110. Eusebius, HE, VII, 30, 19 [Hornus translation]. On the real significance of Aurelian's expulsion of Paul from the see of Antioch, see G. Bardy, Paul de Samosate, 2nd ed. (Louvain, 1929), 358-363.
111. Eusebius, HE, VIII, 1, 2.
112. Ibid., VI, 5, 3 and VI, 21, 4. See also p. 22 above. 113. Ibid., VIII, 14, 11.
114. Ibid., IX, 10, 3.
115. The excessiveness of Eusebius's eulogies of Constantine is obvious (Milburn, Early Christian Interpretations, 66 ff. ). As to Licinius, he was the initial object of Eusebius's flattery when he, at a time when Constantine's position was still undecided, appeared to be the Christians' real protector (Moreau, La Persécution, 129, 133 ff.). But afterwards, when Constantine had come out in favor of the Christians and Licinius had thus been led to acts which the Constantinians presented as religious persecution, no insult against Licinius could be too caustic. Milburn praised Eusebius for historical honesty in not deleting the eulogies of Licinius from the later editions of his History of the Church, to which he however added some vehement attacks upon the former emperor. It is true that Eusebius inadvertently failed to delete some plural pronouns which imply praise of Licinius (e.g., HE, X, 4, 60 [quoted by Milburn, 201 n. ], or X, 2, 2). But in most cases Eusebius revised his work quite drastically. This applies to HE, IX, 9, 1, which however is the only example (apart from the one cited above) that Milburn gave of Eusebius's objectivity (Milburn, 201 n.). It also applies to HE, IX, 10, 3: whereas later editions read "the prince of that time," the first edition unambiguously spelled out "Licinius." Identical corrections occur elsewhere in the HE which have been indicated in the editions of G. Bardy and E. Grapin (HL, II, xxiv-xxxvii, especially xxxi-xxxiii): HE, VIII, 17, 5; table of contents of book IX (Bardy, III, 43; Grapin, HL, XVII, 304); IX, 9a, 12; IX, 10, 3; IX, 11, 8. Eusebius has deliberately deleted the text which later came to be called the Edict of Milan, whose author was Licinius (HE, X, 5, 1-14; see J. Moreau, "Notes d'Histoire romaine," AUS, 2 , 103). In at least one other case there is evidence that he has "arranged" history (cf. J. Moreau, "Vérité historique et Propagande politique chez Lactance et dans la Vita Constantini," AUS, 4 , 95-96; see also R. Laqueur, Eusebius als Historiker seiner Zeit [Berlin-Leipzig, 1929]). The references to Licinius which Eusebius expunged from the later editions of the HE can fortunately be restored thanks to the
survival of certain manuscripts which he had not corrected. In sum, it is clear that the so-called "objectivity" which others have eulogized in Eusebius's work was manifestly only the result of his failure systematically to carry out his damnatio memoriae. Sirinelli (pp. 23-24), who reviewed once again the difficult question of the chronology of the various editions of the HE, argued that Eusebius must have finished the first editing by 312 and the last editing by 324. During these twelve years "out of a simple ecclesiastical chronicle, it [the HE] became a study of contemporary politics as well as a reflection on the meaning of history in the making" (Sirinelli, 434-436).
116. E. Honigmann, Patristic Studies (Vatican City, 1953), 6.
117. J. Moreau, "Les Litterae Licinii," AUS, 2 (1953), 100-105; Moreau, "Notes," 102-105. H. Grégoire had already pointed out ("La `Conversion' de Constantin," Revue de l' Université de Bruxelles, 36 [1930-1931], 259, 261-263) that it was only in 313 that a clear confrontation between paganism and Christianity took place, "but that the champion of Christianity was not Constantine; it was Licinius." It was the latter who at Nicomedia posted the edict which has been "commonly called ... the Edict of Milan and obstinately attributed to Constantine." But J.-R. Palanque, who espoused this view with certain shades of difference in two works ("A propos du Prétendu Edit de Milan," Byz, 10 , 607-616; J.-R. Palanque, G. Bardy, et al., The Church in the Roman Empire, transl. E. C. Messenger [London, 1949-1952], I, 10-12), has shown a tendency to return to the classical thesis in his "Constantin, Empereur chrétien, d'aprés ses Récents Historiens," Etudes médiévales offertes d M. le Doyen Fliche (Montpellier, 1952), 134. A similar traditional assessment is found in H. Dörries, Constantine the Great, transl. R. H. Bainton (New York, 1972 ), 44-47.
118. See below, pp. 208-211. 119. Eusebius, HE, IV, 26, 6-11. 120. See above, p. 32.
121. Origen, Contra Celsum, II, 30. On the connections between the Pax Romana and the gospel, which for some authors was a positive relationship and for others (particularly Hippolytus, with whom I shall be dealing later) was decidedly negative, see E. Peterson, Der Monotheismus als politisches Problem (Leipzig, 1935), especially 66 ff. For even more extensive treatments of this subject, see E. Preuschen, Analekta, I: Staat und Christentum bis auf Konstantin, 2nd ed. (Tübingen, 1909); H. Berkhof, Kirche und Kaiser (Zürich, 1947); W. Hartke, Römische Kinderkaiser (Berlin, 1951); and Parker, Christianity and the State.
122. Pseudo-Justin, Exhortation, 17.
123. Sirinelli, 111-113, 133-134. We shall again encounter this lack of responsible theological thinking in Eusebius.
124. Eusebius, Demonstratio Evangelica, III, 7, 35, quoted by Sirinelli, 450.
125. Eusebius, Demonstratio Evangelica, VI, 20, which Sirinelli (p. 451) dated from 315 or a little later. Sirinelli devoted a chapter (pp. 388-411) to the theme of this "coincidence between empire and incarnation." Reluctant though he was to recognize any major significance in Eusebius's thought on this point, he traced with clarity the outlines of the entire tradition.
126. John Chrysostom, Commentary on Isaiah, 2, 4. 127. Idem, Homilies on St. Matthew, 75, 2.
128. Lactantius, De Ira Dei, 17, 6-7. See also the remainder of chapter 17. 129. Ibid., 23, 10.
130. Lactantius, Div. Institutiones, I, 1, 15. From the context it is clear that Lactantius meant this sentence to indicate that God was siding with Constantine and against his adversaries.
131. "Daia . . . obtained authority to trample underfoot and oppress the empire of the East; a person ignorant alike of war and of civil affairs, and from a herdsman become the leader of armies" (Lactantius, De Mort. Pers., 19, 6).
132. Lactantius, Div. Institutiones, I, 1, 13. 133. Lactantius, De Mort. Pers., 18, 10.
134. A good summary of the period 306-323, during which the system of the Tetrarchy collapsed in confusion, can be found in Moreau, La Persécution, 125 ff.
135. Lactantius, De Mort. Pers., 44-48. See Moreau's edition of this work (SCH, XXXIX, ii [Paris, 1954], 433-436) for a discussion of the meaning of the signum Dei on the Milvian Bridge. The bibliography on this subject is too extensive to summarize here; Moreau treats it especially well in his edition. For his discussion of the Edict of Milan, see ibid., 458. In Chapter 6 I shall comment further on the historical falsity of Lactantius's views.
136. Lactantius, Div. Institutiones, V, 9, 15-17.
137. Basil of Caesarea, Moralia, 79, 1-2; idem, Homilies on the Psalms, 1, 14. 138. Mansi, I, col. 46.
139. Mart. Pol., 10, 2 (Musurillo, 11).
140. John Chrysostom, Commentary on the Psalms, 148, 4-5; idem, Homilies on the Epistle to the Romans, 23, 2.
141. Origen, Contra Celsum, I, 3.
142. Sirinelli, 417. At this stage Eusebius was merely quoting the explanations put forward by the Christian communities of Lyons and Smyrna. He never adhered to these himself. What interested him was already solely the prowess of the martyrs (Ibid., 418).
143. Ibid., 445.
439. The sole exception was Maximinus, against whom Eusebius had a highly personal argument.
145. Ibid., 440.
146. Eusebius, Demonstratio Evangelica, III, 7, 39. 147. Sirinelli, 452 ff.
148. Lactantius, Div. Institutiones, V, 12.
149. For an excellent survey (with exhaustive bibliographies) of the empire's persecutions of the Christians, see J. Vogt and H. Last, "Christenverfolgung," in RACh, II, cols.1159-1228. Another lucid recent study of manageable proportions is J. Moreau, La Persécution. An important work by H. Grégoire (Les Persécutions dans l'Empire romain [Brussels, 1951]) stimulated a constructive debate with E. de Moreau ("Le Nombre des Martyrs des Persécutions romaines," NRTh, 73 , 812-832). Both authors further developed their points of view under the joint title of "Nouvelles Observations sur le Nombre des Martyrs," BARB, 38 (1952), 37-70. Personally I subscribe to the finely worked out views of Parker, who regretted that a sort of Hegelian dialectic had led from one obviously false thesis (of Christians undergoing three centuries of uninterrupted terror) to an antithesis which was just as false (of Christians during the same period enjoying a wonderful life free from all difficulties) (Parker, Christianity and the State, 22 ff. ). Parker then proceeded to give several historical examples of what the life of the whole community within a hostile state may really have been like (Ibid., 26-28).
