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35. See our discussion of Foucault's notion of biopower in Section 1.2.
36. See primarily Max Weber, Economy and Society, 2 vols., trans. Guenther Roth and Claus Wittich (Berkeley: University of calif ornia Press, 1968).
37. Friedrich Nietzsche, Thus Spake Zarathustra, trans. Thomas Common (New York: Modern Library, 1967), chap. 35, "The Sublime Ones," p. 111.
2.2 SOVEREIGNTY OF THE NATION-STATE
1. For an extensive analysis of both the common form and the variants throughout Europe, see Perry Anderson, Lineages of the Absolutist State (London: New Left Books, 1974).
2. See Ernst Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies: A Study in Medieval Political Theology (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957); and his essay "Christus-Fiscus," in Synopsis: Festgabe fr Alfred Weber (Heidelberg: Verlag Lambert Schneider, 1948), pp. 223-235. See also Marc Leopold Bloch, The Royal Touch: Sacred Monarchy and Scrofula in England and France, trans. J. E. Anderson (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1972).
3. For an analysis that links the economic transition from feudalism to capitalism to the development of modern European philosophy, see Franz Borkenau, Der Uù bergang vom feudalen zum brgerlichen Weltbild: Studien zur Geschichte der Philosophie der Manufakturperiode (Paris: F‚lix Alcan, 1934). For an excellent discussion of the philosophical literature on this problematic, see Alessandro Pandol., Gen‚alogie et dialectique de la raison mercantiliste (Paris: L'Harmattan, 1996).
4. See Pierangelo Schiera, Dall'arte de governo alle scienze dello stato (Milan, 1968).
5. See Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983).
6. See tienne Balibar, "The Nation Form: History and Ideology," in tienne Balibar and Immanuel Wallerstein, Race, Nation, Class (London: Verso, 1991), pp. 86-106. See also Slavoj Zizek, "Le rˆve du nationalisme expliqu‚ par le rˆve du mal radical," Futur ant‚rieur, no. 14 (1992), pp. 59-82.
7. The relevant essays by Luxemburg are collected in Rosa Luxemburg, The National Question, ed. Horace Davis (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1976). For a careful summary of Luxemburg's positions, see Joan Cocks, "From Politics to Paralysis: Critical Intellectuals Answer the National Question," Political Theory, 24, no. 3 (August 1996), 518-537. Lenin was highly critical of Luxemburg's position primarily because she failed to recognize the "progressive" character of the nationalism (even the bourgeois nationalism) of subordinated countries. Lenin thus affirms the right to national self-determination, which is really the right to secession for all. See V. I. Lenin, The Right of Nations to Self-Determination (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1951), pp. 9-64.
8. Jean Bodin, Six Books of the Commonwealth, trans. M. J. Tooley (Oxford: Blackwell, 1955), Book VI, chap. 6, p. 212 (translation modified).
9. For excellent interpretations of Bodin's work that situate it solidly in the dynamics of sixteenth-century Europe, see Julian H. Franklin, Jean Bodin and the Rise of Absolutist Theory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973); and G‚rard Mairet, Dieu mortel: essai de non-philosophie de l'‚ tat (Paris: PUF, 1987). For a more general view that traces the development of the notion of sovereignty in the long history of European political thought, see G‚rard Mairet, Le principe de souverainet‚ (Paris: Gallimard, 1997).
10. See Friedrich Meinecke, Die Idee der Staatsr„son in der neueren Geschichte (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1924). See also the articles gathered by Wilhelm Dilthey in Weltanschauung und Analyse des Menschen seit Renaissance und Reformation, vol. 2 of Gesammelte Schriften (Leipzig: Teubner, 1914).
11. With the notable exception of the work by Otto von Gierke, The Development of Political Theory, trans. Bernard Freyd (New York: Norton, 1939).
12. See Friedrich Meinecke, Historicism: The Rise of a New Historical Outlook, trans. J. E. Anderson (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1972).
13. To recognize the seeds of Hegel's idealism in Vico, see Benedetto Croce, The Philosophy of Giambattista Vico, trans. R. G. Collingwood (New York: Russell and Russell, 1964); along with Hayden White, "What Is Living and What Is Dead in Croce's Criticism of vico," in Giorgio Tagliacozzo, ed., Giambattista Vico: An International Symposium (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1969), pp. 379-389. White emphasizes how Croce translated Vico's work into idealist terms, making Vico's philsophy of history into a philosophy of spirit.
14. See Giambattista Vico, De Universi Juris principio et fine uno, in Opere giuridiche (Florence: Sansoni, 1974), pp. 17-343; and Johann Gottfried Herder, reflections on the Philosophy of the History of Mankind, trans. Frank Manuel (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968).
