Michael Hardt / Antonio Negri



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16. In English, see primarily the essays in Paolo Virno and Michael Hardt, eds., Radical Thought in Italy (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996). See also Christian Marazzi, Il posto dei calzini: la svolta linguistica dell'economia e i suoi effetti nella politica (Bellinzona: Edizioni Casagrande); and numerous issues of the French journal Futur ant‚rieur, particularly nos. 10 (1992) and 35-36 (1996). For an analysis that appropriates central elements of this project but ultimately fails to capture its power, see Andr‚ Gorz, MisŠre du pr‚sent, richesse du possible (Paris: Galil‚e, 1997).
17. The framework on which this line of inquiry is built is both its great wealth and its real limitation. The analysis must in effect be carried beyond the constraints of the "workerist" (operaista) analysis of capitalist development and the state-form. One of its limitations, for example, is highlighted by Gayatri Spivak, In Other Worlds: Essays in Cultural Politics (New York: Routledge, 1988), p. 162, who insists on the fact that the conception of value in this line of Marxist analysis may function in the dominant countries (including in the context of certain streams of feminist theory) but completely misses the mark in the context of the subordinated regions of the globe. Spivak's questioning is certainly extremely important for the problematic we are developing in this study. In fact, from a methodological point of view, we would say that the most profound and solid problematic complex that has yet been elaborated for the critique of biopolitics is found in feminist theory, particularly Marxist and socialist feminist theories that focus on women's work, affective labor, and the production of biopower. This presents the framework perhaps best suited to renew the methodology of the European "workerist" schools.
18. The theories of the "turbulence" of the international order, and even more of the new world order, which we cited earlier (see primarily the work of J. G. Ruggie), generally avoid in their explanation of the causes of this turbulence any reference to the contradictory character of capitalist relations. Social turbulence is considered merely a consequence of the international dynamics among state actors in such a way that turbulence can be normalized within the strict disciplinary limits of international relations. Social and class struggles are effectively hidden by the method of analysis itself. From this perspective, then, the "productive bios" cannot really be understood. The same is more or less the case for the authors of the world-systems perspective, who focus primarily on the cycles of the system and systemic crises (see the works of Wallerstein and Arrighi cited earlier). Theirs is in effect a world (and a history) without subjectivity.
What they miss is the function of the productive bios, or really the fact that capital is not a thing but a social relationship, an antagonistic relationship, one side of which is animated by the productive life of the multitude.
19. Giovanni Arrighi, The Long Twentieth Century (London: Verso, 1995), for example, claims such a continuity in the role of capitalist corporations. For an excellent contrasting view in terms of periodization and methodological approach, see Luciano Ferrari Bravo, "Introduzione: vecchie e nuove questioni nella teoria dell'imperialismo," in Luciano Ferrari Bravo, ed., Imperialismo e classe operaia multinazionale (Milan: Feltrinelli, 1975), pp. 7-70.
20. See, from the perspective of political analysis, Paul Kennedy, Preparing for the Twenty-first Century (New York: Random House, 1993); and from the perspective of economic topography and socialist critique, David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity (Oxford: Blackwell, 1989).
21. Marx, Capital, 1:742.
22. On this point the bibliography we could cite is seemingly endless. In effect, theories of advertising and consumption have been integrated (just in time) into the theories of production, to the point where we now have ideologies of "attention" posed as economic value! In any case, for a selection of the numerous works that touch on this field, one would do well to see Susan Strasser, Satisfaction Guaranteed: The Making of the American Mass Market (New York: Pantheon, 1989); Gary Cross, Time and Money: The Making of Consumer Culture (New York: Routledge, 1993); and, for a more interesting analysis from another perspective, The Project on Disney, Inside the Mouse (Durham: Duke University Press, 1995). The production of the producer, however, is not only the production of the consumer. It also involves the production of hierarchies, mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion, and so forth. It involves finally the production of crises. From this point of view, see Jeremy Rifkin, The End of Work: The Decline of Global Labor Force and the Dawn of the Postmarket Era (New York: Putnam, 1995); and Stanley Aronowitz and William DiFazio, The Jobless Future (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994).
23. We are indebted to Deleuze and Guattari and their A Thousand Plateaus for the most fully elaborated phenomenological description of this industrial-monetary-world-nature, which constitutes the first level of the world order.
