J. C. Jenkins and B. Klandermans. Minneapolis, mn, u of Minnesota Press



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Abstracts of Chapters from

J. Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans, editors, The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives On States and Social Movements. Minneapolis, MN, U of Minnesota Press


(Note: Abstracts are from and copyrighted by Sociological Abstracts)

1. Jenkins, J. C. and B. Klandermans (1995). The Politics of Social Protest. The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives On States and Social Movements. J. C. Jenkins and B. Klandermans. Minneapolis, MN, U of Minnesota Press: 3-13.

In an introduction to the content & dominant themes of this book (see abstracts in IRPS No. 88), it is suggested that despite the tremendous importance of the state in shaping social movements, the relationship between these often oppositional forces is rarely examined in detail. In its role as the primary distributor of socially valued goods, the state is frequently the focus & antagonist of social movements. Social movements must come into contact with the state in order to significantly alter the social institutions & practices that shape the social & political world. The politics of social protest movements in Western democracies are depicted as a four-way interaction between citizens, social movements, the political representation system, & the state. It is argued that the electoral system creates opportunities for social movements, & that social movements shape the electoral system & politics through their manipulation of the political system. The central concerns & theoretical conclusions of the contributing authors are briefly discussed. 1 Figure. T. Sevier (Copyright 1996, Sociological Abstracts, Inc., all rights reserved.)
2. Jenkins, J. C. (1995). Social Movements, Political Representation, and the State: An Agenda and Comparative Framework. The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives On States and Social Movements. J. C. Jenkins and B. Klandermans. Minneapolis, MN, U of Minnesota Press: 14-35.

Discusses a theoretical framework for the analysis of relationships between the state & social movements. The state is defined as an organizing body that attempts to legitimize & maintain its monopoly of political power, & the state itself is composed of a regime of rules & ideologies guiding its actions & the government, or collection of personnel, which support & enact these rules. It is argued that the state is the primary controller & distributor of the social goods & institutional change sought by social movements, & theoretical conceptions of the state are thereby central to the examination of social movements. The neopluralist depiction of the state emphasizes the autonomy of individuals & suggests that the state must facilitate group solidarity & social protest. The state-centered approach stresses the importance of social order, including the regulation of political challenges provoked by social movements. Community & the injustice of class inequality are the primary focus of neo-Marxism, & within this perspective the creation of community through collective action against social privilege is fundamental. The implications of these perspectives on future social movement research are discussed. T. Sevier (Copyright 1996, Sociological Abstracts, Inc., all rights reserved.)


3. Aminzade, R. (1995). Between Movement and Party: The Transformation of Mid-Nineteenth-Century French Republicanism. The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives On States and Social Movements. J. C. Jenkins and B. Klandermans. Minneapolis, MN, U of Minnesota Press: 39-62.

The evolution of democratic perspectives regarding social protest & electoral action are discussed in relation to the development of the French Republican Party (FRP) in mid-nineteenth-century France. Although contemporary political theory strictly divides the arenas of electoral politics & social protest movements, it is argued that in historical & contemporary contexts characterized by social & political uncertainty, the boundaries between protest movements & electoral politics are often fluid & overlapping. In nineteenth-century France, early political parties often advanced their claims outside of the political arena & combined disruptive collective action with efforts to elect candidates. The actions of the early FRP also challenge the conception of development, which suggests that powerful social movements eventually evolve into formalized political institutions. Even during periods of increased formalization, the FRP maintained an antiinstitutional stance & emphasized the importance of collective action at the local level. Although the FRP eventually accepted formalized electoral politics & abandoned informal protest strategies, it is suggested that this acceptance was the result of complex institutional & ideological factors rather than an inevitable transition. T. Sevier (Copyright 1996, Sociological Abstracts, Inc., all rights reserved.)
4, Opp, K. D., S. E. Finkel, et al. (1995). Left-Right Ideology and Collective Political Action: A Comparative Analysis of Germany, Israel, and Peru. The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives On States and Social Movements. J. C. Jenkins and B. Klandermans. Minneapolis, MN, U of Minnesota Press: 63-95.

The relationship between ideological identification & political protest in democracies is examined based on a comparative analysis of survey data from adults in the Federal Republic of Germany, Israel, & Peru (N = 714, 1,266, & 1,571, respectively) measuring political protest, ideological identification, party identification, public goods motivation, personal normative beliefs, & social network incentives. The traditional association of political protest with left-wing ideology was not completely supported by the results, & it is suggested that party identification partially mediates the relationship between political protest & ideological identity. Expected utility variables were the most reliable predictors of protest behavior, & it is thereby argued that ideological identification is significantly impacted by the expected utility of identity & action. The results support the theory that individuals at either extreme of the political spectrum are more likely to define themselves as agents of political protest, & to act accordingly. Although the study did not directly account for the political stance of the incumbent party, political protest was highest among groups opposing the ideological stance of the incumbent party in each country, & it is concluded that this variable should be further considered in future research. 10 Tables, 3 Figures. T. Sevier (Copyright 1996, Sociological Abstracts, Inc., all rights reserved.)


