Internationalisation dans le champ éducatif (18e – 20e siècles) Internationalization in Education (18th – 20th centuries) Genève / Geneva, 27-30 juin / June 2012


Antonio Fco. CANALES SERRANO, Universidad de La Laguna, Spain



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Antonio Fco. CANALES SERRANO, Universidad de La Laguna, Spain

This paper seeks to study the English influence on three main educational groups in Spain during the first third of the XXth Century: the educators close to conservative catalanism, the Catholic educational movement and the Free Teaching Association. The three coincided in their admiration for English education and they coincided, also, in limiting their interest to the education of the elite embodied in Public Schools and the universities of Oxford and Cambridge. These coincidences are paradoxical, because the Catholic movement and the educators of the Free Teaching Association were two radically confronted educative approaches and it is common to identify them with each of the fighting sides in the Spanish Civil War. On the other hand, the coincidence of conservative catalanist educators in this admiration toward England allows including their educative positions, usually not taken into account, in a broader analysis of the Spanish case. The paper analyzes the perception that each one of these groups had of English education and how this perception was linked to their projects for the education of the Spanish elite. Later on, the contradictions that faced these projects in their application in Spain are studied. Catholic educators could not, or wanted not, to understand the background of liberalism and religious tolerance of English schools. It is tried to show how English education simply acted in the Catholic discourse as an international reference to legitimate an educational project placed very far from English values and mainly inspired in pre-liberal Spanish educative tradition. Educators linked to the Free Teaching Association, on the contrary, assumed English educative ideals. Nevertheless, the alliances they settled down led them to a set of permanent contradictions. Firstly, liberal and democratic republicans, their allies in the political level, defended a non elitist education and they considered French education as the model to guarantee their aims. Secondly, these educators derived to a large extend their influence from their control of the Advanced Studies Board, a state body created in the ministry of Education to impel education reform and scientific development. But scientists, their allies in the control of this institution, openly admired the German model, not the English one. Finally, the creation of institutions like the Students Residence and the experimental highschool, where these educators put into practice their ideals, were only possible through the State; a position contradictory with the leading role of civil society in education that they defended. Educators close to conservative catalanism were much more congruent and tried to set independent schools following the pattern of the English elite schools. However, they faced the absence of a social base to sustain this project, since Catalan bourgeoisie preferred traditional religious schools. This common admiration for the education of English elite shared by these three groups underlines the necessity to re-evaluate their characterization by Spanish historiography.

Cultures meeting in Rijeka, a multinational port



Adrienn NAGY, University of Pécs, Hungary

During my lecture, I would like to introduce the operation of secondary- and higher-level commercial schools in the second half of the 19th century in Rijeka (Fiume), which was one of the fastest-developing, multinational ports of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The relevant research has sought an answer to three main questions: 1) Could commercial schools achieve the goal set by themselves to turn out merchants well-trained in international commerce? 2) What consequences the “aggressive” Magyarisation attempts of the Hungarian government had for the operation of such schools, where the majority of the students were Italian- (70.59%), Croatian- (17.65%), or German- speaking (5.88%)? 3)What job opportunities students finishing such a school could find in the Monarchy and other countries? Apart from some studies made by Čop, Milivoj, Piroska Pallós and Tamás Pelles, there have been hardly any comprehensive studies on the history of the schools in Rijeka in the provisional era published, while the archives in Rijeka have extremely rich sources in Hungarian, Croatian and Italian, which have scarcely been explored by researchers so far. The current research was aimed at giving an answer to the above questions by exploiting these extraordinarily valuable sources. The research had three phases: 1)First the role of the two commercial school types in the secondary- and higher-level school market between 1868 and 1918 was examined through the comparative analysis of primary (registers, school reports, records, etc.) and secondary sources. 2)Then the social composition of such schools (mother tongue, denomination, parents’ job) was explored through statistical data collection and analysis. 3)Finally, the choice of career of those having finished a commercial school was studied on the basis of nation-wide statistical surveys. Considering the operation of these schools from the above aspects, we shall point out that the secondary commercial school established in Rijeka in the beginning of the 1880s, in which the language of instruction was Italian, provided a high-level education even according to European standards. Nevertheless, due to the increasingly intensive Magyarisation efforts after the reannexation of Rijeka to Hungary in the early 1900s, the standard of the school fell significantly as the language of instruction became Hungarian, which raised serious difficulties to the majority of the students speaking Italian (51%), Croatian or German. The higher-level commercial academy didn’t have to face similar problems for the majority of its students were Hungarian-speaking (87%). The religious composition was also different: in the secondary, 74% were catholic; while in the academy, 34% were Jewish. As a summary, we shall establish that mainly children of tradesmen and craftsmen attended such schools, who later became rather officials (in banks, commerce, etc.). The rate of those becoming purely merchants was fairly low (13%); still, there were insignificantly few (7%) choosing a completely different career. Finishing either school offered almost immediate job opportunities at international companies both in Rijeka (50%) and elsewhere (in the Monarchy, England, America, or Cairo).