24. See Edward Comor, ed., The Global Political Economy of Communication (London: Macmillan, 1994).
25. See Stephen Bradley, ed., Globalization, Technologies, and Competition: The Fusion of Computers and Telecommunications in the 90s (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Business School Press, 1993); and Simon Serfaty, The Media and Foreign Policy (London: Macmillan, 1990).
26. See Jrgen Habermas, Theory of Communicative Action, trans. Thomas McCarthy (Boston: Beacon Press, 1984). We discuss this relationship between communication and production in more detail in Section 3.4.
27. See Hardt and Negri, Labor of Dionysus, chaps. 6 and 7.
28. Despite the extremism of the authors presented in Martin Albrow and Elizabeth King, eds., Globalization, Knowledge, and Society (London: Sage, 1990), and the relative moderation of Bryan S. Turner, Theories of Modernity and Postmodernity (London: Sage, 1990), and Mike Featherstone, ed., Global Culture, Nationalism, Globalization, and Modernity (London: Sage, 1991), the differences among their various positions are really relatively minor. We should always keep in mind that the image of a "global civil society" is born not only in the minds of certain postmodernist philosophers and among certain followers of Habermas (such as Jean Cohen and Andrew Arato), but also and more importantly in the Lockean tradition of international relations. This latter group includes such important theorists as Richard Falk, David Held, Anthony Giddens, and (in certain respects) Danilo Zolo. On the concept of civil society in the global context, see Michael Walzer, ed., Toward a Global Civil Society (Providence: Berghahn Books, 1995).
29. With the iconoclastic irony of Jean Baudrillard's more recent writings such as The Gulf War Did Not Take Place, trans. Paul Patton (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995), a certain vein of French postmodernism has gone back to a properly surrealist framework.
30. There is an uninterrupted continuity from the late cold war notions of "democracy enforcing" and "democratic transition" to the imperial theories of "peace enforcing." We have already highlighted the fact that many moral philosophers supported the GulfWar as a just cause, whereas juridical theorists, following the important lead of Richard Falk, were generally opposed. See, for example, Richard Falk, "Twisting the U.N. Charter to U.S. Ends," in Hamid Mowlana, George Gerbner, and Herbert Schiller, eds., Triumph of the Image: The Media's War in the Persian Gulf (Boulder: Westview Press, 1992), pp. 175-190. See also the discussion of the GulfWar in Danilo Zolo, Cosmopolis: Prospects for World Government, trans. David McKie (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1997).
31. For a representative example, see Richard Falk, Positive Prescriptions for the Future, World Order Studies Program occasional paper no. 20 (Princeton: Center for International Studies, 1991). To see how NGOs are integrated into this more or less Lockean framework of "global constitutionalism," one should refer to the public declarations of Antonio Cassese, president of the United Nations Criminal Court in Amsterdam, in addition to his books, International Law in a Divided World (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), and Human Rights in a Changing World (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1990).
32. Even the proposals to reform the United Nations proceed more or less along these lines. For a good bibliography of such works, see Joseph Preston Baratta, Strengthening the United Nations: A Bibliography on U.N. Reform and World Federalism (New York: Greenwood, 1987).
33. This is the line that is promoted in some of the strategic documents published by the U.S. military agencies. According to the present Pentagon doctrine, the project of the enlargement of market democracy should be supported by both adequate microstrategies that are based on (both pragmatic and systemic) zones of application and the continual identification of critical points and fissures in the antagonistic strong cultural blocs that would lead toward their dissolution. In this regard, see the work of Maurice Rounai of the Strategic Institute in Paris. See also the works on U.S. interventionism cited in Section 1.1, note 28.
34. One should refer, once again, to the work of Richard Falk and Antonio Cassese. We should emphasize, in particular, how a "weak" conception of the exercise of judicial functions by the U.N. Court of Justice has gradually, often under the influence of Left political forces, been transformed into a "strong" conception. In other words, there is a passage from the demand that the Court of Justice be invested with the functions of judicial sanction that come under the authority of the U.N. structure to the demand that the court play a direct and active role in the decisions of the U.N. and its organs regarding norms of parity and material justice among states, to the point of carrying out direct intervention in the name of human rights.
35. See Max Weber, Economy and Society, trans. Guenther Roth and Claus Wittich (Berkeley: University of calif ornia Press, 1968), vol. 1, chap. 3, sec. 2, "The Three Pure Types of authority," pp. 215-216.
