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LORD HOPE OF CRAIGHEAD

My Lords,

This is an appeal against the decision of the Divisional Court to quash the provisional warrants of 16 and 22 October 1998 which were issued by the metropolitan stipendiary magistrate under section 8(1)(b) of the Extradition Act 1989. The application to quash had been made on two grounds. The first was that Senator Pinochet as a former head of state of the Republic of Chile was entitled to immunity from arrest and extradition proceedings in the United Kingdom in respect of acts committed when he was head of state. The second was that the charges which had been made against him specified conduct which would not have been punishable in England when the acts were done, with the result that these were not extradition crimes for which it would be lawful for him to be extradited.

The Divisional Court quashed the first warrant, in which it was alleged that Senator Pinochet had murdered Spanish citizens in Chile, on the ground that it did not disclose any offence for which he could be extradited to Spain. Its decision on that point has not been challenged in this appeal. It also quashed the second warrant, in which it was alleged that Senator Pinochet was guilty of torture, hostage-taking, conspiracy to take hostages and conspiracy to commit murder. It did so on the ground that Senator Pinochet was entitled to immunity as a former head of state from the process of the English courts. The court held that the question whether these were offences for which, if he had no immunity, it would be lawful for him to be extradited was not a matter to be considered in that court at that stage. But Lord Bingham of Cornhill C.J. said that it was not necessary for this purpose that the conduct alleged constituted a crime which would have been punishable in this country at the time when it was alleged to have been committed abroad.

When this appeal was first heard in your Lordships' House the argument was directed almost entirely to the question whether Senator Pinochet was entitled as a former head of state to claim sovereign immunity in respect of the charges alleged against him in the second provisional warrant. It was also argued that the offences of torture and hostage-taking were not offences for which he could be extradited until these became offences for which a person could be prosecuted extra-territorially in the United Kingdom. But the second argument appears to have been regarded as no more than a side issue at that stage. This is not surprising in view of the terms of the second provisional warrant. The offences which it specified extended over periods lasting well beyond the date when the conduct became extra-territorial offences in this country. Only Lord Lloyd of Berwick dealt with this argument in his speech, and he confined himself to one brief comment. He said that it involved a misunderstanding of section 2 of the Extradition Act 1989, as in his view section 2(1)(a) referred to conduct which would constitute an offence in the United Kingdom now, not to conduct which would have constituted an offence then: [1998] 3 W.L.R. 1456, 1481F-G.

The offences alleged against Senator Pinochet

Four offences were set out in the second provisional warrant of 22 October 1998. These were:

(1) torture between 1 January 1988 and December 1992;

(2) conspiracy to torture between 1 January 1988 and 31 December 1992;

(3) (a) hostage-taking and (b) conspiracy to take hostages between 1 January 1982 and 31 January 1992; and

(4) conspiracy to commit murder between January 1976 and December 1992.

These dates must be compared with the date of the coup which brought Senator Pinochet to power in Chile, which was 11 September 1973, and the date when he ceased to be head of state, which was 11 March 1990. Taking the dates in the second provisional warrant at their face value, it appears (a) that he was not being charged with any acts of torture prior to 1 January 1988, (b) that he was not being charged with any acts of hostage-taking or conspiracy to take hostages prior to I January 1982 and (c) that he was not being charged with any conspiracy to commit murder prior to January 1976. On the other hand he was being charged with having committed these offences up to December 1992, well after the date when he ceased to be head of state in Chile.

The second appellant has taken the opportunity of the interval between the end of the first hearing of this appeal and the second hearing to obtain further details from the Spanish judicial authorities. He has explained that the provisional warrant was issued under circumstances of urgency and that the facts are more developed and complex than first appeared. And a number of things have happened since the date of the first hearing which, it is submitted, mean that the provisional warrant no longer has any life or effect. On 9 December 1998 the Secretary of State issued an authority to proceed under section 7(4) of the Act of 1989. On 10 December 1998 the Spanish indictment was preferred in Madrid, and on 24 December 1998 further particulars were drafted in accordance with Article 13 of the European Convention on Extradition for furnishing with the extradition request.