150. Lactantius, De Ira Dei, 20, 7. 151. Cyprian, Ad Dem., 11.
152. Ibid., 2 and 5.
153. Pseudo-Cyprian, Quod Idola, 4 ff. 154. Origen, Contra Celsum, IV, 70, 72.
155. Pseudo-Melito, 10.
156. Irenaeus, Ado. Haeres., V. 30.
157. Ascension of Isaiah, 4, 2, 6, 7, 8, and 11. The Sybilline Oracles, III, 63, also made a close connection between Belial as the future manifestation of Satan and the emperors. Commodian (Carmen Apologeticum, 805 ff., 887, 891, 933, 935) also saw Nero as an eternal symbol of the bloody dictator, whose imminent return he proclaimed-for an exemplary punishment.
158. Apocraphal Acts of St. John, 36 (end).
159. Cadoux (Early Christian Attitude, 241 ) did not exclude this hypothesis in this particular case.
160. Eusebius, HE, VIII, 6, 8.
161. Tertullian, Ad Nat., II, 9. Here, as often, Tertullian-who in the present case was depending upon Horatius-made use of a theme which he had already found in the Latin pagan writers.
162. Tertullian, Adv. lud., 9. Cf. his Adv.,Marc., III, 13, where he already used the same expressions.
163. Tertullian, De Fuga, 12.
164. "Whatever is not God's can belong to nobody but the devil," Tertullian commented, speaking of the pagan magistrates. "The demons are the magistrates of this world. They [i.e., the magistrates and demons] carry the fasces and wear the purple of one and the same college" (De Idololatria, 18). Tertullian also stated (De Spec., 7) that Rome was the place where the demons assembled. For an important study of Tertullian's convictions concerning Christian participation in military service, see W. Rordorf ("Tertullians Beurteilung des Soldatenstandes," VC, 23 , 105-141; for comment upon De Idol., 18, see pp. 108-109), which was published too late for me to use it in this revised edition.
165. Tertullian, De Corona, 13. For the significance of pompa diaboli, see J. H Waszink, "Pompa Diaboli," VC, 1 (1947), 15-41.
166. G. Bardy, intro. to Hippolytus of Rome, Cammentary on Daniel, SCH, XIV ( 1947), 24.
167. Hippolytus, Commentary on Daniel, III, 8, 9. 168. Ibid., IV, 8, 7-8.
169. Ibid., IV, 9, 2. In striking contrast, Eusebius maintained that, even if the devils had had total dominion over pre-Christian history, their reign had been wholly ended by the coming of Jesus (Sirinelli, 323-326).
170. Hippolytus, Commentary on Daniel, IV, 35; Eusebius, Demonstratio Evangelica, VIII, 2, 9-45.
171. On the various patristic exegeses of these seventy weeks and the consensus which was finally reached to make them end with the birth of Christ, see DTC, IV (1911), cols. 75-79.
172. Sirinelli, 464. With reference to the exegesis of the "seventy weeks" (pp. 459-465), Sirinelli showed that if Eusebius borrowed the eschatologists' interpretation, while their earlier adversaries had rejected it, it was in order to deprive the eschatologists of one of their most effective weapons. While accepting that the last "week" did not end with the birth of Christ, Eusebius made it end with his death. After Jesus Christ's time, therefore, history was all that remained for the future. As a result, there was no external standpoint left from which to judge history. It is beyond dispute that apocalyptic illuminism can at times lead to puzzling mistakes (see, for instance, Bardy's intro. to Hippolytus's Commentary on Daniel, SCH, XIV, 11 ff.). But Hippolytus was writing precisely to provide a safeguard against such divagations. His interpretation was thus not that of an irresponsible fanatic. It was that of a theolo
gian who, however learned, remained aware that the history of the present world was to culminate in an end which was already judging it.
173. We are not dealing here with biblical theology. Let us merely recall that in 2 Thessalonians 2:6-7 Paul speaks of the thing and the man whose actions for a moment restrain "the mystery of lawlessness." Most commentators, from the early Fathers onwards, have seen these as the empire and the emperor (Goguel, Birth, 445). O. Cullmann has been almost alone in seeing them as the preaching of the gospel to the heathen and as the man carrying this out (i.e., St. Paul himself) (" Le Caractère eschatologique du Devoir missionaire et de la Conscience apostolique de Saint Paul," RHPR, 16 [ 1936], 244-245; idem, Christ and Time: The Primitive Christian Conception of Time and History, rev. ed. [London, 1962], 164-165; idem, The State, 52 n.). The two interpretations, however, are not as much in conflict as appears at first sight. In fact, the unity of the empire, with the material and intellectual opportunities for communication which it afforded and which I have stressed above, provided a providential framework for the propagation of the gospel (cf. E. F. Scott, Man and Society in the New Testament [New York, 1946], 171). So it can be admitted that for St. Paul the empire was opposed to the Antichrist, whether because it was itself the "restrainer" which gave time for the spread of the preaching of the gospel, or whether it simply enabled preaching, the activity of which may also have been the primary meaning of the word "restrainer." For the non-Christian context of this idea, see Cerfaux and Tondriau Concurrent, 389.
174. Tertullian, Apology, 32, I. See also his De Res. Carnis, 24, which in effect amounts to a repetition with a few verbal alterations of the text of 2 Thessalonians 2 along with some glosses, all of which is suffused with the clear intention of transforming a rather enigmatic text into a direct and unequivocal designation of the Roman empire. On Tertullian's political position in general, see the interesting remarks of Ryan, "Rejection," 17-18.
175. M. Dibelius, "Rom und die Christen im ersten Jahrhundert," in his Botschaft und Geschichte, Gesammelte Aufsätze, ed. G. Bornkamm (Tübingen, 19531956), II, 186-187. Dibelius viewed Tertullian's position as a misunderstanding of St. Paul's thinking and as a very unattractive "petit bourgeois" search for quietist. Certainly St. Paul was far less precise than Tertullian in his identification, and certainly the whole of his thinking was directed toward the dynamism of the preaching of the gospel, not toward the problem of preserving a political reality. I find, even so, that Dibble's overstated his case and that Tertullian's contentions contained real insights into Pauline thought.
176. "The Antichrist will be proud, he will feed on war and be a bold enough tyrant to raise himself above God. He will swell with pride because of his army, he will sack the fortresses of his enemies. . . . He will utter monstrous words against God, and he will want everyone to adore him alone, like the one God." He will destroy Tyre, Egypt, Libya, Ethiopia, and will reign over Jerusalem. He will declare himself king of the Jews. "It is he whom the unbelievers adore as God. They will bend the knee before him, taking him for the Christ because they will not remember the word of the prophet who called him an imposter and cheat" (Hippolytus, Commentary on Daniel, IV, 49, 1, 4-5). Several of these points could be applied to the empire. The passage which I quote in the main text, immediately after this footnote (Commentary on Daniel, IV, 17, 7-8), however, proves that they referred not to the empire but to one of its adversaries.
177. Hippolytus, Commentary on Daniel, IV, 17, 8. 178. Ibid., IV, 17, 7.
179. Ibid., IV, 21, 3. The word ** with which Hippolytus designated
the Deceiver, is precisely the term used in 2 John 7 as the equivalent for the Antichrist.
180. Bardy, intro. to Hippolytus, SCH, XIV, 25. 181. Goguel, Birth, 440; Cullmann, The State, 46. 182. Parker, Christianity and the State, 40.
183. Tertullian, Apology, 21, 24. For penetrating comment upon this general attitude, see Cadoux, Early Christian Attitude, 212-213. He showed that for St. Paul and the Fathers the sovereign who could be called just, whom they recognized must employ violent means, was invariably a pagan sovereign. This meant that the nonChristians did not escape from God's sovereignty; but that fact could not justify the Christians in using methods available only to those who did not yet know Jesus Christ. On this point see Campenhausen, "Christians and Military Service," 160-161; Daniélou, "La Non-Violence," 21-22; Guignebert, Tertullien, 38-42; Setton, Christian Attitude, 17; Hornus, "Etude," 11.