1.3 ALTERNATIVES WITHIN EMPIRE
1. We mean to "flirt with Hegel" here the way Marx described in the famous postscript to volume 1 of Capital (trans. Ben Fowkes [New York: Vintage, 1976]) of January 24, 1873 (pp. 102-103). As they did to Marx, Hegel's terms seem useful to us to frame the argument, but quickly we will run up against the real limit of their utility.
2. This presentation is admittedly simplified, and many studies present much more sophisticated discussions of place. It seems to us, however, that these political analyses always come back to a notion of "defending" or "preserving" the bounded local identity or territory. Doreen Massey argues explicitly for a politics of place in which place is conceived not as bounded but as open and porous to flows beyond, in Space, Place, and Gender (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), in particular p. 5. We would contend, however, that a notion of place that has no boundaries empties the concept completely of its content. For an excellent review of the literature and an alternative conception of place, see Arif Dirlik, "Place-based Imagination: Globalism and the Politics of Place," unpublished manuscript.
3. We will return to the concept of the nation at greater length in Section 2.2.
4. "I view location as a fundamental material attribute of human activity but recognize that location is socially produced." David Harvey, The Limits of Capital (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), p. 374. Arjun Appadurai also discusses "the production of locality" in a way consistent with Harvey and with our argument in Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996), pp. 178-199.
5. Erich Auerbach, Mimesis: The Representation of Reality in Western Literature, trans. Willard Trask (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1953).
6. This methodological connection between critique and construction that rests firmly on the basis of a collective subject was articulated well in Marx's own historical writings and developed by various traditions of heterodox Marxist historiography in the twentieth century, such as the work of E. P. Thompson, the Italian workerist writers, and the South Asian subaltern historians.
7. See, for example, Guy Debord's Society of the Spectacle, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith (New York: Zone Books, 1994), which is perhaps the best articulation, in its own delirious way, of the contemporary consciousness of the triumph of capital.
8. For a good example of this deconstructionist method that demonstrates its virtues and its limitations, see the work of Gayatri Spivak, in particular her introduction to Ranajit Guha and Gayatri Spivak, eds., Selected Subaltern Studies (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), pp. 3-32.
9. See Arif Dirlik, "Mao Zedong and 'Chinese Marxism,'" in Saree Makdisi, Cesare Casarino, and Rebecca Karl, eds., Marxism beyond Marxism (New York: Routledge, 1996), pp. 119-148. See also ArifDirlik, "Modernism and Antimodernism in Mao Zedong's Marxism," in ArifDirlik, Paul Healy, and Nick Knight, eds., Critical Perspectives on Mao Zedong's Thought (Atlantic Heights, N.J.: Humanities Press, 1997), pp. 59-83.
10. On the tactical ambiguities of the "national politics" of the socialist and communist parties, see primarily the work of the Austro-Marxists, such as Otto Bauer's Die Nationalit„tenfrage und die Sozialdomocratie (Vienna: Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1924); and Stalin's influential "Marxism and the National Question," in Marxism and the National and Colonial Question (New York: International Publishers, 1935), pp. 3-61. We will return to these authors in Section 2.2. For a special and particularly interesting case, see Enzo Traverso, Les marxistes et la question juive (Paris: La BrŠche, 1990).
11. On the cycle of anti-imperialist struggles in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (seen from the Chinese perspective), see Rebecca Karl, Staging the World: China and the Non-West at the Turn of the Twentieth Century (Durham: Duke University Press, forthcoming).
12. On the hypothesis that struggles precede and prefigure capitalist development and restructuring, see Antonio Negri, Revolution Retrieved (London: Red Notes, 1988).
13. This notion of the proletariat might thus be understood in Marx's own terms as the personification of a strictly economic category, that is, the subject of labor under capital. As we redefine the very concept of labor and extend the range of activities understood under it (as we have done elsewhere and will continue to do in this book), the traditional distinction between the economic and the cultural breaks down. Even in Marx's most economistic formulations, however, proletariat must be understood really as a properly political category. See Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Labor of Dionysus (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), pp. 3-21; and Antonio Negri, "Twenty Theses of Marx," in Saree Makdisi, Cesare Casarino, and Rebecca Karl, eds., Marxism beyond Marxism (New York: Routledge, 1996), pp. 149-180.
