How The Venetian Virus Infected and Took Over England

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The Palmerston Zoo”

Solving the Paradox of Current World History

  • Introduction—Webster Tarpley, 3-18

  • The Venetian Takeover of England: A 200-Year Project—Gerald Rose, 18-25

  • How The Venetian Virus Infected and Took Over England—H. Graham Lowry, 25-30

  • British Intelligence Subversion: Shelburne and Bentham—Jeffrey Steinberg, 30-37

  • America's 'Young America' movement: slaveholders and the B'nai B'rith—Anton Chaitkin, 37-42

  • Palmerston launches Young Turks to permanently control Middle East—Joseph Brewda, 42-46

  • Freud and the Frankfurt School—Michael Minnicino, 46-51

  • Jim Crow, a cultural weapon in the hands of the Confederacy—Dennis Speed, 52-59

  • Epilogue, 59-60

Solving the Paradox of Current World History

Lord Palmerston's Multi Cultural Zoo

What you have before you, in the following pages, is what can correctly be described as a lesson in the method of strategic intelligence. This lesson was presented in far more dramatic fashion, including sections of videos and a multitude of other visual aids, during a three-hour session of the Feb. 19-20, 1994 conference of the Schiller Institute and the International Caucus of Labor Committees in Washington, D.C. which was entitled "Lord Palmerston's Multicultural Human Zoo." While it is impossible to fully replicate the impact of such a multi-media panel in written form, a proper approach to reading these transcripts should provide invaluable insight into how current history is being determined.

You note that I do not say that you will find invaluable "information," but rather an understanding of method. It is one of the major methodological pitfalls of intelligence work today, that it seeks to overload the reader with its selection of "facts," while obscuring the methodological assumptions and approach which actually determine the truth or falsehood of what is being conveyed. To convey the truth about how current history is being determined, we were forced to present the entire multi-faceted panel as a unit, so that you can think about it—and behind it—as a unit.

Thus we urge you: Please read this feature story in one sitting, as a totality. The panel was conceived by economist and statesman Lyndon LaRouche as a totality, much as a classical drama by Shakespeare or Schiller is conceived as a totality. The subject of the drama is not represented by any of the historical vignettes presented, nor can it be adequately summarized in an essay. In other words, any fixation on one particular part of the historical presentation will result in a false understanding of the historical puzzle being unraveled.

As in a drama, the "Palmerston Zoo" panel was broken up into scenes, which were connected by the voice of a chorus-commentator. The chorus's purpose is to activate the self-consciousness of the audience, directing its attention to the subject which lies behind the particular stories being told. (In this Feature, the chorus's comments are given in italics at the beginning or end of the presentations.)

The method of paradox

One way of describing the problem being addressed in this panel is this: How did it come about, and how is it perpetuated, that the enemies of humanity—of human creativity—control the course of current history? Just who or what is the enemy? What are the common axioms behind the various ideologies which have served to obstruct mankind's development of civilization over the past 500 years?

To answer this question, the following paradox must be addressed. An analysis of any particular turning point in history, or any national history, must turn out to be wrong. From a consistent analysis of even several particular periods of history, it can only be shown that such an analysis is consistently wrong. Why? Because history itself exemplifies the Parmenides paradox, the paradox of the relationship between the "one" and the "many" presented in Plato's famous dialogue on the Eleatic philosopher Parmenides.

What Plato's Parmenides dialogue demonstrates, through ruling out other alternatives (i.e., in a negative fashion), is that the causal reality behind a phenomenon, or historical period, lies outside that period, in what bounds the particulars.

A particular example may make the paradoxical nature of the problem clearer. From one period of history, it may look as though the enemy of civilization is a movement to destroy the monarchy of a country, whereas in other periods, the enemies of civilization may appear to be those defending the monarchy. To comprehend the actual nature of the enemy, one must understand the anti-human axioms which transcend the question of monarchy versus revolution. Another way to pose the problem is very common in our experience: How can you say that the British, who have no ostensible material power over the world, are dominating the United States, much less world history?