Vendredi / Friday 14:30 - 16:30 Room: 5189

6.3. Réformes et alternatives pédagogiques / Reforms and pedagogical alternatives

Chair: Bernard SCHNEUWLY

Lorenzo Luzuriaga (1889 – 1959). Recherche pédagogique qui traverse l´Atlantique: de l´école républicaine jusqu’à la production rioplatense



Ana DIAMANT, Facultad de Psicología, Universidad de Buenos Aires y Biblioteca Nacional de Maestros, Argentina; María Teresa BEJARANO FRANCO, Facultad de Educación, Ciudad Real / Universidad de Castilla – La Mancha, España; Graciela PERRONE, Biblioteca Nacional de Maestros, Argentina; Javier RODRIGUEZ TORRES, Facultad de Educación, Toledo / Universidad de Castilla – La Mancha, España

L'œuvre de Lorenzo Luzuriaga est le fidèle reflet de ses convictions et de ses actions. Elle rassemble les productions du maître, du professeur, du pédagogue, de l'homme politique, par son engagement pour la démocratisation de l'enseignement. Les travaux qu’il fit entre l'Espagne et l'Argentine convergent et touchent une vie et une actualité au-delà des frontières territoriales, contextuelles et chronologiques. Réactualiser ces travaux en les complétant par les productions écrites et les témoignages oraux permet de connaître en détail la personne qu’il fut et son œuvre, de mettre en valeur ces recherches qui font partie du patrimoine pédagogique et de la mémoire collective. De plus, elle permet de partager des cadres de référence, d’expériences et des idées résultant d’une culture et d’une époque spécifiques. Sa condition de militant antifranquiste, et avant tout de républicain, l'oblige à quitter Madrid, mais ses marques vitales ne s'estompent pas et encore moins ses idéaux, qu’il conserve pendant son exil et qu’il actualise en Argentine. Ses marques sur l’école unique résistent, silencieuses, dans la clandestinité en attendant le moment de refaire surface. L’exil forcé de Luzuriaga l'a obligé à parcourir la France, le Pays de Galles et finalement Tucumán et Buenos Aires. Dans chacune de ces destinations, il a repris et reformulé des savoirs et des expériences. Nous nous sommes réunis, Espagnols et Argentins, pour retracer son œuvre et son parcours en profitant de la richesse et surtout des nuances que nous apportent les entrevues, au sens d’un nouveau regard depuis d’autres temps et d’autres espaces sur ces idées et ces productions. La richesse et la grande actualité de son œuvre permettent aujourd'hui encore d'identifier des projets, marques uniques laissées par son enseignement dans l'apprentissage de ceux qui furent ses collaborateurs et de ceux qui furent marqués par la lecture de ses publications. Les travaux de recherche que Lorenzo Luzuriaga laissa dans des livres, des dictionnaires et des articles montrent que ses idées pédagogiques furent novatrices et ne se rapportaient pas seulement à des principes pédagogiques appliqués à l’art d’enseigner, mais dédiés aussi à la formation de pédagogues et de maîtres débutants qui étudiaient en Espagne puis en Argentine. Reprendre ses idées pédagogiques apporte de nouvelles perspectives sur une œuvre complexe et aux multiples facettes qui mérite de nouvelles lectures et interprétations. Il nous revient d’identifier, à partir de ces documents et témoignages, les présupposés et les projets qui orientèrent sa production en relation avec l’enseignement, la production académique et l’application concrète de ses idées dans les institutions éducatives par lesquelles il est passé, qu’il a impulsées ou qu’il fonda, puis dans celles qui reprirent ensuite son héritage, de même que ses publications. Pour détailler ces idées, nous analyserons les témoignages des personnes qui eurent une relation académique et personnelle avec lui et avec sa pensée, puis nous retracerons le parcours pédagogique et éditorial qu’il laissa dans ses écrits. A travers ces deux plans de recherche, nous essayerons d’aborder la constance de son trait didactique formée et léguée, tout comme sa construction d’une identité socio-éducative entre 1914 et 1959, période durant laquelle il développa son activité professionnelle et intellectuelle tant en Espagne qu’en Argentine.