15. Emmanuel-Joseph SieyŠs, in a rather different context, declares the absolute priority of the nation explicitly: "The nation exists prior to everything, it is the origin of everything." See Qu'est-ce que le Tiers ‚ tat? (Geneva: Droz, 1970), p. 180.
16. On the work of SieyŠs and the developments of the French Revolution, see Antonio Negri, Il potere costituente: saggio sulle alternative del moderno (Milan: Sugarco, 1992), chap. 5, pp. 223-286.
17. For an excellent analysis of the distinction between the multitude and the people, see Paolo Virno, "Virtuosity and Revolution: The Political Theory of Exodus," in Paolo Virno and Michael Hardt, eds., Radical Thought in Italy (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996), pp. 189-210.
18. Thomas Hobbes, De Cive (New York: Appleton Century-Crofts, 1949), Chapter XII, section 8, p. 135.
19. See tienne Balibar, "Racism and Nationalism," in tienne Balibar and Immanuel Wallerstein, Race, Nation, Class (London: Verso, 1991), pp. 37-67. We will return to the question of the nation in the colonial context in the next chapter.
20. See, for example, Robert Young, Colonial Desire: Hybridity in Theory, Culture, and Race (London: Routledge, 1995).
21. See SieyŠs, Qu'est-ce que le Tiers ‚ tat.
22. See Roberto Zapperi's Introduction, ibid., pp. 7-117.
23. Well over one hundred years later Antonio Gramsci's notion of the national-popular was conceived as part of an effort to recuperate precisely this hegemonic class operation in the service of the proletariat. For Gramsci, national-popular is the rubric under which intellectuals would be united with the people, and thus it is a powerful resource for the construction of a popular hegemony. See Antonio Gramsci, Quaderni del carcere (Turin: Einaudi, 1977), 3:2113-20. For an excellent critique of Gramsci's notion of the national-popular, see Alberto Asor Rosa, Scrittori e popolo, 7th ed. (Rome: Savelli, 1976).
24. Johann Gottlieb Fichte, Addresses to the German Nation, trans. R. F. Jones and G. H. Turnbull (Westport Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1979).
25. We should note that the various liberal interpretations of Hegel, from RudolfHaym to Franz Rosenzweig, only succeeded in recuperating his political thought by focusing on its national aspects. See Rudolf Haym, Hegel und sein Zeit (Berlin, 1857); Franz Rosenzweig, Hegel und der Staat (Munich, 1920); and Eric Weil, Hegel et l'‚ tat (Paris: Vrin, 1950). Rosenzweig is the one who best understands the tragedy of the unavoidable connection between the nation and ethicality in Hegel's thought. See Franz Rosenzweig, The Star of Redemption, trans. Willaim Hallo (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1971); and the excellent interpretation of it, St‚phane Moses, SystŠme et r‚v‚lation: la philosophie de Franz Rosenzweig (Paris: Seuil, 1982).
26. "[Socialists] must therefore unequivocally demand that the Social-Democrats of the oppressing countries (of the so-called "great" nations in particular) should recognize and defend the right of the oppressed nations to self-determination in the political sense of the word, i.e., the right to political separation." Lenin, The Right of Nations to Self-Determination, p. 65.
27. See Malcolm X, "The Ballot or the Bullet," in Malcolm X Speaks (New York: Pathfinder, 1989), pp. 23-44. For a discussion of Malcolm X's nationalism, particularly in his efforts to found the Organization of Afro-American Unity during the last year of his life, see William Sales, Jr., From Civil Rights to Black Liberation: Malcolm X and the Organization of Afro-American Unity (Boston: South End Press, 1994).
28. Wahneema Lubiano, "Black Nationalism and Black Common Sense: Policing Ourselves and Others," in Wahneema Lubiano, ed., The House That Race Built (New York: Vintage, 1997), pp. 232-252; quotation p. 236. See also Wahneema Lubiano, "Standing in for the State: Black Nationalism and 'Writing' the Black Subject," Alphabet City, no. 3 (October 1993), pp. 20-23.
29. The question of "black sovereignty" is precisely the issue at stake in Cedric Robinson's critique of W. E. B. Du Bois's support for Liberia in the 1920s and 1930s. Robinson believes that Du Bois had uncritically supported the forces of modern sovereignty. See Cedric Robinson, "W. E. B. Du Bois and Black Sovereignty," in Sidney Lemelle and Robin Kelley, eds., Imagining Home: Culture, Class, and Nationalism in the African Diaspora (London: Verso, 1994), pp. 145-157.