Mr. Alun Jones Q.C. for the appellants said that it would be inappropriate for your Lordships in these circumstances to confine an examination of the facts to those set out in the provisional warrant and that it would be unfair to deprive him of the ability to rely on material which has been served within the usual time limits imposed in the extradition process. He invited your Lordships to examine all the material which was before the Secretary of State in December, including the formal request which was signed at Madrid on 3 November 1998 and the further material which has now been submitted by the Spanish Government. Draft charges have been prepared, of the kind which are submitted in extradition proceedings as a case is presented to the magistrate at the beginning of the main hearing under section 9(8) of the Act. This has been done to demonstrate how the charges which are being brought by the Spanish judicial authorities may be expressed in terms of English criminal law, to show the offences which he would have committed by his conduct against the law of this country.

The crimes which are alleged in the Spanish request are murder on such a scale as to amount to genocide and terrorism, including torture and hostage-taking. The Secretary of State has already stated in his authority to proceed that Senator Pinochet is not to be extradited to Spain for genocide. So that part of the request must now be left out of account. But my impression is that the omission of the allegation of genocide is of little consequence in view of the scope which is given in Spanish law to the allegations of murder and terrorism.

It is not our function to investigate the allegations which have been made against Senator Pinochet, and it is right to place on record the fact that his counsel, Miss Montgomery Q.C., told your Lordships that they are all strenuously denied by him. It is necessary to set out the nature and some of the content of these allegations, on the assumption that they are supported by the information which the Spanish judicial authorities have made available. This is because they form an essential part of the background to the issues of law which have been raised in this appeal. But the following summary must not be taken as a statement that the allegations have been shown to be true by the evidence, because your Lordships have not considered the evidence.

The material which has been gathered together in the extradition request by the Spanish judicial authorities alleges that Senator Pinochet was party to a conspiracy to commit the crimes of murder, torture and hostage-taking, and that this conspiracy was formed before the coup. He is said to have agreed with other military figures that they would take over the functions of government and subdue all opposition to their control of it by capturing and torturing those who opposed them, who might oppose them or who might be thought by others to be likely to oppose them. The purpose of this campaign of torture was not just to inflict pain. Some of those who were to be tortured were to be released, to spread words of the steps that would be taken against those who opposed the conspirators. Many of those who were to be tortured were be subjected to various other forms of atrocity, and some of them were be killed. The plan was to be executed in Chile and in several other counties outside Chile.

When the plan was put into effect victims are said to have been abducted, tortured and murdered pursuant to the conspiracy. This was done first in Chile, and then in other countries in South America, in the United States and in Europe. Many of the acts evidencing the conspiracy are said to have been committed in Chile before 11 September 1973. Some people were tortured at a naval base in August 1973. Large numbers of persons were abducted, tortured and murdered on 11 September 1973 in the course of the coup before the junta took control and Senator Pinochet was appointed its President. These acts continued during the days and weeks after the coup. A period of repression ensued, which is said to have been at its most intense in 1973 and 1974. The conspiracy is said to have continued for several years thereafter, but to have declined in intensity during the decade before Senator Pinochet retired as head of state on 11 March 1990. It is said that the acts committed in other countries outside Chile are evidence of the primary conspiracies and of a variety of sub-conspiracies within those states.

The draft charges which have been prepared in order to translate these broad accusations into terms of English law may be summarised as follows:

(1) conspiracy to torture between 1 January 1972 and 10 September 1973 and between 1 August 1973 and 1 January 1990 - charges 1, 2 and 5;

(2) conspiracy to take hostages between 1 August 1973 and 1 January 1990 - charge 3;

(3) conspiracy to torture in furtherance of which murder was committed in various countries including Italy, France, Spain and Portugal between 1 January 1972 and 1 January 1990 - charge 4; (4) torture between 1 August 1973 and 8 August 1973 and on 11 September 1973 - charges 6 and 8 [there is no charge 7];

(5) conspiracy to murder in Spain between 1 January 1975 and 31 December 1976 and in Italy on 6 October 1975 - charges 9 and 12;

(6) attempted murder in Italy on 6 October 1975 - charges 10 and 11;

(7) torture on various occasions between 11 September 1973 and May 1977 - charges 13 to 29 and 31 to 32; and

(8) torture on 24 June 1989 - charge 30.