14. See Michael Hardt, "Los Angeles Novos," Futur ant‚rieur, no. 12/13 (1991), 12-26.
15. See Luis Gomez, ed., Mexique: du Chiapas … la crise financiŠre, Supplement, Futur ant‚rieur (1996).
16. See primarily Futur ant‚rieur, no. 33/34, Tous ensemble! R‚flections sur les luttes de novembre-d‚cembre (1996). See also Raghu Krishnan, "December 1995: The First Revolt against Globalization," Monthly Review, 48, no. 1 (May 1996), 1-22.
17. Karl Marx, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (New York: International Publishers, 1963), p. 121.
18. See Gilles Deleuze, "Postscript on Control Societies," in Negatiations, trans. Martin Joughin (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), pp. 177-182.
19. In opposition to the theories of the "weakest link," which not only were the heart of the tactics of the Third International but also were largely adopted by the anti-imperialist tradition as a whole, the Italian operaismo movement of the 1960s and 1970s proposed a theory of the "strongest link." For the fundamental theoretical thesis, see Mario Tronti, Operai e capitale (Turin: Einaudi, 1966), esp. pp. 89-95.
20. One can find ample and continuous documentation of these techniques of disinformation and silencing in publications ranging from Le Monde Diplomatique to Z Magazine and the Covert Action Bulletin. Noam Chomsky has tirelessly worked to unveil and counter such disinformation in his numerous books and lectures. See, for example, Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky, Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of Mass Media (New York: Pantheon, 1988). The GulfWar presented an excellent example of the imperial management of communication. See W. Lance Bennett and David L. Paletz, eds., Taken by Storm: The Media, Public Opinion, and U.S. Foreign Policy in the Gulf War (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994); and Douglas Kellner, The Persian Gulf TV War (Boulder: Westview Press, 1992).
21. This operation of flattening the struggles in the form of an inverted homology with the system is adequately represented by the (in other respects quite impressive and important) work of Immanuel Wallerstein and the world systems school. See, for example, Giovanni Arrighi, Terence Hopkins, and Immanuel Wallerstein, Antisystemic Movements (London: Verso, 1989).
22. Keeping in mind the limitations we mentioned earlier, one should refer here to the work of F‚lix Guattari, particularly the writings of his final period such as Chaosmosis, trans. Paul Bains and Julian Pefanis (Sydney: Power Publications, 1995).
POLITICAL MANIFESTO
1. Louis Althusser, "Machiavel et nous," in ‚ crits philosophiques et politiques, vol. 2, ed. Fran‡ois Matheron (Paris: Stock/IMEC, 1995), pp. 39-168; subsequently cited in text.
2. See Baruch Spinoza, Theologico-Political Treatise, vol. 1 of Chief Works, trans. R. H. M. Elwes (New York: Dover, 1951).
2.1 TWO EUROPES, TWO MODERNITIES
1. Robert Musil, The Man without Qualities, trans. Sophie Wilkins (New York: Knopf, 1995), 2:1106.
2. Johannes Duns Scotus, Opus Oxoniense, Book IV, Distinctio XIII, Quaestio I, in Opera Omnia, vol. 8 (Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1969), p. 807.
3. Dante Alighieri, De Monarchia, ed. Louis Bertalot (Frankfurt: Friedrichsdorf, 1918), Book I, chap. 4, p. 14.
4. Nicholas of Cusa, "Complementum theologicum," in Opera, vol. 2 (Frankfurt: Minerva, 1962), chap. 2, fol. 93b (facsimile reproduction of edition edited by Jacques Le Fevre [Paris: 1514]).
5. Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, Of Being and Unity, trans. Victor Hamm (Milwaukee: Marquette Univesity Press, 1943), pp. 21-22.
6. Carolus Bovillus (Charles de Bovelles), Il libro del sapiente, ed. Eugenio Garin (Turin: Einaudi, 1987), chap. 22, p. 73.
7. Francis Bacon, Works, ed. James Spalding, Robert Ellis, and Donald Heath (London: Longman and Co., 1857), 1:129-130.
8. Galileo Galilei, Opere (Florence: G. BerbŠra Editore, 1965), 7:128-129.
9. William of Ockham, A Short Discourse on the Tyrannical Government, trans. John Kilcullen (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), Book III, chap. 16, p. 104. The translator renders the phrase "multitudo fidelium" as "congregation of the faithful."