Santiago Ixcuintla: An Utopia experience between the Mexican rural education and the UNESCO´s educative programs (1949-1951)



Alicia CIVERA, El Colegio Mexiquense A.C., Mexico

After the Second World War, UNESCO began to develop educative programs for America Latina. In 1949, UNESCO supported an educative experience in Santiago Ixcuintla, a rural region in the state of Nayarit, in north-center Mexico. The objective was to implement an integral social reform, offering intensive educative actions in different levels, with cultural, sports and hygiene activities, and economic important changes too. After three years the project, managed by the Public Educational Minister (Secretaría de Educación Pública), was abandoned without any good results, apparently because of political problems. In my paper I analyze this experience to found out how UNESCO´s program were in touch with the Mexican educative traditions, in a moment when UNESCO was constructing its own first politics for Latin America, and in Mexico the rural school program, that was built after the 1910´s Revolution, was almost dying to encourage the “National Unity Educational Program”. I want to examine how this two different projects and institutions were connected in every day practices, and how this experience influences in the definition of other educative proposals like the Fundamental Education. An important matter was being in the middle of this connection: Where the schools activities strong enough to change rural people lives, or was it necessary to encourage some other economic, cultural and social reforms? How the UNESCO was going to deal with the political problems in every country it wanted to work in? To answer these questions I examine local news papers, teachers´ and authorities´ reports and memories, from etnographic history. My study is part of the historiography that tries to understand global processes looking for networks and interconexions that makes possible that an educational experience or model spread to other places in different directions, focusing on the way that it is appropiated, and changed when it face a different reality. At the same time, my study is part of a history of education that tries to analize school’s practices as the result of the interconexion of social, cultural, political and economic processes in different levels (local, regional, national and global), without giving a priori any importance to one of this processes or levels. I give special attention to the multiple actors that construct the everyday school.

Aspects of the lifes reform movement in Hungary in the interwar period between 1938 and 1944: From pedagogical reforms to life and life reform

Beatrix VINCZE, Eötvös Loránd University Faculty of Education and Psychology, Institutes of Education, Department of Education History, Hungary

The presentation shows the development and the influence of the Hungarian life reform movement between the two World Wars, which follows the European main-stream, evolved with it at the same time. The followers of the Hungarian life reform movement belong to the middle-class that is dissatisfied with the capitalism and criticised the citizen lifestyle and the traditional school. The life reform movement in Hungary was principally a reception of the German movement. It was transmitted primarily by intellectuals from Budapest, the representatives of Hungarian art and science. They popularized the new ideas first of all in the press. The criticism and searching for the solution presented some common problems: aspiration after the harmony and the revitalising of the society after the lost First World War. The Hungarian intellectuals, who adopted the ideology of the life reform movement, were primarily litterateurs, because Hungarian people had “little inclination to the philosophy”. In this debate (between the rural group and the urban group) were the high categories: “nation, folk and tribes”. The mental root of these issues went back to works from Nietzsche, Spengler and Ortega. My lecture focuses on the figures (Dezső Szabó, László Németh, Sándor Márai) of the literature, which were popular authors at that time and were specialized in pedagogical reform ideas with a view to find a way for the saving of the nation. In the research was used the combination of qualitative and quantitative methode of the text analyse. Both writers turn to the peasantry, because the clear power can be represented only by the ancestral society. Németh found the way out in “Revolution of the quality”, in the idea of “Garden-Hungary”. Szabó criticized capitalism and wanted to save the village. Márai as cosmopolitan was opposed to Szabó and Németh; he defended the traditional citizen values of Europe. He wanted to take up the talented provincial young people with the help of the school-teachers. The utopias of the Hungarian authors seem as protection against the dictatorship and shows the mental solution in the Education of the people, for the interest of the nation. The Hungarien life reform movement generally had an special character: it has an extra political and pedagocical mission with representing a new way for the nation.