184. Hobhouse, The Church and the World, 65.
185. A. Molnár, "L'Eschatologie contre l'Impérialisme romain," unpublished lecture given at the pastoral meeting of the Union of Czech Brethren, January 30February 3, 1955, reported in Protestant Churches in Czechoslovakia, 2, No. 2 (1956), 13. [For Molnár's treatment of eschatological themes in a later period of church history, see his A Challenge to Constantinianism: The Waldensian Theology in the Middle Ages (Geneva, 1976), ch. 3.]
186. Sirinelli (p. 485) wrote that Eusebius found "this present age, which was constituted politically by the empire and religiously by the Church, substantial enough, rich enough, exciting enough for him not to need to disparage and negate it by continual reference to the future." For Eusebius all the prophecies of the Old Testament had already been fulfilled, and a second coming of the Lord was of no interest whatsoever (Sirinelli, 465, 465 n., 466-467, 470-484).
187. Ibid., 410 n.
188. See J. Turmel, Histoire des Dogmes (Paris, 1931-1936), IV, 213-215, and also Turmel's very detailed study "L'Eschatologie à la fin dulv** siècle," RHL, 3 (1900), 97-127, 200-232, 289-321. It is unlikely, however, that Eusebius would have been bold enough to write plainly, as Didymus the Blind later did: "The Day of the Lord, in all probability, is the enlightenment produced in the soul by the true light" (Commentary on the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, 1, 13).
189. See Sirinelli, 51, 455-458, 468.
190. J. Daniélou, Les Anges et leur Mission d'après les Pères de l'Eglise, Collection Irénikon, new ser., V, 2nd ed. (Chevetogne, 1953), 176.
191. J. C. Bennett, Social Salvation (New York, 1935), 141. Similarly, Sirinelli wrote (p. 455): "The end of history, the end of the world, is one of the problems in which the opinions of an historian who knows something about theology can be seen most clearly."
192. Cullmann The State, 11-12, 49. 193. Ibid., 67. Cf. also pp. 44-45, 55. 194. Ibid., 55-56; Hornus, "Etude," 3.
1. See, among other texts, Irenaeus, Demonstration, 20, 27 and 29; Cyprian, De Zelo, 5; pseudo-Cyprian, Adv. Iud., 6; Hippolytus, Commentary on Daniel, I, 8, 3. My purpose here is not to examine the Old Testament directly, but merely to note how the Fathers understood and utilized its texts. For clear and concise general
analysis of the bellicose passages of the Old Testament, see A. M. Brunet, "La Guerre dans la Bible," LV, 7, no. 38 (1958), 31-47.
2. Tertullian, Adv. Marc., I, 24, and IV, 29. 3. (Adamantius), Dialogus, I, 9-16, 18.
4. Clement of Rome, Letter, 12, 7. 5. Exodus 17:8-13.
6. Barnabas, Letter, 12, 2. Similarly, Cyprian wrote (Testimonia, II, 16): "Amalek was overcome by Jesus [ Joshua], that is, the devil was overcome by Christ." 7. Numbers 21:6-9.
8. Barnabas, Letter, 12, 5-7. 9. Numbers 23:18.
10. Barnabas, Letter, 12, 8. 11. Exodus 17:14.
12. Barnabas, Letter, 12, 10.
13. It was a standard argument, which Clement as well as Tatian, Theophilus, Tertullian, and Eusebius borrowed from Josephus, that since Moses was even more ancient that Homer he had greater authority.
14. Clement of Alexandria, Stromata, I, 24, 158, 1. 15. Ibid., I, 24, 158, 2.
16. Ibid., I, 24, 159. 17. Ibid., I, 24, 160.
18. Irenaeus, Adv. Haeres., IV, 27, 1.
19. Origen, De Princ., IV, 2, 8. See also IV, 1, 9 (end). 20. Origen, Homilies on Joshua, 15, 1.
21. U. Treu, "Etymologie und Allegorie bei Klemens von Alexandrien," SP, IV (TU, 79 [Berlin, 1961]), 200-211. In addition, see below, p. 111.
22. Philoxenus of Mabbug, Letter Sent to a Friend, 61. The expression "the Egypt of evil" recurs in sections 6, 10, and 36.
23. Origen, De Princ., II, 4, 4. 24. Aristides, Apology, 8.
25. Ibid., 10.
26. Arnobius, Adv. Nat., l, 6. 27. Didascalia, VI, 19, 1.
28. Barnabas, Letter, 16, 4. 29. Ibid., 6-10.
30. Origen, Homilies on Joshua, 17, 1. .This passage was cited in a slightly different form by Lovsky, Antisémitisme, 463.
31. Lovsky, Antisémitisme, 125.
32. The Ascension of Isaiah, 7, 9-12; see also 10, 29-31.
33. Victorinus of Pettau, Commentary on the Apocalypse, 19. 34. Cyprian, De Mortalitate, 2.
35. Minucius Felix, Octavius, 33, 3.
36. (Adamantius), Dialogus, I, 10, 12, 13. 37. Irenaeus, Adv. Haeres., III, 17, 3.
38. Hippolytus, Commentary on Daniel, IV, 40, 3.
39. Basil of Caesarea, Treatise on the Holy Spirit, 16, 39. 40. Tertullian, Scorpiace, 3.
41. Theophilus of Antioch, Three Books, III, 11. 42. Pseudo-Cyprian, Quod Idola, 10; see also 12. 43. Tertullian, Apology, 26, 3.
44. Tertullian, Adv. Marc., III, 23.
45. Mart. Pionii, 4, 18 (Musurillo, 141).
46. Hippolytus, Commentary on Daniel, IV, 58, 3. 47. Hippolytus, On the Antichrist, 30.
48. Justin, First Apology, 47.
49. Justin, Dialogue with Trypho, 110, 6. 50. Ibid., 139, 3.
51. Origen, Contra Celsum, IV, 73.
52. Ibid., VIII, 42. See also I, 47; II, 8, 13, 34, 78; IV, 32; V, 43; VII, 26; VIII, 47, 69.
53. Ibid., IV, 22.
54. Minucius Felix, Octavius, 33, 5. 55. (Adamantius), Dialogus, I, 11. 56. Pseudo-Cyprian, Adv. Iud., 6-8. 57. Eusebius, Praep. Ev., 1, 3.
58. Sybilline Oracles, IV, 115-118, 125-127..See also Cadoux, Early Christian Attitude, 185.
59. Augustine, Discourse on the Psalms, 74, 17. 60. Pseudo-Cyprian, De Pascha Computus, 15. 61. Lactantius, Div. Institutiones, IV, 21, 5.
62. J. Isaac La Dispersion d'Israël, Fait historique ou Mythe théologique (Algiers, 1954), 26 ff. On the Christian interpretation of the disaster of AD 70, see Goguel, Birth, 546-547.
63. Lovsky, Antisémitisme, 72. 64. Ibid., 150.
65. Cited by Eusebius, HE, II, 23, 18.
66. Origen, Commentary on St. Matthew, 10, 17; Contra Celsum, I, 49; II, 13. Later on John Chrysostom combined the two traditions (Homilies on St. Matthew, 69, 1 ): he argued that-the catastrophe of AD 70 was indeed the punishment for the death of Christ, but that God in his mercy had not punished the Jews immediately. But events such as the murders of James and Stephen had finally exhausted his patience.
67. Theophilus of Antioch, Three Books, II, 36. 68. Tertullian, Apology, 20, 2.
69. Tertullian, Adv. Marc., IV, 39. 70. Clement of Rome, Letter, 8; 9.
71. Commodian, Instructions, II, 9-10.
72. Jerome, Ep., 60, 17. On the events to which Jerome was referring see L. Halphen, Les Barbares, 3rd ed. (Paris, 1936), 15; G. Bardy, L'Eglise et les Derniers Romains, 8th ed. (Paris, 1948); and P. Courcelle, Histoire littéraire des Grandes Invasions
germaniques (Paris, 1948).
73. Eusebius, HE, VIII, 1, 8-9. 74. Tertullian, De Idol., 19.
75. Irenaeus, Adv. Haeres., IV, 36, 6, which has already been mentioned on p. 32.
76. On the theme of the de morte persecutorum in Eusebius, see Sirinelli, 420, 433, 444. In the last of these instances, Eusebius also applied this theme to Maxentius, who had never persecuted the Christians but who received judgment as a bad ruler. For Eusebius, however, this theme was less central than it was for Lactantius; in fact, Eusebius ultimately abandoned it altogether (Sirinelli, 439).
77. Eusebius, HE, VI, 41, 9., On Eusebius's occasional extension to a whole group of the punishment which he viewed as that of the responsible individuals, see Sirinelli, 442-443.
