood as predetermined and fixed by the quantitative logic of development, that is, by the productive rationalities of capitalist rule. This rigid and univocal command is seen as having such power that all forms of labor power are considered as being purely and exclusively determined by capital. Even unemployed populations and migrating populations are seen as springing from and determined by capital as a "reserve army." Labor power is deprived of subjectivity and difference since it is considered completely subject to the iron laws of capital. See Yann Moulier Boutang, De l'esclavage au salariat (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1998).
8. Friedrich Nietzsche, The Will to Power, trans. Walter Kaufman and R. J. Hollingdale (New York: Vintage, 1968), p. 465 (no. 868, November 1887-March 1888).
9. We describe exodus as one of the motors of the collapse of Real Socialism in our Labor of Dionysus (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), pp. 263-269.
10. The first passage is from Walter Benjamin, "Erfahrung und Armut," in Gesammelte Schriften, ed. RolfTiedemann and Hermann Schweppenh„ussen (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1972), vol. 2, pt. 1, pp. 213-219; quotation p. 215. The second passage is from "The Destructive Character," in reflections, ed. Peter Demetz (New York: Schocken Books, 1978), pp. 302-303.
11. On the migrations of sexuality and sexual perversion, see Fran‡ois Peraldi, ed., Polysexuality (New York: Semiotext(e), 1981); and SylvŠre Lotringer, Overexposed: Treating Sexual Perversion in America (New York: Pantheon, 1988). Arthur and Marilouise Kroker also emphasize the subversiveness of bodies and sexualities that refuse purity and normalization in essays such as "The Last Sex: Feminism and Outlaw Bodies," in Arthur and Marilouise Kroker, eds., The Last Sex: Feminism and Outlaw Bodies (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1993). Finally, the best source for experiments of corporeal and sexual transformations may be the novels of Kathy Acker; see, for example, Empire of the Senseless (New York: Grove Press, 1988).
12. On posthuman permutations of the body, see Judith Halberstam and Ira Livingston, "Introduction: Posthuman Bodies," in Judith Halberstam and Ira Livingston, eds., Posthuman Bodies (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995), pp. 1-19; and Steve Shaviro, The Cinematic Body (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993). For another interesting exploration of the potential permutations of the human body, see Alphonso Lingis, Foreign Bodies (New York: Routledge, 1994). See also the performance art of Stelarc, such as Stelarc, Obsolete Body: Suspensions (Davis, Calif.: J. P. Publications, 1984).
13. The primary texts that serve as the basis for a whole range of work that has been done across the boundaries of humans, animals, and machines are Donna Haraway, Simians, Cyborgs, and Women: The Reinvention of Nature (New York: Routledge, 1991); and Deleuze and Guattari, Anti-Oedipus, esp. pp. 1-8. Numerous studies have been published in the 1990s, particularly in the United States, on the political potential of corporeal nomadism and transformation. For three of the more interesting feminist examples from very different perspectives, see Rosi Braidotti, Nomadic Subjects: Embodiment and Sexual Difference in Contemporary Feminist Theory (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994); Camilla Griggers, Becoming-Woman in Postmodernity (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996); and Anna Camaiti Hostert, Passing (Rome: Castelvecchi, 1997).
14. Control and mutation are perhaps the defining themes of Cyberpunk fiction. It is sufficient to see the seminal text, William Gibson, Neuromancer (New York: Ace, 1984). The most fascinating explorations of these themes, however, are probably found in the novels of William Burroughs and the films of david Cronenberg. On Burroughs and Cronenberg, see Steve Shaviro, Doom Patrols: A Theoretical Fiction about Postmodernism (London: Serpent's Tail, 1997), pp. 101-121.
15. This counsel against normalized bodies and normalized lives was perhaps the central principle of F‚lix Guattari's therapeutic practice.