According to this Platonic method, which has been the conscious method of LaRouche and EIR from the start, the only productive approach to intelligence work is to address these "contradictions," or discontinuities in the process. Those who limit themselves to looking for good guys and bad guys in the historical process, will easily find themselves being led down the garden path by intelligence masters of the Venetian or British ilk. It is the system of discontinuities which must become the focus of those who wish to determine history, rather than be led by the nose.

Had there been more time, the panel would have presented more facets of the story, in order to make clear the overall conception of British intelligence. In particular, this would have included a presentation on the Leibnizian philosophical current that served as a foil to the British during the last 300 years. But you will find that it is not information that you lack, in order to get the conception of Lord Palmerston's multicultural human zoo.

And as in all true learning, you're going to have fun.


Speaking from the vantage point of Lord Palmerston's British Empire circa 1850, Schiller Institute U.S. President Webster Tarpley chaired the panel on ``Lord Palmerston's Multicultural Zoo'' at the Schiller Institute's conference on Feb. 20. Tarpley served as tour guide through the centuries, and as the ``choral'' backdrop to the historical drama, introducing each of the seven speakers in turn and concluding the panel. What follows is Tarpley's introduction. Subtitles have been added.

Lord Palmerston

I am now standing in the shadow of the Houses of Parliament in the part of London called Westminster. It is the year of grace 1850. Around me lies Victorian London, the London of Dickens and Thackeray, of John Stuart Mill and Thomas Carlyle. This capital city is now the center of the greatest colonial empire the world has ever known, shortly to embrace between one-fifth and one-fourth of the total population and land area of the Earth. Although in theory there are still empires ruled by the French, the Spanish, the Portuguese, the Dutch, the Belgians, and the Danes, all of these, in this year of 1850, are but the satellites of the British Empire. Britain is the mistress of the seas, the empire upon which the sun never sets. It is the new Rome on the banks of the Thames.

The empress is Queen Victoria, who is largely occupied with Prince Albert in her business of breeding new litters of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha to take over the royal houses of Europe. A quarter-century from now Victoria will be made empress of India to reward her for so much breeding. But for all of Victoria's wealth and power, Britain is not really a monarchy; it is an oligarchy on the Venetian model, and the most powerful leader of the British oligarchy in these times, between 1830 and the end of the American Civil War, is Lord Palmerston.

Henry Temple, the third Viscount Palmerston. Palmerston is the man the others--the Russells, Disraelis, and Gladstones--simply cannot match. Palmerston was first a Tory, then a Whig, always a disciple of Jeremy Bentham, and for 35 years there is scarcely a cabinet without Palmerston as foreign secretary or prime minister. In London they call him Lord Cupid, a Regency buck always on the lookout for a new mistress, perfectly at home in a ménage ô trois. On the continent they call him Lord Firebrand. The schoolboys of Vienna sing that if the devil has a son, that son is Lord Palmerston. ``Pam'' is an occultist who loves Satanism and seances. And here, between Big Ben and the Foreign Office, are the haunts of this nineteenth-century devil, Lord Palmerston, old Pam.

A New Roman Empire

It is 1850. Lord Palmerston is engaged in a campaign to make London the undisputed center of a new, worldwide Roman Empire. He is attempting to conquer the world in the way that the British have already conquered India, reducing every other nation to the role of a puppet, client, and fall-guy for British imperial policy. Lord Palmerston's campaign is not a secret. He has declared it here in the Houses of Parliament, saying that wherever in the world a British subject goes, he can flaunt the laws, secure that the British fleet will support him. ``Civis Romanus sum, every Briton is a citizen of this new Rome,'' thundered Lord Palmerston, and with that, the universal empire was proclaimed.

During the Napoleonic Wars, the British managed to conquer most of the world outside of Europe, with the exception of the United States. After 1815, the French--be they restored Bourbons, Orleanists, or Bonapartists--are generally pliant tools of London.

But in central and eastern Europe, there was Prince Metternich's Austrian Empire, a very strong land power. There was vast Imperial Russia, under the autocrat Nicholas I or the reformer Alexander II. There was the Kingdom of Prussia. Lord Palmerston likes to call these the ``arbitrary powers.'' Above all, Palmerston hated Metternich, the embodiment and ideologue of the Congress of Vienna system. Metternich presided over one of the most pervasive police states in history. Men said his rule was shored up by a standing army of soldiers, a sitting army of bureaucrats, a kneeling army of priests, and a creeping army of informers.