78. Eusebius, HE, IX, 9, 1.
79. Eusebius, HE, IX, 10, 13 and 15. 80. Ibid., X, I, 7.
81. Lactantius, De Mort. Pers., 44-48. 82. Ibid., 49.
83. Ibid., 50, 1. 84. Ibid., 52, 4.
85. See below, pp. 184-187.
86. E. Grapin, introduction to Eusebius, HE, HL, II, xii. On Lactantius, see Moreau, "Vérité historique," 93.
87. Cyprian, De Bono Patientiae, 21.
88. Lactantius, Div. Institutiones, VI, 18, 11.
89. F. Casavola, "La Politiche dei Cristiani pregiustinianei," Labeo, 1 (1955), 55-73.
90. Romans 6:13, 23; 13:12; 16:7; 1 Corinthians 9:7, 25; 2 Corinthians 6:7; 10:36; 11:8; Ephesians 6:12-18; Philippians 2:25; Colossians 4:10; 1 Thessalonians 5:8; 1 Timothy 1:18; 4:12; 2 Timothy 2:3; 4:7; Philemon 2, 23. "Whereas in the Old Testament infidelity was called adultery, in the New Testament and the early Church it is described as desertion" (R. H. Bainton, "The Early Church and War," HThR, 39 , 189).
91. E. Nielsen, "La Guerre considérée comme une religion et la religion comme une guerre," Studia Theologica, 15 (Aarhus, 1961), 109.
92. H. Edmonds, who devoted an article ("Geistlicher Kriegsdienst: der Topos der Militia spiritualis in der antiken Philosophie," in O. Casel ed., Heilige Uberlieferung, suppl. vol. to Beiträge zur Geschichte des alten Mönchtums und des Benediktinerordens [Münster, 1938], 21-56; repr. in Harnack, Militia Christi [1963 ed. ],133-162) to the study of the theme of the militia spiritualis in pagan philosophy, contended that the militia Christi was simply a later application of this classical theme.
93. Harnack Militia Christi, 35. See also J. Gagé, " Stauros nikopoios , La Victoire impériale duns l'Empire chrétien," RHPR, 13 (1933), 395; Rordorf, "Tertullians Beurteilung," 130-138; [and J. Auer, "Militia Christi," DS, X (1979), 1213-1217].
94. It is enough to point out that a patrology such as that of F. Cayré (3rd ed. , II, 904) has in its "doctrinal table" no fewer than seventeen lines of patristic references under the heading of "spiritual battle." See also J. Lortz, Tertullian als Apologet (Münster, 1928), II, 30-54; DS, III (1954), art. "Démon" esp. cols. 150-152, 177-196, 204-208, 216-219; J. Daniélou, Essai sur le Mystère de l'Histoire (Paris, 1953), 57-60; J. Fontaine, SCH, CXXXIV, 417-419.
95. C. Mohrmann, "Statio," VC, 7 (1953), 244. See also F. J. D&lger, "Sacramentum Militiae," in his Antike und Christentum: kultur-and religionsgeschichtliche Studien (Münster, 1930), II, 268-280.
96. E. Malone, "Martyrdom and Monastic Profession as a Second Baptism," in A. Mayer, J. Quasten, and B. Neunheuser, eds., Vom Christlichen Mysterium (Festschrift O. Casel) (Düsseldorf, 1951 ), 115. See also C. Mohrmann, "Sacramentum dans les plus anciens textes chrétiens," in Etudes sur le latin des Chrétiens, 1 (Rome, 1958), 233-244, which demonstrates how Tertullian played upon the ambiguity of the word sacramentum in popular Latin in which military enrollment simultaneously had religious and legal meanings. But the extreme linguistic artificiality of this play on words is an indication of the significance of this idea in the history of thought.
97. Clement of Rome, Letter, 45, 7.
98. Ibid., 36 6-37, 4 On Clement's admiration for the Roman army, see Guignebert, Tertullien, 191 n.; Harnack Militia Christi, 18 ff., 52 ff.; H. Weinel, Die Stellung des Urchristentums zum Staat (Tübingen, 1908), 26.
99. Clement of Rome, Letter, 21, 4. 100. II Clement, Ep., 7.
101. Ignatius, Epistle to Polycarp, 6, 2. P. Lelong, in the notes to his edition of Ignatius (HL, XII, 2nd ed., ), remarked on the presence at this place in the Greek text of three "technical terms of [Latin] military language." He speculated that Ignatius was familiar with these terms because of his constant contact with soldiers following his condemnation. The close similarity with Eph.6:13-17 is unmistakable.
102. Ignatius, Epistle to the Smyrnaeans, 1, 2. 103. Mart. Pol., 3.
104. Harnack, Militia Christi, 40-43.
105. Cadoux, Early Christian Attitude, 166-167. We should especially note the Passio Mariani, 1, 3; 3, 4; 8, 4; 10, 3; Passio Montani, 1, 1; 4, 6; 6, 3-5; 14, 5; Acta Fructuosus, 7. H. Leclercq, Les Martyrs (Paris, 1902-1911), I, Iv, made a close study of the comparison between the martyr and the soldier.
106. Minucius Felix, Octavius, 37, 1-3.
107. E. Demougeot, "Remarques sur l'Emploi de'Paganus,' " Studi in Onore di H. Calderini e R. Paribeni (Milan, 1956), I 337-350.
108. Cadoux, Early Christian Attitude, 167; idem, Early Church, 409, 569. Cf. C. Mohrmann, "Encore une Fois'Paganus,' " VC, 7 (1952), 109-122. See also p. 73. The articles of Mlles. Demougeot ("Remarques") and Mohrmann ("Encore") are full of fine nuances, and the linguistic evolution of the term paganus is complex. The line of development which I indicate here, however, is one of its certain components.
109. Acts of Paul, 4. 110. Ibid., 3, 4, 6.
111. Justin, Dialogue with Trypho, 131, 2. 112. Simon, Verus Israël, 145.
113. Justin, First Apology, 55, 6. 114. Ibid., 39, 5.
115. Pseudo-Justin, Discourse, 5.
116. Irenaeus, Adv. Haeres., III, 16, 4; IV, 24, 1, frags. 18, 44; idem, Demonstration, 20, 27, 29. All of these are cited in Cadoux, Early Christian Attitude, 174.
117. Irenaeus, Adv. Haeres., II, 2, 3; IV, 20, 11, frag. 21. 118. Clement of Alexandria, Protrept., X, 93, 2.
119. Ibid., XI, 116, 1-4.
120. Clement of Alexandria, Stromata, II, 20, 110. 121. Ibid., I, 11, 3, 6.
122. The word 6cvmuaxrlavs** is to be preferred here, but scholars are by no means fully agreed on this point. Indeed, unless we keep in mind the strictly military context of much early Christian language, other terms might seem more appropriate than this to indicate temptations.
123. Clement of Alexandria, Stromata, II, 20, 120.
124. Clement of Alexandria, Excerpta ex Theodoto, 72, 1-2.
125. It is clear that in Clement's terminology this term was equally applicable to the Christians.
126. Clement of Alexandria, Excerpta ex Theodoto, 85, 3. Cadoux (Early Church, 409 n.) cited the following passages in which Clement used the military metaphor to describe a Christian's life: Stromata, IV, 4, 14-16; 8, 60; 13, 91; 22, 141;
VI, 12, 103; 14, 112; VII, 3, 21; 11, 66; 13, 83; 16, 100; Qui Dives, 25 and 34. 127. Jerome, De Vir. Ill., 53.
128. Tertullian, Apology, 50; De Cultu Fem., II, 5; De Fuga, 10; Adv. Mare., V, 5. Malone ("Martyrdom," 116) wrote of Tertullian: "Not only was the life of the Christian a true military service, but it was one which in the eyes of many Christians was also incompatible with actual military service in the armies of the Roman empire." See also R.C. Gerest, "Les premiers chrétiens face a leur monde," LV, 12, no. 73 (1963), 18-19.
129. Tertullian, De Anima, 31.
130. Tertullian, De Fuga, 10. See also the similar affirmations of a much later date that the Lord is really commander, master, and king (Homélies anonymes dans la tradition d' Origéne, ed. P. Nautin, SCH, XXXVI , I, 19). r
131. Tertullian, Adv. Mare., III, 13-14; IV, 20; V, 18; Adv. Iud., 9; De Res. Carnis, 20. See also Cadoux, Early Christian Attitude, 183; idem, Early Church, 409. In Tertullian's De Corona, 11, there is the following untranslatable play on words: "Apud hunc tam miles est paganus fidelis, quam paganus est miles fidelis." (A rough rendering of this into English is: In Christ, the civilian who is one of the faithful is a soldier-of-Christ, in similar manner to the soldier who, faithful to his calling, is a civilian-pagan non-Christian. ) ,For a contrasting of the concept of paganus=civilian with that of the miles Christi, see Hobhouse, The Church and the World, 371-372.
132. See, for example, Origen, Homilies on Exodus (SCH, XVI, 273), in which a significant number of texts are listed under the heading of "spiritual combat."