The History of Secondary School Extracurricular Activities in the United States and England: Convergence and Divergence

Christen OPSAL, University of Minnesota, U.S.A.

Today, secondary schools in both the United States and Great Britain have extracurricular activities—school-sponsored student clubs, sports teams, etc. that take place outside the school day. While in the present, this appears to be an instance of institutional isomorphism (DiMaggio & Powell, 1983), in each country, the extracurriculum came to full flower at different times, for different reasons. Like the curriculum, the extracurriculum has reflected national tendencies, aspirations, and values. But unlike the curriculum, it has rarely been studied in comparative perspective. In the U.S., the extracurriculum came about as a response to a great increase in rates of high school attendance around the turn of the 20th century. A newly heterogeneous student body required a newly heterogeneous, multi-track curriculum. To counteract the socially-fragmenting effects of a differentiated curriculum, schools took control of extracurricular activities—which had previously been informal student-led activities—because of their presumed potential to unify the student body. By the late 1920s, school administrators noted that the extracurriculum had been not only an effect but a cause of near-universal high school attendance: “The development of these [extracurricular] activities in secondary schools has justified and possibly encouraged the rapid growth of our school population today” (Alexander & Root, in Introduction to Roemer & Allen, 1929, p. v). The person who perhaps did the most to popularize the formal, school-controlled extracurriculum—a professor at Teachers College, Columbia University named Elbert Fretwell—saw the extracurriculum as a site of personal growth and development, especially the virtues of “initiative, cooperation, responsibility, and intelligent obedience” (1919). That schools could and should foster such dispositions seemed quite normal and even expected in America, a nation long inclined to create formal associations and organizations to address its problems (Tocqueville, 1831-1832/1971). In contrast, it was not until the mid-20th century that British public schools had a full suite of extracurricular activities. For example, at Marlborough by 1963 “there were 46 entirely voluntary extra-curricular clubs in addition to 6 musical, 20 athletic and 15 house societies… This was a quite typical expansion. The other schools experienced the same phenomenon” (Mangan, 2000, p. 286). Throughout the 19th century, by contrast, a public school might have had only a debating society, a natural history or archaeological society, and a concert club (Mangan, 2000). In 1930, American comparativist Isaac Kandel wondered if the comparative lack of extracurricular activities was attributable to a British attitude famously articulated by H. G. Wells, that “what you organize, you kill” (1917). Kandel also found English efforts at “character formation” via extracurricular activities to be much more “unobtrusive” than in the U.S. (1930, p. 387). A few decades later, “changes in pupil attitudes, parental expectations, intellectual standards and social values” resulted in the mid-century growth in extracurriculars, according to Mangan (2000, p. 106). This paper also describes the extracurriculum’s shift from a social enterprise to an individual credential in both countries, as well as how the extracurriculum has reflected a reformist impulse in America and a conserving one in Britain (see Lloyd, 1962).

Vendredi / Friday 14:30 - 16:30 Room: 4393

6.4. Bâtiments et tableaux noirs: objets voyageurs et circulation des cultures matérielles scolaires / Buildings and blackboards: travelling objects and the circulation of school room material cultures

Chair: Kevin MYERS

The irony of an internationally conceived innovation: the flexible, foldable schooldesk of Oscar Brodsky