For Britain to rule the world, the Holy Alliance of Austria, Russia, and Prussia had to be broken up. There is also the matter of the dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire. Starting with Lord Byron's Greek Revolution in the 1820s, British policy has been to play the card of national liberation against each of these rival empires.

The imperial theme was sounded in 1846 with the free trade policy, Britain's declaration of intent to loot the world in the name of the pound. Then, in January 1848, Lord Palmerston arranged an insurrection in Sicily, using British networks that went back to Lord Nelson.

That started the great revolutionary year of 1848, and in the course of that year, every government in Europe was toppled, and every monarchy badly shaken, at least for a time. Metternich of Austria and King Louis Philippe of France fled to London, where they now spend their time playing cards. There was war in Italy, civil war in Austria, barricades in Paris, and tumult in Germany.

The only exception to the rule was Russia, and now Lord Palmerston is preparing to invade Russia, with the help of his strategic catamite, Napoléon III, also known as Napoléon le Petit. That will start in about three years, and it will be called the Crimean War. As soon as the war against Russia is over, Palmerston and John Stuart Mill at the British East India Company will start the Great Mutiny in India, which some historians will call the Sepoy Rebellion. Muslim soldiers will be told that new cartridges are greased with pig fat, Hindu soldiers will be told the cartridges are greased with cow fat, and the result will be what you would expect. But in the conflagration the British will get rid of the Great Mogul and the Mogul Empire, and impose their direct rule in all of India. Typical John Stuart Mill. He, of course, is the author of ``On Liberty.''

The British would like to give China the same treatment they are giving India. Since 1842, Palmerston and the East India Company have been waging Opium Wars against the Chinese Empire, partly to get them to open their ports to opium from India, and also as a way to conquer China. Already the British have Hong Kong and the other treaty ports. By 1860, the British will be in Beijing, looting and burning the summer palace of the emperor.

Shortly after that, the British will back Napoléon in his project of putting a Hapsburg archduke on the throne of an ephemeral Mexican Empire--the Maximilian Project. These projects will be closely coordinated with Palmerston's plans to eliminate the only two nations still able to oppose him--the Russia of Alexander II and the United States of Abraham Lincoln. Lord Palmerston will be the evil demiurge of the American Civil War, the mastermind of secession, far more important for the Confederacy than Jefferson Davis or Robert E. Lee. And in the midst of that war, Palmerston will detonate a rebellion in Poland against Russian rule, not for the sake of Poland, but for the sake of starting a general European war against Russia.

But when the Russian fleets sail into New York and San Francisco, when Lee's wave breaks at Gettysburg, when the Stars and Bars are lowered over Vicksburg, the British Empire will be stopped--just short of its goal. Just short--and yet, British hegemony will still be great enough to launch the two world wars of the twentieth century, and the third conflagration that will start in 1991. And as we look forward for a century and a half from 1850, British geopolitics, despite the challenges, despite the defeats, despite the putrefaction of Britain itself, will remain the dominant factor in world affairs.

Palmerston's Three Stooges

How do the British do it? How can a clique of depraved aristocrats on this tight little island bid to rule the entire world? Don't believe the stories about the workshop of the world; there are some factories here, but Britain lives by looting the colonies. The fleet is formidable, but also overrated, and very vulnerable to serious challenges. The army is third-rate. But the British have learned from the Venetians that the greatest force in history is the force of ideas, and that if you can control culture, you can control the way people think, and then statesmen and fleets and armies will bend to your will.

Take our friend Lord Palmerston. Pam has the Foreign Office, the Home Office, and Whitehall, but when he needed to start the 1848 revolutions, or when the time will come for the American Civil War, he turns to a troika of agents.

They are Lord Palmerston's Three Stooges. But instead of Moe, Larry, and Curly, these Three Stooges are named Giuseppe Mazzini, Louis Napoléon Bonaparte, and David Urquhart. These Three Stooges--far more than the Union Jack, Victoria, the bulldog breed, the thin gray line of heroes, and the fleet--are the heart of what is called the British Empire.