133. Origen, De Princ., III, 2, 5.
134. Cyprian, Ep., 73, 10 (ANCL ed., 72, 10). 135. Cyprian, De Bono Patientiae, 12.
136. Cyprian, Ad Fortunatum, 13; Testimonia, III, 117; De Zelo, 2. J. Capmany (" Miles Christi" en la Espiritualidad de San Cipriano, Collectanea San Paciano, Serie Teológica, I [Barcelona, 1956], demonstrated, with numerous details and quotations, that this idea of spiritual combat was the key to St. Cyprian's s thought. He unfortunately, however, did not seem even to conjecture that the sources of this conception might have been St. Paul and the earliest Fathers.
137. Pseudo-Cyprian, De Pascha computus, 10. 138. Commodian, Instructions, II, 12.
139. Ibid., II, 22. One could also cite II, 9-11, 20. The allegorization in these passages at times becomes so obscure that it is hard to know precisely what the author is talking about, but the general vision clearly remains one of hideous apocalyptic combat.
140. Didascalia, II, 6, 6-11.
141. Lactantius, Div. Institutiones, Epilogue (73). 142. Eusebius, HE, V, 1, 18.
143. Ibid., VI, 41, 16.
144. Eusebius, Martyrs, 11, 22.
145. Athanasius, Letter on Love and Temperance, 288; see also 290, 291.
146. Basil of Caesarea, ,Homilies on the Psalms, 7. In a curious fashion, this text associates "the injuries received in battle" with "blemishes and traces of sin." Thus the sanctity which will allow entry into the kingdom consists not so much in having fought valiantly as in having been able to avoid battle to the very end. Nor does this text imply (as some have argued) that Satan collaborates actively with God in judgment. Cf. S. Giet, Les Idées et l'Action de Saint Basile (Paris, 1941), 179.
147. John Chrysostom, Letters to Olympias, VIII, 9b. 148. Ibid., XVII, 26. The author was addressing these strictures to Jeremiah.
149. Ibid., XV, la and 16.
150. Aphrahat the Syrian; Demonstrationes, VU, 18.
151. Life of Pachomius, ed. and transl. L. Th. Lefort, Bibliothèque du Muséon, XVI (Louvain, 1943), 2. The editor commented (p. 2 n.) that the Coptic word for legion has a meaning which is exclusively military.
152. Malone, "Martyrdom," 118. 153. Frend, "Persecutions," 141.
154. Cyril of Scythopolis, Life of Sabbas, 92-93.
155. This is the origin of the Eastern clergy's obligation to wear beards. 156. Cyril of Scythopolis, Life of Euthymius, 25-26.
157. Cyril of Scythopolis, Life of Theodosius, 239. If here as elsewhere there was no clear distinction between military and sporting contests, it is because there was a deep psychological resemblance between them. See J.-Y. Jolif, "Pourquoi la Guerre?" LV, 7, no. 38 (1958), 13.
158. R. Génier, Vie de Saint Euthyme le Grand (Paris, 1909), 164.
159. W. K. L. Clarke, ed., The Ascetic Works of St. Basil (London, 1925), 56. 160. Ibid., 55 n.
161. John Chrysostom, Homilies on St. Matthew, 69, 3.
162. A. Vanderpol (Doctrine scolastique, 204-206) summarized this treatise and quoted extensively from it.
163. Sulpicius Severus, Dialogue, I (2, 11).The text specified that St. Martin was requiring a common pursuit of the monastic life, which entailed the exclusion of all sexual relationships. The Basilian Preliminary Sketch, as we have just seen also stipulated the abandonment of feminine companionship as a prerequisite for the life of both the soldier and the monk. But it further stressed that the woman, for her part, could also "serve as soldier" for Christ,
164. Jerome, Ep., 58, 8.
165. Gregory the Great, Morals on the Book of Job, Preface, 1, 7; I, 9-11, 35, 49; II, 2, 13, 19, 32, 70, 73, 79.
166. Diehl, I, 198 (no. 1,041 ).
167. H. Rahner, "Pompa Diaboli," Zk Th, 55 (1931), 239-273. 168. Waszink, "Pompa Diaboli," passim.
169. See, for example, A. Bayet, Pacifisme et Christianisme aux Premiers Siècles (Paris, 1934). For Bayet's treatment of the apocalyptic wars see pp. 20-25 and 118120. For a representative sample of his general method and interpretation, see his p. 53, n. l.
170. James Moffat, "War," in j. Hastings, ed., Dictionary of the Apostolic Church (Edinburgh, 1915-1918), II, 657.
171. Lactantius, Div. Institutiones, VI, 4, 14-24. 172. Ibid., VI, 4, 11.
173. Ibid., VI, 20, 16 ("neque militare iusti licebit cuius militia est ipsa iustitia"). For the context to this passage, see below, pp. 219-220.
174. Chenu, "L'Evolution," 82. This "spiritualization" is no doubt very bad exegesis. We should note, moreover, that the same method would lead, in the opposite direction, to taking the concrete meaning out of the Old Testament prophecies of peace the importance of which I shall shortly be demonstrating. Thus, in Cyril's Life of Sabbas (p. 99, lines 12-18), Micah 4:2-4 became an invitation to stop fighting wicked thoughts, which the saints henceforth were to defeat definitively in their own hearts, and to begin cultivating the masses of people, whose souls had been neglected.
175. John Chrysostom, Commentary on Isaiah, 2, 3. 176. Eusebius, HE, VII, 11, 20.
177. This would have been the logical place for Dionysius-like the earlier Christian writers-to insert a clause commenting that these soldiers had passed from the vain conflicts of this world to the real conflict, from obedience to the world's leaders to obedience to the one true Lord, etc.; but he failed to do so.
178. "You who are a soldier, work to the same end as the gospel. Fight the good fight against the evil spirit, against the desires of the flesh. Put on the whole armor of God, so as not to allow yourself to be imprisoned in the affairs of life, and so as to be agreeable to him [God] who chose you for the army" (Basil of Caesarea, Homilies, 3, 4).
179. Ibid. See Giet, Ides, 173. 180. Tertullian, Apology, 31, 2.
181. Clement of Rome, Letter, 60,4-61,3. Goguel (Birth, 552-553) studied intensively the astonishing manner in which the bishop of Rome minimized as mere disagreeable "incidents" the terrible persecutions of Nero and Domitian.
182. See H. Hemmer, intro. to vol. II of Pères apostoliques, HL, X, liii. See also Cullmann, The State, 65.
183. Acta Apollonii, 6-7.
184. In this passage there is perhaps something reminiscent of the Tertullian quotation which I have just cited (in n. 180 above). In any case, no state cares very much for the spiritual insight on the part of its subjects, when they come to recognize that it, too, needs forgiveness.
185. Arnobius, Adv. Nat., 4, 36.
186. Polycarp, Letter to the Philippians, 12, 3.; By a careful exegesis of the Latin version of this text, which is its only extant version, Goguel (Birth, 551 ) was confident that he could prove that it is identical with Tertullian's thinking. I agree that this is likely (but unprovable). Polycarp concluded: "The Roman authorities are to be prayed for because they are enemies of the Christians." Cullmann, commenting (in The State, 47) on the key text concerning submission to the authorities (Romans 13: 17), reminded his readers to keep in mind the context of this passage, which proves that "the matter under discussion at this point is the Christian commandment of loveevil is not to be rewarded with evil, rather one is to do good to his enemy. This stands in Romans 12 immediately before the section about the state in Romans 13:1 ff.; and directly afterwards, in verse 8, the same theme is resumed."
187. Justin, First Apology, 17, 3.
188. Tertullian, Apology, 30, 4. See also 31, 3; 37, 9; 39, 2. 189. Ibid., 40, 13.
190. Acta Achatii, 1, 3.
191. Cyprian, Ad Dem., 20.
192. Basil of Caesarea, Letters, 155. 193. Eusebius, HE, X, 8, 10.
194. Ibid., VIII, 12, 42.
195. Origen, Contra Celsum, VIII, 68-70. Van Berchem ("Le'De Pallio'," 193) made some useful remarks concerning the seriousness of Celsus's arguments. See also Gerest, "Les premiers chrétiens," 15, 20-21.
196. Origen, Contra Celsum, VIII, 73 (beginning). See also VIII, 68, 74-75.
197. What is the exact meaning of this "righteous" (just) cause? Cadoux (Early Christian Attitude, 208) adduced this text-among others-as proof that for Origen the non-Christian empire had a lawful right to make war.