30. Jean Genet, "Interview avec Wischenbart," in Oeuvres complŠtes, vol. 6 (Paris: Gallimard, 1991), p. 282. In general, on Genet's experience with the Black Panthers and the Palestinians, see his final novel, Prisoner of Love, trans. Barbara Bray (Hanover, N.H.: Wesleyan University Press, 1992).
31. Benedict Anderson maintains that philosophers have unjustly disdained the concept of nation and that we should view it in a more neutral light. "Part of the difficulty is that one tends unconsciously to hypostatize the existence of Nationalism-with-a-big-N (rather as one might Age-with-a-capital-A) and then classify 'it' as an ideology. (Note that ifeveryone has an age, Age is merely an analytical expression.) It would, I think, make things easier ifone treated it as ifit belonged with 'kinship' and 'religion,' rather than with 'liberalism' or 'fascism.'" Anderson, Imagined Communities, p. 5. Everyone belongs to a nation, as everyone belongs to (or has) an age, a race, a gender, and so forth. The danger here is that Anderson naturalizes the nation and our belonging to it. We must on the contrary denaturalize the nation and recognize its historical construction and political effects.
32. On the relationship between class struggle and the two World Wars, see Ernst Nolte, Der Europ„ische Brgerkrieg, 1917-1945 (Frankfurt: Propyla ùen Verlag, 1987).
33. The primary text to be conidered in the context of austrian socialdemocratic theorists is Otto Bauer, Die Nationalit„tenfrage und die Sozialdemokratie (Vienna: Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1924). English translations of exerpts from this book are included in Austro-Marxism, trans. Tom Bottomore and Patrick Goode (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978).
34. See Joseph Stalin, "Marxism and the National Question," in Marxism and the National and Colonial Question (New York: International Publishers, 1935), pp. 3-61.
35. We adopt this term from, but do not follow in the political perspective of, J. L. Talmon, The Origins of Totalitarian Democracy (London: Secker and Warburg, 1952).
36. Cited in Roberto Zapperi's Introduction to SieyŠs, Qu'est-ce que le Tiers ‚ tat, pp. 7-117; quotation p. 77.
2.3 THE DIALECTICS OF COLONIAL SOVEREIGNTY
1. "The darker side of the Renaissance underlines . . . the rebirth of the classical tradition as a justification of colonial expansion." Walter Mignolo, The Darker Side of the Renaissance: Literacy, Territoriality, and Colonization (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995), p. vi.
2. Bartolom‚ de Las Casas, In Defense of the Indians, ed. Stafford Poole (De Kalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1974), p. 271. See also Lewis Hanke, All Mankind Is One: A Study of the Disputation between Bartolom‚ de Las Casas and Juan Gines de Sepulveda in 1550 on the Intellectual and Religious Capacity of the American Indians (De Kalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1974).
3. Quoted in C. L. R. James, The Black Jacobins, 2nd ed. (New York: Random House, 1963), p. 196.
4. Aim‚ C‚saire, Toussaint Louverture: la r‚volution fran‡aise et le problŠme colonial (Paris: Pr‚sence Africaine, 1961), p. 309.
5. See Eugene Genovese, From Rebellion to Revolution: Afro-American Slave Revolts in the Making of the Modern World (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1979), p. 88.
6. Karl Marx, Capital, trans. Ben Fowkes (New York: Vintage, 1976), 1:925.
7. Karl Marx, "The British Rule in India," in Surveys from Exile, vol. 2 of Political Writings (London: Penguin, 1973), p. 306.
8. Karl Marx, "The Native States," in Letters on India (Lahore: Contemporary India Publication, 1937), p. 51.
9. Marx, "The British Rule in India," p. 307.
10. Karl Marx, "The Future Results of British Rule in India" in Surveys from Exile, vol. 2 of Political Writings (London: Penguin, 1973), p. 320.
11. Aijaz Ahmad points out that Marx's description of Indian history seems to be taken directly from Hegel. See Aijaz Ahmad, In Theory: Classes, Nations, Literatures (London: Verso, 1992), pp. 231 and 241.
12. Marx, "The Future Results of British Rule in India," p. 320.
13. Robin Blackburn, The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, 1776-1848 (London: Verso, 1988), pp. 3 and 11.
14. See Elizabeth Fox Genovese and Eugene Genovese, Fruits of Merchant Capital: Slavery and Bourgeois Property in the Rise and Expansion of Capitalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983), p. vii.