16. "The proletariat . . . appears as the heir to the nomad in the Western world. Not only did many anarchists invoke nomadic themes originating in the East, but the bourgeoisie above all were quick to equate proletarians and nomads, comparing Paris to a city haunted by nomads." Gilles Deleuze and F‚lix Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, trans. Brian Massumi (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987), p. 558, note 61.
17. See Antonio Negri's essay on Jacques Derrida's Specters of Marx, "The Specter's Smile," in Michael Spinker, ed., Ghostly Demarcations (London: Verso, 1999) pp. 5-16.
1. For sources on the imperialism debate from Kautsky to Lenin, see the excellent bibliography provided in Hans-Ulrich Wehler, ed., Imperialismus (Cologne: Kiepenheuer and Witsch, 1970), pp. 443-459. For the debates over imperialism that developed between the two World Wars and continued up to the 1960s, see the bibliography in Dieter Senghaas, ed., Imperialismus und strukturelle Gewalt (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1972), pp. 379-403. For a useful English-language summary of the debates, see Anthony Brewer, Marxist Theories of Imperialism: A Critical Survey (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1980).
2. Karl Marx, Grundrisse, trans. Martin Nicolaus (New York: Vintage, 1973), p. 408; subsequently cited in text. For Marx's discussion of the internal "barriers" of capitalist production, see also Capital, vol. 3, trans. David Fernbach (London: Penguin, 1981), pp. 349-375.
3. The following argument raises the specter of underconsumptionist theories, which argue that the inability to consume all the commodities produced is capitalism's fatal flaw and will necessarily lead to collapse. Many Marxist and non-Marxist economists have convincingly argued against any idea that the capitalist tendency to produce too much or consume too little will be catastrophic. For an evaluation of underconsumptionist arguments in Marx and Luxemburg, see Michael Bleaney, Under-consumption Theories (New York: International Publishers, 1976), pp. 102-119 and 186-201; and Ernest Mandel, Introduction to Karl Marx, Capital, vol. 2, trans. David Fernbach (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1977), pp. 69-77. See also Nikolai Bukharin's influential critique of Rosa Luxemburg in Imperialism and the Accumulation of Capital, ed. Kenneth Tarbuck, trans. RudolfWichmann (London: Allen Lane, 1972), pp. 151-270. We should point out that economic necessity based on quantitative calculations is sometimes the form but never the substance of Marx's or Luxemburg's arguments. Any necessity is really historical and social. What Marx and Luxemburg identified was an economic barrier that helps explain how capital has historically been driven or induced to expand, to move outside itself and incorporate new markets within its realm.
4. For Marx's analysis of the abstinence theory of capitalist consumption, see Capital, vol. 1, trans. Ben Fowkes (New York: Vintage, 1976), pp. 738-746, and Capital, 3:366.
5. "The total mass of commodities, the total product, must be sold, both that portion which replaces constant and variable capital and that which represents surplus-value. If this does not happen, or happens only partly, or only at prices that are less than the price of production, then although the worker is certainly exploited, his exploitation is not realized as such for the capitalist and may even not involve any realization of the surplus value extracted." Marx, Capital, 3:352.
6. Ibid., 3:353.
7. On the expansion of production and markets, see Marx, Grundrisse, p. 419; Capital, 1:910-911; 2:470-471; 3:349-355.
8. "The true barrier to capitalist production is capital itself." Marx, Capital, 3:358.
9. Rosa Luxemburg, The Accumulation of Capital, trans. Agnes Schwarzchild (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1968), pp. 365-366 and 467. Luxemburg's analysis of capitalist accumulation, her critiques of Marx, and her theory of the collapse of capitalism have all been highly contested ever since her book first appeared. For good summaries of the issues at stake, see Mandel's Introduction to Capital, 2:11-79, especially pp. 62- 69; Joan Robinson, Introduction to Luxemburg, The Accumulation of Capital, pp. 13-28; and Paul Sweezy, The Theory of Capitalist Development (New York: Oxford University Press, 1942), pp. 202-207.
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