198. Origen, Contra Celsum, VIII, 73. This translation of this vitally important passage is that of Chadwick (p. 509). (For French equivalents, see Lods, "L'Eglise," 23, and Leclercq, "Militarisme," col. 1128. ) At a later date, St. Jerome wrote sadly of
the barbarians' overthrow of the empire and recalled the way in which Israel's heroes had conquered-by intercession rather than by the sword. Then he remarked, "If we wish to be lifted up, let us first prostrate ourselves." If we were to do so, he added, the disgrace of the Roman army's rout would end immediately. "Then we should see the enemy's arrows give way to our javelins, his caps to our helmets, and his nags to our chargers" (Jerome, Ep., 60, 17).
199. Origen, Contra Celsum, VIII, 74. This was to claim for the entire Christian community a function which-as we shall see in Chapter 5-later came to be restricted to a specialized clergy. During the thirteenth century, however, the founding of a lay Third Order gave that ideal a new lease on life, even for laymen. The Rule of the Franciscan Brethren of the Third Order states that the Tertiaries "shall not receive nor carry with them any weapon which could kill someone" (VI, 3, quoted by P. Lorson, Défense de tuer [Paris, 1953], 21). Although popular reaction was enthusiastic, those in power were not amused. In time an interplay of casuistry and practical pressures progressively weakened the Rule.
200. Most of the patristic texts which follow have been collected more or less in the same order by Cadoux (Early Christian Attitude, 61-63). Daniélou ("La Non-violence," 13, 17) emphasized that the Christian authors of the first two centuries were unanimous in finding in the pacifism of Christians a conclusive proof that this prophecy had indeed applied to Jesus Christ.
201. .btr,~c, euoaoiowrec ibv xcno~cbv, ~e,~ou~** (Justin, First Apology, 39, 1-3. ). 202. Justin, Dialogue with Trypho, 109; 110, 3.
203. Isaiah 66:5.
204. Matthew 5:44-46.
205. Theophilus, Three Books, III, 14. 206. Irenaeus, Demonstration, 61. 207. Idem, Adv. Haeres., IV, 34, 4. 208. Origen, Contra Celsum, V, 33. 209. (Adamantius), Dialogus, I, 10. 210. Pseudo-Cyprian Adv. Iud., 9.
211. Cyprian, De Habitu Virginum, 11 [ Hornus transl. J. 212. Tertullian, Adv, Iud., 3.
213. Idem, Adv. Marc., III, 21. See-also IV, 1. 214. Sirinelli, 57 n., 164-170.
215. Eusebius, Praep. Ev., I, 4, and VI, 1.
216. Athanasius, De Incarnatione Verbi, 52, 4-6. 217. Ibid., 53, 1.
218. Ibid., 53, 3-5.
219. John Chrysostom, Commentary on Isaiah, 2, 4-5.
220. Clement of Alexandria, Paedagogus, I, 12, 98; II, 2, 32; II, 4, 42. 221. Clement of Rome, Letter, 8, 4 (already quoted on p. 64).
1. Eusebius, Praep. ev., 1, 4; 4, 16-17; 5, 1; 5, 4. 2. Tertullian, De Idol., 19.
3. Mart. Pol., 3; Tertullian, Adv. Mare., V, 17; idem, De Spec., 8. 4. Tertullian, De Spec., 25.
5. Ascension of Isaiah, 10, 13. 6. Ignatius, Eph., 19.
7. Arnobius, Adv. Nat., 2, 1.
8. Tatian, Oratio, 11.
**a Ba time -ed. R. Refoul~ SCH, XXXV Paris, 1952), 499. Tertullian, Traité d p (
50, includes a note which provides both a listing of other passages in which Tertullian develops this theme and a bibliography of recent scholarly work. See also above, p. 69.
10. Ignatius, Rom., 6, 1.
11. Hippolytus, Commentary on Daniel, IV, 9.
12. Sulpicius Severus, Vita Mart., 4, 3 (SCH, CXXXIII, 260). 13. Mart. Pionii, 3, 2-5 (Musurillo, 139).
14. Irenaeus, Adv. Haeres., V, 26. 15. Origen, Contra Celsum, VII, 70. 16. Ibid., IV, 70.
17. Gregory of Nazianzus, Discourse 4;i: in honor of Basil the Great, 48. Giet (Les Ides, 358) quoted the Greek text, and commented: "There are two reasons for the refusal: a. All God's creatures are equal, at least in this respect. So there is no reason why one person should surrender his liberty and rights to another; b. The Christian, who has been called by grace to share in the divine nature, least of all can accept this degradation."
18. Gregory of Nazianzus, Discourse 43, 48. 19. Tertullian, Apol., 33.
20. Eusebius, Vita, I, 16 ff. 21. Basil, Ep., 99, 1.
22. Ibid., 299.
23. Tertullian, De Cultu fem., II, 11. Tertullian qualified this, however, by instructing them not to follow Roman fashions of dress.
24. Tertullian, De Idol., 16. 25. Ibid., 18.
26. Tertullian, Apol., 36, 1. 27. Ibid., 41, 1.
28. Ibid., 44, 1.
29. Tertullian, De Idol., 17. Tertullian took his stand on the concrete example of Joseph and Daniel, who had been able to fill the highest public offices without trespassing the borders of idolatry. The Christian of his day could still do the same, if it were at all thinkable that such a thing might be possible (si haec credibile fieri posse). These words seem to have meant that Tertullian considered that this eventuality, although it might have been realizable in theory, was illusory in practice in the world of his own time.
30. Tertullian, Ad Nat., I, 17; idem, Apol., 30, 3; 32, 2. 31. Tertullian, Adv. Marc., I, 13.
32. Tertullian, De Spec., 15.
33. Anonymous Homilies, III, 18. 34. Eusebius, HE, VIII, 9, 6.
35. This was a familiar theme in John Chrysostom's preaching. In the Homilies on St. Matthew (9, 7), for example, he argued that the flight of the infant Jesus and his family into Egypt had implicitly confronted every believer with the question, "Why do you pride yourself on your country, when I am commanding you to be a stranger to the whole world?" Again, in the Homilies on St. John, he wrote that those who listened to the apostle's preaching "could no longer be mere men nor remain upon earth, [but] would dwell on earth just as if it were heaven" (1, 1). In a later homily on the same gospel, he declared that "thou art a stranger and a sojourner . . . for thou hast a city whose artificer and creator is God, and the sojourning itself is but for a
short and little time. . . . We are citizens of heaven, registered for the country which is above" (79, 3). In his Homilies on Ephesians he quoted, "So then you are no longer strangers and sojourners for, you are fellow-citizens with the saints" (VI, 1). But elsewhere he corrected the evasive impression which such statements might leave. Should Christians claim privileges by virtue of their heavenly citizenship so as to avoid obedience t0 earthly magistrates? Not at all. Precisely because they were "strangers and sojourners" on earth, believers were required to obey the governing authorities. The effects of the Christians' liberation would only be realized in the future (Homilies on Romans, 23, 2).
36. Mart. Pionii, 18, 7 (Musurillo, 159). Pionius was the priest in charge of the group of martyrs.
37. St. Augustine, Confessions, IX, 11, 28.
38. Eusebius, Martyrs, 11, 8-12. This scorn of the name given by parents, because it represented the natural man and not the Christian, was often to be found in the records of the martyrs. E.g., Acta Tarachii, 1, and Acta Dasii, 6.
39. Sirinelli, 144. See also 151-157, 219, 250.
40. Clement of Rome, Letter, 1, 1. There is an identical greeting at the beginning of the Letter of Polycarp.
41. Irenaeus Contre les Hérésies, ed. F. Sagnard, SCH, XXXIV, 9.
42. P. de Labriolle, "~",o~xCa,** Paroecia," RSR, 18 (1928), 60-72. On p. 61 Labriolle simply identified ,~,ow~ with ~u~m~wo~ **, the "parishioners" with the "metics" or the "people without a country." This is a theme which should have saved us from slogans like For Christ and France," "For God and Country," etc. See also Giet, Les Ides, 317 n., who refers to Labriolle, "Paroecia," ALMA, 3 (1927), 196-205, and L'Année philologique, 2 ( 1927 ), 321.
43. Cyril of Scythopolis, Life of Euthymius p. 8; idem, Life of Theodosius, p. 235; and, in a slightly different form idem, Life of Sabas, p. 86, I. 27. In each case, as if to accentuate the contrast, Cyril then provided information on the human origins (familial and national) of the hermit.
44. John Chrysostom, Homilies on St. Matthew, 69, 4 (end). On the consequences of this qualification, see pp. 193 ff.
45. Hermas, Similitudes, I, 1-6. Here it is the verb katoik8** which is used, but with the immediate specification epi xenr;s** In his edition of this text, P. Lelong wrote (HL, XVI [Paris, 1912), 138 n.), "The 'earthly city' is the world. Yet [T.) Zahn (Der Hirte des Hermas [Gotha, 1868]) was not altogether wrong to understand the earthly city' to mean Rome and its empire. For in the eyes of many Christians Rome . . . was the kingdom of the devil, and the emperor was his minister."