15. Blackburn, The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, p. 8.
16. The relationship between wage labor and slavery in capitalist development is one of the central problematics elaborated in Yann Moulier Boutang, De l'esclavage au salariat: ‚conomie historique du salariat brid‚ (Paris: Presses universitaries de France, 1998).
17. This is one of the central arguments of Robin Blackburn's Overthrow of Colonial Slavery. See, in particular, p. 520.
18. Moulier Boutang, De l'esclavage au salariat, p. 5.
19. Franz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, trans. Constance Farrington (New York: Grove Press, 1963), p. 38. On the Manichaean divisions of the colonial world, see Abdul JanMohamed, "The Economy of Manichean Allegory: The Function of Racial Difference in Colonialist Literature," Critical Inquiry, 12, no. 1 (Autumn 1985), 57-87.
20. Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, p. 42.
21. Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage, 1978), pp. 4-5 and 104.
22. Cultural anthropology has conducted a radical self-criticism in the past few decades, highlighting how many of the strongest early veins of the discipline participated in and supported colonialist projects. The early classic texts of this critique are G‚rard Leclerc, Anthropologie et colonialisme: essai sur l'histoire de l'africanisme (Paris: Fayard, 1972); and Talal Asad, ed., Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter (London: Ithaca Press, 1973). Among the numerous more recent works, we found particularly useful Nicholaus Thomas, Colonialism's Culture: Anthropology, Travel, and Government (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994).
23. This argument is developed clearly in Valentin Mudimbe, The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy, and the Order of Knowledge (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988), see esp. pp. 64, 81, and 108.
24. Ranajit Guha, An Indian Historiography of India: A Nineteenth-Century Agenda and Its Implications (Calcutta: Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, 1988), p. 12.
25. An Inquiry into the causes of the insurrection of negroes in the island of St. Domingo London and Philadelphia: Crukshank, 1792), p. 5.
26. See Paul Gilroy, The Black Atlantic (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993), pp. 1-40.
27. See Franz Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann (New York: Grove Press, 1967), pp. 216-222.
28. Jean-Paul Sartre, "Black Orpheus," in "What Is Literature?" and Other Essays (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1988), p. 296.
29. Jean-Paul Sartre, "Preface," in Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, p. 20.
30. "In fact, negritude appears like the upbeat [le temps faible] of a dialectical progression: the theoretical and practical affirmation of white supremacy is the thesis; the position of negritude as an antithetical value is the moment of negativity. But this negative moment is not sufficient in itself, and these black men who use it know this perfectly well; they know that it aims at preparing the synthesis or realization of the human being in a raceless society. Thus, negritude is for destroying itself; it is a "crossing to" and not an "arrival at," a means and not an end." Sartre, "Black Orpheus," p. 327.
31. Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, p. 52.
32. Ibid., pp. 58-65.
33. See Malcolm X, "The Ballot or the Bullet," in Malcolm X Speaks (New York: Pathfinder, 1989), pp. 23-44.
34. We should remember that within the sphere of communist and socialist movements, the discourse of nationalism not only legitimated the struggle for liberation from colonial powers but also served as a means of insisting on the autonomy and differences of local revolutionary experiences from the models of dominant socialist powers. For example, Chinese nationalism was the banner under which Chinese revolutionaries could resist Soviet control and Soviet models, translating Marxism into the language of the Chinese peasantry (that is, into Mao Zedong thought). Similarly, in the subsequent period, revolutionaries from Vietnam to Cuba and Nicaragua insisted on the national nature of struggles in order to assert their autonomy from Moscow and Beijing.
35. Charter of the United Nations, Article 2.1, in Leland Goodrich and Edvard Hambro, Charter of the United Nations (Boston: World Peace Foundation, 1946), p. 339.
36. Partha Chatterjee, Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World: A Derivative Discourse? (London: Zed Books, 1986), p. 168.
CONTAGION
1. Louis-Ferdinand C‚line, Journey to the End of the Night, trans. Ralph Manheim (New York: New Directions, 1983), p. 145 (translation modified); subsequently cited in text.
2. See Cindy Patton, Global AIDS / Local Context, forthcoming; and John O'Neill, "AIDS as a Globalizing Panic," in Mike Featherstone, ed., Global Culture: Nationalism, Globalization, and Modernity (London: Sage, 1990), pp. 329-342.
2.4 SYMPTOMS OF PASSAGE
1. Arif Dirlik, The Postcolonial Aura: Third World Criticism in the Age of Global Capitalism (Boulder: Westview Press, 1997), pp. 52-83; quotation p. 77.