Marc DEPAEPE, K.U. Leuven, Belgium; Frank SIMON, University of Ghent, Belgium

Oscar Brodsky, born in 1859 in the then Russian harbor city of Odessa arrived in Brussels in 1914. As a former member of local school committees, he was confronted with “scoliosis” and other “malingering”. In order to remedy them, he developed adapted school desks for which he filed a patent already in 1915. Several patents that he filed concerned an individual, not even very original, foldable school desk, which also appeared to be suitable for having children study at home or even for all sorts of office work by adults. On the basis of the sporadic data that we have been able to gather on Brodsky’s design, we must conclude however that the “individualized” schooldesk – although internationally oriented – was not immediately a success. Hardly any of Brodsky’s foldable school desks were ever sold as far as we know. The most intriguing question is, of course, why? (1) Was it due to himself? That Oscar Brodsky as a designer did not have the “right stuff” commercially in order to sell his invention seems, in view of his background as a descendent of successful business families, at least dubious. (2) Did his scientific background fail? That too does not seem very plausible. His “discourse” employed the scientific and pseudo-scientific argumentation of the day. Brodsky played primarily on the medical and hygienic concerns that had caught on in the “pedological” and “pedotechnical” circles. (3) Then one may speculate about whether something went wrong with the marketing or the production? By implicitly referring to the Brussels pedotechnical milieu, Brodsky certainly tapped into the best dissemination channels – even internationally. Brussels was at the time not only an international center of scientific activity, but the Brussels’ pedological and pedotechnical movement also had a worldwide reputation. It had direct access to the reform pedagogical experiments, in which some of the open-air schools were involved. (4) Or did the greatest dissimilarities lie with the designed object itself and its attractiveness for the envisioned markets? Probably, the so-called “flexibility”, in casu “foldability” of Brodsky’s school desk was a bridge too far for the dominant, traditional school praxis. It did not fit in with the mental structures that existed in wide circles as regards the concept of “school”. In this sense, his material might presumably have been too “modern” for the “modern” school”, which had, in fact, remained a “schoolish” school. On the other hand, the flexibility envisioned by Brodsky was presumably not progressive enough for the modernizing household. The office furniture he extolled was probably seen by the public as being too much divorced from real life. Ultimately, the distance between “school” and “life” remained very great.



Building a little red school house: Swedish school building between state and local society, c. 1842-1900

Johannes WESTBERG, Department of Education, Sweden

The elementary schoolhouse was a phenomenon that gained both national and international importance during the nineteenth century. It was attributed great significance as a beacon of civilization, and was often perceived as a symbol for the entire school system. The iconic North American little red schoolhouse is perhaps the most famous example of this. The establishment of a national mass education system in Sweden during the nineteenth century entailed an increased interest in the design of school buildings. Accordingly, numerous international study tours were made. For example, the physicist and teacher Per Adam Siljeström (1815-92) and author Fredrika Bremer (1801-65) travelled around the western world observing elementary schools’ architecture and organization. The Swedish central government also began to pay attention to elementary school buildings. In 1861, government school inspectors were introduced, and in 1865 the first building plans were issued. The national and local adaptations of transnational visions of the schoolhouse have been examined by the expanding research on the space and material cultures of schooling. These studies have contributed immensely to our understanding of the schoolhouse as architecture, experience, educational discourse and practice. Despite this, there are still a number of fundamental issues of economic and organizational character that requires further studies. This paper addresses some of them through a study of schoolhouse building projects in Sweden, 1842-1900, examining the funding, organization, technology and materials of these ventures This paper focuses mainly on how the increased government involvement, as well as the socioeconomical transformation of the Swedish society, affected the building process and its results. What impact did, for example, the growing industrial sector and the modernization of the credit market have on the Swedish schoolhouses? Of particular interest is the role played by government inspectors and architectural plans. How did they affect the building projects, and how was the government’s directives altered in the process? Adding this perspective of economic history to the existing research on school buildings, this study addresses themes such as the local translation of national and international phenomenon and the changing role of the State in education. It examines the changes in central government and local community involvement which made an increasing standardization of the schoolhouses possible. It thus shows how the local Swedish adaption of the internationally recognized concept of schoolhouse was a matter of both explicit resistance towards the powers of central government, and factors such as modernized taxation and the emergence of construction firms. Thereby both the specificity and the generality of this translation process will be highlighted. Methodologically, this paper utilizes source materials that have been under-studied in the research on schoolhouses, including building accounts, cost estimates, insurance policies, title deeds and school board records. These materials have been gathered from an extensive study of 73 building project’s in one of Sweden's most rapidly changing areas in the 1800s: The saw mill district of the Sundsvall region.

Culture matérielle entre cultures: internationalisation de la matérialité scolaire à la fin du 19ème siècle




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