46. II Clement, Ep., 5, 1. 47. Ibid., 5, 4.
48. Ibid., 5, 6-7. 49. Ibid., 6, I. 50. Ibid., 6, 3.
51. Tertullian, De Corona, 13.
52. Tertullian, De Idol., 15; idem, De Fuga, 12; idem, Adv. Mare., IV, 38; idem, Scorpiace, 14.
53. Tertullian, Apol., 31, 2. 54. Tertullian, De Spec., 30. 55. Tertullian, De Patientia, 15.
56. See especially Tertullian, Ad Scapulam, 3. 57. Tertullian, Apol., 1, 2.
58. Van Berchem ("Le 'De Pallio,' " 103) contrasted this conciliatory view with
the attitude of complete rupture which he thought to find in the treatise De Pallio. He rightly noted, however (p. 113), that this contrast-independent of Tertullian's movement towards Montanism-did not represent a complete contradiction; it was rather a tension between complementary viewpoints, as was shown by the existence in the Apology itself of texts as stern as the one I have just quoted. It seems at any rate that for Van Berchem the most characteristic stance of the first Christians was one of rejection. He wrote (p. 101), "They acknowledged a leader who was not the emperor. They announced the establishment on earth of a new empire, which was to replace that of Rome, and they pleaded for this change in their suffrages and their prayers. So it might reasonably have been wondered whether they were not the sworn enemies of the empire."
59. Cyprian, De Mortalitate, 26.
60. Clement of Alexandria, Protrept., X,108, 4. See also his Paedagogus, II I, 8, 1. 61. Fragment quoted in Clement of Alexandria, Stromata, VI, 5, 41.
62. H. I. Marrou (L'Epître à Diognète, SCH, XXXIII [Paris 1951], 132) showed that Aristides took up this idea (Apology, 2) without, however, putting Christians in a different category from other men. Marrou rejected the facile argument that if Christians were recognized to have the characteristics of a people, they could claim the right to live, like any other people, in accordance with their own laws, ta patria (a remark inspired by Simon, Verus Israël, 136); even if the Christians were few and isolated, "they nevertheless represented by right a universal society, immanent in the whole universe." A year after the publication of the French edition of this book (EL) and without any knowledge of it, Sirinelli (pp. 140-141) developed the same argument on the basis of Marrou's points, in a strikingly parallel form. He convincingly demonstrated (pp. 140-143) the special importance of this idea for Eusebius, who was struggling on two fronts: with the Greeks, to show them that Christianity was more rational than their own systems; with the Jews, to prove that Christianity was the legitimate historical heir of the promises; and with both, to convince them that Christianity could not be reduced to either of them. Instead, Eusebius argued, Christianity "is neither a form of Hellenism, nor of Judaism, but is a religion of its own characteristic stamp. . . . This is not anything novel or original, but something of greatest antiquity, something natural and familiar to the godly men before the times of Moses.... "(Demonstratio Evangelica, I, 2, 8). On the problems with which Eusebius had to struggle in regard to this idea of the tertium genus, see Sirinelli, 248-249.
63. Minucius Felix, Octavius, 8.
64. Origen, Contra Celsum, VIII, 2. On the subject of the accusations brought against the Christians, see Hornus "Etude," 6.
65. Origen, Contra Celsum, VIII, 75. The rest of the chapter is a continuation of the same theme. It demonstrates that the essential tasks are mutual edification within the Church and evangelization, in order to lead the rest of mankind as well into this community of redeemed sinners.
66. Anonymous Homilies, III, 6. 67. Giet, Les Idées, 158-165.
68. Basil of Caesarea, Ep., 51; 74, 3; 75; 76; 104; 165; all of which were mentioned by Giet, Les Ides, 368.
69. Basil of Caesarea, Ep., 87.
70. Giet, Les Idées, 164. It is curious, however, that Basil borrowed the very expression of this idea from the pagan Euripides.
71. Basil of Caesarea, Homilies on the Psalms, 59, 3. 72. Ibid., 48, 1; idem, Ep., 66, 2.
73. Gregory of Nazianzus, Discourse 43: in honor of Basil the Great, 49.
74. In the text which Sozomen supplied of this interview, Basil explained the contradiction by saying, "I dwell on the earth as a traveler" (Ecclesiastical History, VI, 16).
75. See Giet, Les Ides, 165, 358-361. 76. Epistle to Diognetus, 5, 4-5.
77. Ibid., 5, 8-9.
78. Ibid., 6, 1-3. One can find the same theme, not only in the authors whom I have already quoted, but also in a letter in which St. Jerome exhorted St. Paulinus to turn away from the earth and to strive toward the heavenly Jerusalem, the city in which the apostle "rejoices to have his citizenship with the righteous (se municipatum cum iustis habere)" (Ep., 58, 2). In the ensuing paragraph Jerome expanded upon the idea that God was the same everywhere and that therefore there could be no place that was specially privileged. The example of the monks confirmed this view, for they did not need to travel to the earthly Jerusalem to be holy (Ep., 58, 3).
79. Epistle to Diognetus, 6, 7-8.
80. Hans Lietzmann, A History of the Early Church, transl. B. L. Woolf (London, 1961), II, 53.
81. Pontius, Life of Cyprian, II.
82. Tertullian, Apol. 38, 3. Although he did not expressly quote this text, Father Chenu ("L'Evolution, 80) considered this thought to be the natural sentiment of any "evangelistic theologian." In this connection he quoted (p. 95) the remark of Vitoria, the great Spanish theologian of the sixteenth century: "Since a state is a part of the whole universe, if a war is profitable for a state but detrimental to the universe . . . I am of the opinion that the war thereby becomes unjust." On Vitoria, whom I can only mention here, the interested reader should consult Lewis U. Hanke, The Spanish Struggle for Justice in the Conquest of America (Philadelphia, 1959), as well as A. Vanderpol's contributions to P. Batiffol, et al., L'Eglise et la Guerre (Paris, 1913).
83. Philippians 3:20. Insofar as they are balanced by other complementary affirmations, we may take as a faithful gloss on these words St. John Chrysostom's expression, "Their true citizenship is in the heavens," which referred to the life of the ascetics (Letters to Olympias, VIII, 9d).
84. It should be noted, however, that this criticism by Karl Marx was directed at a Christianity which rendered its adherents indifferent to the present social order and thus made them accept any form of society, thereby stifling revolutionary inclinations. The opposite accusation, such as Guignebert made against Tertullian, of destroying society by indifference instead of preserving it, is excessive, but seems to me to be better founded. This is a danger about which the thinking of responsible Christians, as well as the practice of casual Christians, must remain on the alert.
85. Ignatius, Rom., 6, 2. ,
86. Job was a typical example of these persons.
87. Gregory the Great, Morals on the Book of Job, I, 20, 24, 36, 34.
88. Commodian, Carmen Apologeticum, vv. 805 ff., 887-892, and esp. 920-926, which read:
"And the brutes no longer know in what age they are living. Once she [ Rome] rejoiced, but all the world groaned;
And yet she has scarcely received as much as she deserved.
She will weep for eternity, she who has flattered herself that she was eternal, And her tyrants will be judged at last by the All-High.
Smouldering Rome the time has at last been fulfilled;
And the wages shall be paid to each according to his deserts."
In his Instructions (I, 34), Commodian rejected both the vain struggles and the empty joys of this world, so that he could turn himself toward the heavenly city:
"Here below they fight, then they sing of love instead of psalms.
You think that life consists of amusements, and these are the things that you are hunting for.
You are gathering ashes, you foolish ones that seek gold."
89. Eusebius, HE, III, 5, 3. Similarly, Sirinelli (pp. 113-115) was of the opinion that Eusebius had assigned a preeminent place in his Chronicle to the Jewish kingdom solely to accord greater importance to its final downfall, which exemplified the end of a "national" people of God.
90. Daniélou, "La Non-Violence," 19. ,St. John Chrysostom interpreted the Jews' hostility to the new faith very much along these lines. "Priests and Pharisees," he wrote, "feared that if everyone believed in Christ there would be no one left to defend the city of God and the Temple against the Romans. They thought, therefore, that Christ's teaching was directed against the Temple and against their traditional laws" (Homilies on St. John, 49, 26).
91. Eusebius, HE, VII, 32, 7-11.
92. Mart. Pionii, 5, 3-5 (Musurillo, 143).
93. G. Florovsky ("Eschatology in the Patristic Age," SP, 2 [Berlin, 1957], 245, 249), recalling that Celsus had called the Christians philosomaton** genos (Origen, Contra Celsum, V, 14), showed that it was true that the Christians, in contrast to the philosophers, were attached to earthly life and considered death to be a catastrophe. As an example he pointed to Tertullian, who declared in strong terms that death-far from being natural, normal, or pleasant-was the dramatic consequence of sin (De Anima, 52).