2. See, for example, Jane Flax, Thinking Fragments (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), p. 29.
3. For an explanation of how many postmodernist theorists conflate the varieties of modernist thought under the single rubric of "the Enlightenment," see Kathi Weeks, Constituting Feminist Subjects (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998), chap. 2.
4. bell hooks, Yearning: Race, Gender, and Cultural Politics (Boston: South End Press, 1990), p. 25.
5. Jane Flax, Disputed Subjects (London: Routledge, 1993), p. 91.
6. What is necessary for a postmodernist critique is first to identify what "modernist" means in the field and then to pose a successor paradigm that is in some way consistent with some form of postmodernist thinking. Consider, for example, a field that might at first sight seem an unlikely candidate for such an operation: public administration, that is, the study of bureaucracies. The modernist paradigm of research that dominates the field is defined by a "prescription of neutral public administration ascribed to Wilson (separation of politics from administration), Taylor (scientific management), and Weber (hierarchical command)." Charles Fox and Hugh Miller, Postmodern Public Administration: Toward Discourse (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage, 1995), p. 3. Scholars who are convinced that this paradigm is outdated and leads to undemocratic governmental practice can use postmodernist thinking as a weapon to transform the field. In this case, they propose "non-foundational discourse theory" as a postmodernist model that will create more active public interactions and thus democratize bureaucracy (p. 75).
7. See James Der Derian and Michael Shapiro, eds., International/Intertextual Relations: Postmodern Readings of World Politics (Lexington, Mass.: Lexington Books, 1989); Jim George, Discourses of Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations (Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publications, 1994); and Michael Shapiro and Hayward Alker, Jr., eds., Territorial Identities and Global Flows (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996).
8. Homi Bhabha, The Location of Culture (London: Routledge, 1994), p. 18.
9. Gyan Prakash, "Postcolonial Criticism and Indian Historiography," Social Text, no. 31/32 (1992), 8.
10. See Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism (New York: Vintage, 1993), pp. 282-303.
11. Edward Said, "Arabesque," New Statesman and Society, 7 (September 1990), 32.
12. Anders Stephanson gives an excellent account of the conceptions of the United States as a "new Jerusalem" in Manifest Destiny: American Expansionism and the Empire of Right (New York: Hill and Wang, 1995).
13. "Like most visions of a 'golden age,' the 'traditional family' . . . evaporates on close examination. It is an ahistorical amalgam of structures, values, and behaviors that never co-existed in the same time and place." Stephanie Coontz, The Way We Never Were: American Families and the Nostalgia Trap (New York: Basic Books, 1992), p. 9.
14. Fazlur Rahman, Islam and Modernity: Transformation of an Intellectual Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), p. 142.
15. "The fundamentalism of the humiliated Islamic world is not a tradition of the past but a postmodern phenomenon: the inevitable ideological reaction to the failure of Western modernization." Robert Kurz, "Die Krise, die aus dem Osten Kam," translated into Italian in L'onore perduto del lavoro, trans. Anselm Jappe and Maria Teresa Ricci (Rome: Manifestolibri, 1994), p. 16. More generally, on contemporary fallacies around notions of tradition and group identity, see Arjun Appadurai, "Life after Primordialism," in Modernity at Large (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996), pp. 139-157.
16. Akbar Ahmed, Postmodernism and Islam (New York: Routledge, 1992), p. 32.
17. Rahman, Islam and Modernity, p. 136.
18. Robert Reich, The Work of Nations (New York: Random House, 1992), pp. 8 and 3.
19. See Arjun Appadurai, "Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy," in Modernity at Large (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996), pp. 27-47.
20. See, for example, Jean Baudrillard, Selected Writings, ed. Mark Poster (Oxford: Blackwell, 1988); and Umberto Eco, Travels in Hyper-reality, trans. William Weaver (London: Picador, 1986), pp. 3-58.
21. Stephen Brown, Postmodern Marketing (London: Routledge, 1995), p. 157. Whereas marketing practice is postmodernist, Brown points out, marketing theory remains stubbornly "modernist" (which here means positivistic). Elizabeth Hirschman and Morris Holbrook also bemoan the resistance of marketing theory and consumer research to postmodernist thinking in Postmodern Consumer Research: The Study of Consumption as Text (Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage, 1992).
22. See George Yudice, "Civil Society, Consumption, and Governmentality in an Age of global Restructuring: An Introduction," Social Text, no. 45 (Winter 1995), 1-25.
23. William Bergquist, The Postmodern Organization: Mastering the Art of Irreversible Change (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1993), p. xiii. See also the essays in David Boje, Robert Gephart, Jr., and Tojo Joseph Thatchenkery, eds., Postmodern Management and Organizational Theory (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage, 1996).
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