10. See Marsilius of Padua, Defensor Pacis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1928).
11. This revolutionary aspect of the origins of modernity can be read in its clearest and most synthetic form in the work of Spinoza. See Antonio Negri, The Savage Anomaly, trans. Michael Hardt (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1991).
12. The various nineteenth- and twentieth-century philosophical frameworks of negative thought, from Nietzsche to Heidegger and Adorno, are fundamentally right to foresee the end of modern metaphysics and to link modernity and crisis. What these authors generally do not recognize, however, is that there are two modernities at play here and that the crisis is a direct result of their conflict. For this reason they are unable to see the alternatives within modernity that extend beyond the limits of modern metaphysics. On negative thought and crisis, see Massimo Cacciari, Krisis: saggio sulla crisis del pensiero negativo da Nietzsche a Wittgenstein (Milan: Feltrinelli, 1976).
13. On these passages in European modernity, see Ernst Bloch, The Principle of Hope, 3 vols., trans. Neville Plaice, Stephen Plaice, and Paul Knight (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1986); and (in a completely different intellectual and hermeneutic context) Reinhart Koselleck, Critique and Crisis: Enlightenment and the Pathogenesis of Modern Society (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1988).
14. Samir Amin, Eurocentrism, trans. Russell Moore (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1989), pp. 72-73.
15. Baruch Spinoza, Ethics, in The Collected Works of Spinoza, ed. Edwin Curley, vol. 1 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), Part IV, Proposition 67, p. 584.
16. Ibid., Part V, Proposition 37, p. 613.
17. Our discussion draws on the work of Ernst Cassirer, The Philosophy of the Enlightenment, trans. Fritz C. A. Koelln and James P. Pettegrove (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1951); Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno, Dialectic of Enlightenment, trans. John Cumming (New York: Continuum, 1972); and Michel Foucault, "What Is Enlightenment?" in Ethics: Subjectivity and Truth, vol. 1 of The Essential Works of Foucault 1954-1984, ed. Paul Rabinow (New York: New Press, 1997), pp. 303-319.
18. See Jacques Chevalier, Pascal (Paris: Plon, 1922), p. 265.
19. Ren‚ Descartes, "Letter to Mersenne (15 April 1630)," in Philosophical Letters, ed. Anthony Kenny (Oxford: Blackwell, 1970), p. 11. For the original French version, see Oeuvres complŠtes, ed. Charles Adam and Paul Tannery (Paris: Vrin, 1969), 1:145.
20. See Antonio Negri, Descartes politico o della ragionevole ideologia (Milan: Feltrinelli, 1970).
21. For a more recent example that continues along this transcendental line of European complacency, see Massimo Cacciari, Geo-filosofia dell'Europa (Milan: Adelphi, 1994).
22. See Arthur Schopenhauer, The World as Will and Representation, trans. E. F. J. Payne, 2 vols. (New York: Dover, 1966).
23. Ibid., "Preface to the Second Edition," p. xxi.
24. G. W. F. Hegel, Elements of the Philosophy of Right, trans. H. B. Nisbet, ed. Allen Wood (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), õ258 Addition, p. 279 (translation modified).
25. Thomas Hobbes, The Elements of Law (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1928), Part II, Book 10, paragraph 8, p. 150.
26. Jean Bodin, On Sovereignty: Four Chapters from the Six Books of the Commonwealth, ed. and trans. Julian Franklin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), p. 23 (from Book I, chap. 8).
27. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, On the Social Contract, in The Collected Writings of Rousseau, vol. 4, ed. Roger Master and Christopher Kelly (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1994), Book I, chap. 6, p. 138.
28. See Bodin, On Sovereignty.
29. C. B. Macpherson, The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1962).
30. See ArifDirlik, The Postcolonial Aura (Boulder: Westview Press, 1997).
31. Adam Smith, The Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976), Book IV, chap. ii, paragraph 9, p. 456.
32. Ibid., Book IV, Chapter ix, paragraph 51, p. 687.
33. Hegel, Elements of the Philosophy of Right, õ261, p. 283.
34. See Michel Foucault, "La 'gouvernementalit‚,'" in Dits et ‚crits (Paris: Gallimard, 1994), 3:635-657.
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