94. Athenagoras, Legatio, 35, 4.
95. Yet this was the position of both Cardinal F. J. von Hefele (Beiträge zur Kirchengeschichte, Archäologie and Liturgik [Tübingen, 1874], I, 21) and J.F. Bethune-Baker
(The Influence of Christianity on
War [Cambridge, 1888]); the latter's arguments were quoted and discussed by Cadoux (Early Christian Attitude,
100-103. A. Bigelmair (Die Beteiligung der Christen am öffentlichen Leben in vorkonstantinischer Zeit
[Munich, 1902], 166), on the other hand, limited himself to the insinuation that such a broadening of the meaning of the text could not be ruled out completely. On the significance of these last words "even justly," see Cadoux, op. cit.,
96. Athanasius, Letter on Love and Temperance, 282.
97. Basil of Caesarea, Ep., 63. Most of this sentence is a word-for-word translation of Euripides (Giet, Les Ides, 165).
98. Basil of Caesarea, Ep., 199 and 217.
99. Isidore of Pelusium, Ep., IV, 200 (to Ophelius).
100. Clement of Alexandria, Stromata, II, 18, 88. Clement went on to give two picturesque examples: one was the female captive, whom a specific biblical law protected against a possible conqueror's lust to have intercourse with her (ibid., 89; see also 82); the other has our enemy's beast of burden, which our Lord has commanded us to succor. He had taught us "not to indulge in joy at our neighbors' ills, or to exult over our enemies, in order to teach those who are trained in these things to pray for their enemies" (ibid., 90).
101. Arnobius, Adv. Nat., 3, 26. This argument had appeared as early as Justin, who had used it to accuse the wicked angels, and their descendants, the demons, of
being those who "sowed among men murders, wars, adulteries, and intemperance, and every kind of vice" (Second Apology, 5, 4).
102. Tertullian, De Patientia, 4. 103. Idem, De Anima, 33.
104. Idem, Apol., 28, 3; 30, 1. 105. Ibid., 9, 5.
106. Ibid., 39, 7-8. 107. Ibid., 8, 1-5.
108. Idem, Ado. lud., 7.
109. Idem, De Corona, 12. Theophilus (Three Books to Autolycus, III, 14) already observed that the Christians were not "kindly disposed . . . only towards those of our own stock, as some suppose."
110. Tertullian, Adv. Marc., V, 17, in which passage he followed the text of Paul's epistle to the Ephesians.
111. See the penetrating remarks of Refoulé (SCH, XXXV, 15) on the identity between death, sin, and Satan in the thought of Tertullian as well as that of all the Fathers of the earliest centuries. See also the paragraph on "the prohibition of shedding blood" in Rordorf ("Tertullians Beurteilung," 124-130). In his review of EL, Roques (p. 241) thought that he was raising an objection to my interpretation when he wrote: "When the Christian clearly and definitely refuses to kill, he does not do so without reference to God's order, which must prevail over all human injunctions. The absolute primacy of God constitutes, therefore, the cardinal motivation of the Christian conscience, even when Christian behavior seems directly to take into consideration only respect for human life." I entirely agree with this interpretation: and I simply cannot understand where it fails to tally with my own.
112. Tertullian, Apol., 9, 8.
113. The law to which it leads is simple and unequivocal: "The Christian does not do evil, even to his enemy" (Tertullian, Apol., 46, 15). That is why I could not follow Seston when he remarked ("A propos de la Passio," 244) that "the compromises which qualified Tertullian's anti-militarism" were to be explained by the fact that his rejection of the army had nothing to do with a refusal to shed blood but only with a repudiation of certain pagan acts.
114. Tertullian, Apol., 50, 1-2.
115. John Chrysostom, Letters to Olympias, X, 3f-g. It must be said, however, that this argument rings of dubious rhetoric when one realizes that it leads to a final assertion that sadness is even more fearsome than death! Cullmann (The State, 35-36) has felicitously emphasized how "the purely human dread which Jesus feels in the face of death" reveals a choice in the realm of values which Christians should emulate: "Jesus is not a Greek philosopher. Death for him as for St. Paul is the last enemy." This acknowledgement of the horror of death was also, as a matter of fact, in the philosophical tradition of the Aristotelian school. K. Giocarinis ("An Unpublished Late Thirteenth-Century Commentary of the Nicomedian Ethics of Aristotle," Traditio, 15 , 317) has shown rightly that the Christian commentators on Aristotle's Ethics prior to the Middle Ages have a true understanding of the text when they "freely and frequently refer to death as the malum maximum, maximus defectus, terminus totius. Death is the supreme object of fear; through it man loses all the goods of his life."
116. John Chrysostom, Homilies an St. John, 79, 3. 117. Idem, Homilies on Romans, 14, 5-end.
118. There may be an allusion here to the tradition whereby Diocletian, according to a prophetess's intimations, "only wanted to obtain the empire, although he had
a desire for it, by killing in the boar-hunt." This tradition, which is obviously apocryphal, was developed in detailed form in the middle of the fourth century, when it was seen to be necessary to find an explanation for the murder through which Diocletian-who by then had become the symbol of Roman order and legitimacyhad come to power. The pretorian prefect, who was accused of having killed the previous emperor, Numerian, in order to set himself up in Numerian's place, and who in turn was put to death by Diocletian, was in fact called Aper (which in Latin means wild boar). See Seston, Dioclétien, 48.
119. Le., to the temples.
120. Lactantius, Div. Institutiones, I, 18, S-10. A little later (ibid., I, 19, 6) he returned to the argument, saying that the so-called gods of mythology had not even been good men, for one could relate all sorts of weaknesses and wickedness about them, not least the fact that they engaged in warfare.
121. Ibid., VI, 6, 18-24. A little earlier in the same chapter Lactantius had forbidden the resort to arms even defensively and in a just cause. For, he observed, it was not always the better side which won; quite the contrary. War was in fact nothing but a bloody game of chance, which if anything favored the wicked.
122. Ibid., II, 6. 123. Ibid., II, 9, 63.
124. Idem, De Opificio Dei, 2, 6. The same argument in almost the same words occurs in his Div. Institutiones, VII, 13-14.
125. Idem, Div. Institutiones, II, 10, 23. 126. Ibid., V, 9, 2.
127. Ibid., VI, 11, 1 ff. 128. Ibid., VI, 18.
129. Ibid., VI, 20, 10, 15-17.
130. E. g., see Tertullian, Adv. Iud., 2-3.
131. Jerome, De Vir. ill., 80.-See R. Pichon (Lactance, Etude sur le Mouvement philosophique et religieux sous le Règne de Constantin [Paris, 1901], 2, 454), who wrote of Lactantius that "his name is inseparable . . . from the appearance of the first Christian government." He occupies a "double situation of philosopher respected in the Church and personal friend of the prince." Moreau ("Vérité historique," 93) was convinced that Lactantius was privy to Constantine's confidential decisions and that the De Mortibus Persecutorum, for example, must thus have been published a few months before the measures of January 1, 321, to prepare public opinion for them.
132. If we reflect on this attitude with care, it becomes clear that it was founded on the tension between the believer's waiting for the full manifestation of the kingdom and his daily presence in the world. A. Molnár ("L'Eschatologie," 13) has rightly pointed out that the eschatological perspective saved Lactantius from lapsing, like Eusebius, into complete servility toward Constantine. Cullmann (" Le Caractère eschatologique," 210-245) had already shown that the active expectation of Christ's return was at the heart of St. Paul's missionary ardor; and he had contended that it ought to animate today's Church in the same way. Lactantius gives us an idea of how this expectation could and should foster in the Christian a prophetic political attitude, which would not refrain from living out the gospel in the world, but would never forget that the criterion of earthly success can never be final in the eyes of faith. (In addition to the Lactantius texts quoted above, see his Epitome, 52. ) Such reflections have been suggested by H. I. Marrou in "La Fin du Monde nest pas pour Demain," LV, 2, no. 11 (1953), 77-99. I find, however, that the earlier remarks of E. Peterson (Le Mystère des Juifs et des Gentils dans L'Eglise [Paris, n.d.], 77-82, 88-89, 97) went too far. So did the late Cardinal Daniélou in his Le Mystère du Salut des Nations
(Paris, 1946). But Lactantius was convinced that the Christians knew about the beginnin and the fulfillment of history (Div. Institutiones, VII, 14), whereas for Eusebius-who had no time for transcendent origins or culminations-the only thing that mattered was history itself (Sirinelli, 38-41, 51, 62, 455), Eusebius's only "theological" aim was "to prove the historical superiority of Christianity" (p. 135) and to convince those who still hesitated that if they joined the Christian group they would be swimming with the tides of historical development (p. 26).