We will get to know Lord Palmerston's Three Stooges better. But first, one thing must be understood. Moe, Larry, and Curly often had to work together on this or that project. But their relations were never exactly placid.

[Slapstick episode from a ``The Three Stooges'' movie is shown to the audience.]

You understand: Their stock in trade was infantile violence. So do not be surprised if we find Palmerston's Three Stooges lashing out with slanders, knives, and bombs against each other, and even against their august master, Lord Palmerston himself.

Under Lord Palmerston England supports all revolutions--except her own--and the leading revolutionary in Her Majesty's Secret Service is Giuseppe Mazzini, our first Stooge.

Mazzini's terrorist revolution

Mazzini has concocted a very effective terrorist belief structure. Mazzini is a Genoese admirer of the diabolical Venetian friar Paolo Sarpi. Mazzini's father was a physician to Queen Victoria's father. For a while Mazzini worked for the Carbonari, one of Napoléon's freemasonic fronts. Then, in 1831, Mazzini founded his Young Italy secret society. Louis Napoléon Bonaparte, today's President of France, sent him articles for his magazine. Mazzini's cry is ``God and the People,'' ``Dio e Popolo,'' which means that the people are the new God. Populism becomes an ersatz religion. Mazzini teaches that Christianity developed the human individual, but that the era of Christianity, of freedom, of human rights, is now over. From now on, the protagonists of history are not individuals any more, but peoples, understood as racial nationalities. Mazzini is adamant that there are no inalienable human rights. There is only Duty, the duty of thought and action to serve the destiny of the racial collectivities. ``Liberty,'' says Mazzini, ``is not the negation of all authority; it is the negation of every authority that fails to represent the Collective Aim of the Nation.'' There is no individual human soul, only a collective soul. According to Mazzini, the Catholic Church, the papacy, and every other institution which attempts to bring God to man must be abolished. Every national grouping that can be identified must be given independence and self-determination in a centralized dictatorship. In the coming century, Mussolini and the Italian Fascists will repeat many of Mazzini's ideas verbatim.

Mazzini thinks that each modern nation has a ``mission'': The British would take care of Industry and Colonies; the Poles, leadership of the Slavic world; the Russians, the civilizing of Asia. The French get Action, the Germans get Thought, and so forth. For some strange reason, there is no mission for Ireland, so Mazzini does not support the independence of Ireland. There is only one monarchy which Mazzini supports, because he says it has deep roots among the people: You guessed it, Queen Victoria.

Mazzini preaches an Italian revolution for the Third Rome: After the Rome of the Caesars and the Rome of the Popes comes the Rome of the People. For this, the pope must be driven out. Mazzini has tried to put this into practice just last year. In November 1848, armed Young Italy gangs forced Pope Pius IX to flee from Rome to Naples. From March to June of 1849, Mazzini ruled the Papal States as one of three dictators, all Grand Orient Freemasons. During that time, death squads operated in Rome, Ancona, and other cities. Some churches were sacked, and many confessionals were burned. For Easter 1849, Mazzini staged a monstrous mock Eucharist in the Vatican he called the Novum Pascha, featuring himself, God, and the People. During this time he was planning to set up his own Italian national church on the Anglican model.

The defense of Rome was organized by Giuseppe Garibaldi, who had joined Mazzini's Young Italy in the early 1830s. But a French army sent by fellow Stooge Louis Napoléon drove out Mazzini, Garibaldi, and their supporters. Lord Palmerston said that Mazzini's regime in Rome was ``far better than any the Romans have had for centuries.''

Right now Mazzini is here in London, enjoying the support of Lord Ashley, the Earl of Shaftesbury, a Protestant fanatic who also happens to be Lord Palmerston's son-in-law. Mazzini's direct access to the British government payroll comes through James Stansfeld, a junior Lord of the Admiralty and a very high official of British intelligence. Last year, Stansfeld provided the money for Mazzini's Roman Republic. Stansfeld's father-in-law, William Henry Ashurst, is another of Mazzini's patrons, as is John Bowring of the Foreign Office, the man who will provoke the second Opium War against China. Bowring is Jeremy Bentham's literary executor. John Stuart Mill of India House is another of Mazzini's friends. Mazzini is close to the protofascist writer Thomas Carlyle, and has been having an affair with Carlyle's wife.