This summary shows that some of the alleged conduct relates to the period before the coup when Senator Pinochet was not yet head of state. Charges 1 and 5 (conspiracy to torture) and charge 6 (torture) relate exclusively to that period. Charges 2 and 4 (conspiracy to torture) and charge 3 (conspiracy to take hostages) relate to conduct over many years including the period before the coup. None of the conduct now alleged extends beyond the period when Senator Pinochet ceased to be head of state.

Only one charge (charge 30 - torture on 24 June 1989) relates exclusively to the period after 29 September 1988 when section 134 of the Criminal Justice Act 1988, to which I refer later, was brought into effect. But charges 2 and 4 (conspiracy to torture) and charge 3 (conspiracy to take hostages) which relate to conduct over many years extend over this period also. Two acts of torture which are said to have occurred between 21 and 28 October 1988 are mentioned in the extradition request. They have not been included as separate counts in the list of draft charges, but it is important not to lose sight of the fact that the case which is being made against Senator Pinochet by the Spanish judicial authorities is that each act of torture has to be seen in the context of a continuing conspiracy to commit torture. As a whole, the picture which is presented is of a conspiracy to commit widespread and systematic torture and murder in order to obtain control of the government and, having done so, to maintain control of government by those means for as long as might be necessary.

Against that background it is necessary first to consider whether the relevant offences for the purposes of this appeal are those which were set out in the second provisional warrant or those which are set out in the draft charges which have been prepared in the light of the further information which has been obtained from the Spanish judicial authorities.

On one view it might be said that, as the appeal is against the decision of the Divisional Court to quash the second provisional warrant, your Lordships should be concerned only with the charges which were set out in that document. If that warrant was bad on the ground that the charges which it sets out are charges in respect of which Senator Pinochet has immunity, everything else that has taken place in reliance upon that warrant must be bad also. If he was entitled to immunity, no order should have been made against him in the committal proceedings and the Secretary of State should not have issued an authority to proceed. But Article 13 of the European Convention on Extradition which, following the enactment of the Extradition Act 1989, the United Kingdom has now ratified (see the European Convention on Extradition Order 1990, S.I. 1990 No. 1507), provides that if the information communicated by the requesting party is found to be insufficient to allow the requested party to make a decision in pursuance of the Convention the requested party may ask for the necessary supplementary information to be provided to it by the requesting party.

It is clear that the first provisional warrant was prepared in circumstances of some urgency, as it was believed that Senator Pinochet was about to leave the United Kingdom in order to return to Chile. Once begun, the procedure was then subject to various time limits. There was also the problem of translating the Spanish accusations, which cover so many acts over so long a period, into the terms of English criminal law. I do not think that it is surprising that the full extent of the allegations which were being made was not at first appreciated. In my opinion the Spanish judicial authorities were entitled to supplement the information which was originally provided in order to define more clearly the charges which were the subject of the request. On this view it would be right to regard the material which is now available as explanatory of the charges which the second provisional warrant was intended to comprise. Mr. Clive Nicholls Q.C. for Senator Pinochet said that he was content with this approach in the interests of finality.



Are the alleged offences "extradition crimes"?

If your Lordships are willing, as I suggest we should be, to examine this material it is necessary to subject it to further analysis. The starting point is section 1(1) of the Extradition Act 1989, which provides that a person who is accused in a foreign state of the commission of an extradition crime may be arrested and returned to that state in accordance with the extradition procedures in Part III of the Act. The expression "extradition crime" is defined in section 2 of the Act under two headings. The first, which is set out in section 2(1)(a), refers to

"conduct in the territory of a foreign state . . . which, if it occurred in the United Kingdom, would constitute an offence punishable with imprisonment for a term of twelve months, or any greater punishment, and which, however described in the law of the foreign state&!!;is so punishable under that law."