5. Wallace, M. and J. C. Jenkins (1995). The New Class, Postindustrialism, and Neocorporatism: Three Images of Social Protest in the Western Democracies. The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives On States and Social Movements. J. C. Jenkins and B. Klandermans. Minneapolis, MN, U of Minnesota Press: 96-137.

The nature, frequency, & causes of political protest in Western democracies is examined based on an analysis of mid-1970s data from the Political Action Project survey (Barnes, Samuel, & Kaase, Max, 1979) for the US, Italy, GB, the Federal Republic of Germany, Switzerland, Finland, the Netherlands, & Austria. Three models with alternate explanations for the new wave of political protests are discussed: the new class thesis, which attributes increased social protest to the well-educated & professionally oriented, rather than the working class; the postindustrialism thesis, which claims that a broad set of social & demographic changes have led to increased support for direct participation in decision making; & the neocorporatist & dealignment arguments, which suggest that corporate & party restructuring has created a more volatile electorate with a greater acceptance of political alternatives. Survey findings partially support all these models, & postindustrialism is the most significant determinant of political protest. Political protest is an increasingly accepted form of social action among all classes & in all countries. A countrywide analysis emphasizes the impact of neocorporatism, & the shifting influences of organized labor, classes, & religious groups, while an individual-level analysis highlights the importance of the new class, changes in women's status, & generational changes. 10 Tables, 1 Figure. T. Sevier (Copyright 1996, Sociological Abstracts, Inc., all rights reserved.)


6. Nollert, M. (1995). Neocorporatism and Political Protest in the Western Democracies: A Cross-National Analysis. The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives On States and Social Movements. J. C. Jenkins and B. Klandermans. Minneapolis, MN, U of Minnesota Press: 138-164.

The hypothesis that neocorporatism reduces social protest by decreasing the gap between societal demands & state capacities is tested through cross-national analysis of data for the 18 member countries of the Organization for Economic Cooperation & Development, 1948-1982. A pluralist depiction of social protest attributes increasing levels of social disruption to the growth of powerful special interest groups, increased societal demands, & the inability of government to address these demands effectively. In contrast, neocorporatist states reduce social protest through the development of an institutionalized bargaining system that mediates social demands & government capacities. However, this classical neocorporatist theory is supplemented by the hypothesis that neocorporatist states reduce social protest through increased economic performance & decreased economic inequality, which facilitate the resolution of societal demands with government capacities. Analysis suggests that neocorporatist states also lessen protest through the direct suppression of militant protest groups. The reduction of social protest was most notable in fully developed neocorporatist states, & strong Left parties & economic globalization strongly correlated with neocorporatism. 6 Tables, 6 Figures, 1 Appendix. T. Sevier (Copyright 1996, Sociological Abstracts, Inc., all rights reserved.)


7. Kriesi, H. (1995). The Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements: Its Impact on Their Mobilization. The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives On States and Social Movements. J. C. Jenkins and B. Klandermans. Minneapolis, MN, U of Minnesota Press: 167-198.

Examines the development & success of new social movements (NSMs) in France, the Federal Republic of Germany, the Netherlands, & Switzerland in relation to the political opportunity structure (POS) model of social movements. Although it is acknowledged that social & cultural factors affect NSMs, POS emphasizes the importance of the current political climate in determining their success or failure. The political context is a result of four factors: degree of access to the formal political structure, stability/instability of political alignments, availability & ideological stance of potential alliance partners, & political conflicts among elites. These factors, in combination with the formal & informal strategies employed by the state in opposition to challengers, determine the available opportunities for the mobilization & success of a social movement. Based on comparative analysis of NSMs in Europe, it is suggested that social movements have been more successful in democracies with integrative elites, a unified Left that is not in power, & pluralistic or religiously divided unions. These factors led to the adoption of more moderate goals & facilitated continued mobilization through the establishment of an independent constituency. 2 Tables. T. Sevier (Copyright 1996, Sociological Abstracts, Inc., all rights reserved.)


8. Maguire, D. (1995). Opposition Movements and Opposition Parties: Equal Partners or Dependent Relations in the Struggle for Power and Reform? The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives On States and Social Movements. J. C. Jenkins and B. Klandermans. Minneapolis, MN, U of Minnesota Press: 199-228.

The potential benefits & dangers of interactions between oppositional social movements (SMs) & oppositional political parties is discussed in relation to the outcomes of the recent peace movements in GB & Italy. Although many theorists have recently emphasized the growing division between SMs & parties, it is suggested that the political desires of SMs & political parties' need for support ensure that parties & SMs will interact significantly. National political alignments & traditions forge the strategies & outcomes of SMs, & SMs that fail to understand or cater to their specific domestic political environment are doomed to failure. Further, it is argued that the political power a party can offer a SM through alliance is accompanied by various dangers: SMs associated with parties may collapse if the party loses an election, & SM goals may be overwhelmed by political concerns. It is concluded that although SMs are often dependent on parties to advance their social agenda, if the ties between party & SM become too strong, the social goals of the SM may become subject to the manipulation & uncertainty of politics & the electoral system. T. Sevier (Copyright 1996, Sociological Abstracts, Inc., all rights reserved.)