One of Metternich's henchmen has said that Palmerston's policy is to make Italy turbulent, which is bad for Austria, without making her powerful, which would harm England. Mazzini's role in Italy has been that of a marplot, a wrecker, a terrorist, an assassin. His specialty is sending his brainwashed dupes to their deaths in terrorist attacks. He hides out and always succeeds in saving himself. Mazzini travels readily on the continent using false passports, posing as an American, an Englishman, a rabbi.

In the thirties and forties, Mazzini was targeting Piedmont in the north, and the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies in the south. In 1848, he rushed to Milan as soon as the Austrians had been driven out and tried to start trouble. One of Mazzini's agents, General Ramorino, let the Austrian commander Radetzky outflank the Piedmontese and win the battle of Novara. Ramorino was executed for treason, but Piedmont had lost the first war for Italian liberation. The king abdicated, and Mazzini tried to break up Piedmont with a revolt in Genoa. Three years from now, Mazzini will stage an abortive revolt against the Austrians in Milan, mainly to stop Russia from allying with Austria in the Crimean War. A few years after that Mazzini will try another insurrection in Genova, still trying to break up Piedmont. In 1860, he will encourage Garibaldi to sail to Sicily, and then try to provoke a civil war between Garibaldi's dictatorship in the south and Cavour's Piedmontese government in the north. In 1860, he will be thrown out of Naples as a provocateur. By that time, Mazzini will be a hated and reviled figure, but British propaganda and British support will keep him going.

Mazzini is also an assassination bureau. In 1848, there was a chance that Pius IX's very capable reforming minister Pellegrino Rossi could unify Italy and solve the Roman Question in a constructive way, through an Italian confederation, chaired by the pope, arranged with Gioberti, Cavour, and other Piedmontese. Mazzini's agents, members of Young Italy, stabbed Pellegrino Rossi to death. The killer was in touch with Lord Minto, Palmerston's special envoy for Italy.

Stooge violence between Mazzini and Napoléon III is always intense, especially after Napoléon's army finished off Mazzini's Roman Republic. In 1855, a Mazzini agent named Giovanni Pianori will attempt to kill Napoléon III, and a French court will convict Mazzini. Have Napoléon's forces outshone the bungling British in the Crimea? Are the British nervous about Napoléon's new ironclad battleship, when they have none? Attempts to kill Napoléon are financed by the Tibaldi Fund, run by Mazzini and set up by Sir James Stansfeld of the Admiralty.

Later, in February 1858, there will be an attempt to blow up Napoléon by one of Mazzini's closest and best-known lieutenants from the Roman Republic, Felice Orsini. Napoléon will get the message that it is time to get busy and start a war against Austria in 1859.

At other times, Mazzini tried to kill King Carlo Alberto of Piedmont. Mazzini's Young Italy is always the party of the dagger, of the stiletto. ``In the hands of Judith, the sword which cut short the life of Holofernes was holy; holy was the dagger which Harmodius crowned with roses; holy was the dagger of Brutus; holy the poniard of the Sicilian who began the Vespers; holy the arrow of Tell.'' Vintage Mazzini. London's future ability to assassinate men like Walter Rathenau, Jürgen Ponto, Aldo Moro, Alfred Herrhausen, Detlev Rohwedder, stretches back in unbroken continuity to the Mazzini networks of today.

Mazzini is actually doing everything he can to prevent Italian unity. When unity comes, 20 years from now, it will come in the form of a highly centralized state dominated by Grand Orient Freemasons. For 30 years the prime ministers will be Mazzini's agents, like DePretis and Crispi. Because of the violent liquidation of the Papal States, the Catholics will refuse to take part in politics. Italy will remain weak, poor, and divided. After Mussolini, the Italian Republican Party will identify with Mazzini, and Ugo LaMalfa and his friends will continue Mazzini's efforts to make sure that Italy is weak and divided, bringing down one government after another, and ruining the economy.

Palmerston's London During the 1850's -- A Tour of the Human Multicultural Zoo

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