9. DellaPorta, D. and D. Rucht (1995). Left-Libertarian Movements in Context: A Comparison of Italy and West Germany, 1965-1990. The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives On States and Social Movements. J. C. Jenkins and B. Klandermans. Minneapolis, MN, U of Minnesota Press: 229-272.

The impact of the political environment on the goals, strategies, & eventual successes of social movements are discussed in a comparative analysis of the evolution of varied Left-libertarian movements in Italy & the Federal Republic of Germany, 1965-1990. Cross-national transfer of themes, actions, & strategies through the media & direct communication influence the goals of social movements at the national level, & it is suggested that the Left-libertarian movements tended to become less radical as they gained access to political power & class conflict subsided. The supportive or alienating stance of the dominant Left party had the most significant impact on the development of these movements, regardless of whether that party was in power. The specific histories of the student, women's, environmental, & peace movements are discussed, & it is argued that these movements became more radical as support from the Left diminished. Under these circumstances, movement goals are not determined solely by member beliefs, but are the result of interactions with other movements &, especially, the political environment. 3 Tables, 4 Figures. T. Sevier (Copyright 1996, Sociological Abstracts, Inc., all rights reserved.)


10. Burstein, P., R. L. Einwohner, et al. (1995). The Success of Political Movements: A Bargaining Perspective. The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives On States and Social Movements. J. C. Jenkins and B. Klandermans. Minneapolis, MN, U of Minnesota Press: 275-295.

Discusses the importance of further research on the relative success of political movements, & supports a bargaining perspective of success analysis that emphasizes the interactions between social movement organizations (SMOs) & their targets (political institutions). Six forms of SMO success are defined: acceptance, agenda, access, policy victories, structural changes, & satisfying activist concerns. The bargaining perspective stresses relationships between SMOs, the political target, & the political environment, including the influence of third parties, & it is argued that the success of SMOs is determined by the degree of influence the SMO has over the political target. Review of previous research suggests that the tactics employed by SMOs are not as important as the dependence of the target on the SMO, & third-party support may facilitate SMO success when the third party holds political sway over the target. The relatively high success rate of violent tactics with an economic impact further supports bargaining theory due to the third-party political influence of business leaders, & it is concluded that SMO success is especially easy in unstable political environments where political leaders are unusually dependent on electoral support. 2 Tables. T. Sevier (Copyright 1996, Sociological Abstracts, Inc., all rights reserved.)


11. Dalton, R. J. (1995). Strategies of Partisan Influence: West European Environmental Groups. The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives On States and Social Movements. J. C. Jenkins and B. Klandermans. Minneapolis, MN, U of Minnesota Press: 296-323.

Discusses the partisan influence of the environment movement based on comparative analysis of 69 environmental groups from 10 European Community states. It is argued that the partisan decisions implemented by environmental groups determine the agenda & political direction of the green movement, while influencing public opinion regarding which issues are most important. Partisan strategies are divided into three forms: working with existing political parties, forming new green parties, or working outside of partisan politics. The study of European environmental groups evidences tremendous diversity in the nature & degree of partisan strategies adopted. The growing influence of the green movement, combined with the incompatibility of most existing parties with environmental concerns, suggests that environmental groups may catalyze a massive realignment of the current political system. Green movements have tended to avoid direct contact with parties in order to maintain their power as a single-issue lobby above partisan bias & reduce direct association with a losing party. Although green & New Left parties are more sympathetic with environmental movements, it is concluded that the ties between movements & parties will remain ambiguous, & that issue-based politics has led to a more fluid form of political interest representation. 5 Tables, 1 Figure. T. Sevier (Copyright 1996, Sociological Abstracts, Inc., all rights reserved.)


12. Misztal, B. and J. C. Jenkins (1995). Starting from Scratch Is Not Always the Same: The Politics of Protest and the Postcommunist Transitions in Poland and Hungary. The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives On States and Social Movements. J. C. Jenkins and B. Klandermans. Minneapolis, MN, U of Minnesota Press: 324-340.

Examines the impact of social protest movements on the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe, & critiques the productivity of the postcommunist transition process through comparative analysis of Poland & Hungary. Although communism collapsed in many countries simultaneously, the cause of the collapse & resulting outcomes varied considerably among states. A political economy interpretation of the collapse is advanced that emphasizes the importance of class struggles & international dependence. Although political protest was infrequent prior to the collapse, protest destabilized the weakest regimes, & this destabilization spread throughout the system due to lack of political & military intervention from the Soviet leadership. Strong political opposition in communist Poland led to political reforms without the necessary economic restructuring. Under these circumstances, the political world became strongly factionalized & incapable of implementing effective social or economic reform policies. In contrast, Hungary channeled political resistance into economic concessions & capitalist reforms, which paved the way for a more gradual transition process. These economic reforms eased the transition to democracy & promoted much needed economic stability at a time of social unrest. T. Sevier (Copyright 1996, Sociological Abstracts, Inc., all rights reserved.)


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