The second, which is set out in section 2(1)(b) read with section 2(2), refers to an extra-territorial offence against the law of a foreign state which is punishable under that law with imprisonment for a term of 12 months or any greater punishment, and which in corresponding circumstances would constitute an extra-territorial offence against the law of the United Kingdom punishable with imprisonment for a term of 12 months or any greater punishment.

For reasons which have been explained by my noble and learned friend Lord Browne-Wilkinson, the critical issue on the question of sovereign immunity relates to the effect of the United Nations Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment of 10 December 1984 ("the Torture Convention") and the offences which allege torture. As to those alleged offences which do not fall within the scope of the Torture Convention and which could not be prosecuted here under section 134 of the Criminal Justice Act 1988, any loss of immunity would have to be decided on other grounds. But there is no need to examine this question in the case of those alleged offences for which Senator Pinochet could not in any event be extradited. The purpose of the following analysis is to remove from the list of draft charges those charges which fall into that category either because they are not extradition crimes as defined by section 2 of the Extradition Act 1989 or because for any other reason other than on grounds of immunity they are charges on which Senator Pinochet could not be extradited.

This analysis proceeds on the basis that the definition of the expression "extradition crime" in section 2 of the Act of 1989 requires the conduct which is referred to in section 2(1)(a) to have been an offence which was punishable in the United Kingdom when that conduct took place. It also proceeds on the basis that it requires the extra-territorial offence which is referred to in section 2(1)(b) to have been an extra-territorial offence in the United Kingdom on the date when the offence took place. The principle of double criminality would suggest that this was the right approach, in the absence of an express provision to the contrary. The tenses used in section 2 seem to me to be equivocal on this point. They leave it open to examination in the light of the provisions of the Act as a whole. The argument in favour of the date when the conduct took place has particular force in the case of those offences listed in section 22(4) of the Act. These have been made extra-territorial offences in order to give effect to international conventions, but neither the conventions nor the provisions which gave effect to them were intended to operate retrospectively.

I respectfully agree with the reasons which my noble and learned friend Lord Browne-Wilkinson has given for construing the definition as requiring that the conduct must have been punishable in the United Kingdom when it took place, and that it is not sufficient for the appellants to show that it would be punishable here were it to take place now.

Hostage-taking

An offence under the Taking of Hostages Act 1982 is one of those offences, wherever the act takes place, which is deemed by section 22(6) of the Extradition Act 1989 to be an offence committed within the territory of any other state against whose law it is an offence. This provision gives effect to the International Convention against the Taking of Hostages of 18 December 1979 ("the Hostage Convention"). Under section 1 of the Act of 1982 hostage-taking is an extra-territorial offence against the law of the United Kingdom. Section 1(1) of that Act defines the offence in these terms:

"A person, whatever his nationality, who, in the United Kingdom or elsewhere, -

(a) detains any other person ('the hostage'), and

(b) in order to compel a State, international governmental organisation or person to do or to abstain from doing any act, threatens to kill, injure or continue to detain the hostage,

commits an offence."

Mr. Jones accepted that he did not have particulars of any case of hostage-taking. He said that his case was that Senator Pinochet was involved in a conspiracy to take hostages for the purposes which were made unlawful by section 1 of the Act. Charge 3 of the draft charges, which is the only charge which alleges conspiracy to take hostages, states that the course of conduct which was to be pursued was to include the abduction and torture of persons as part of a campaign to terrify and subdue those who were disposed to criticise or oppose Senator Pinochet or his fellow conspirators. Those who were not detained were to be intimidated, through the accounts of survivors and by rumour, by fear that they might suffer the same fate. Those who had been detained were to be compelled to divulge information to the conspirators by the threatened injury and detention of others known to the abducted persons by the conspirators.

But there is no allegation that the conspiracy was to threaten to kill, injure or detain those who were being detained in order to compel others to do or to abstain from doing any act. The narrative shows that the alleged conspiracy was to subject persons already detained to threats that others would be taken and that they also would be tortured. This does not seem to me to amount to a conspiracy to take hostages within the meaning of section 1 of the Act of 1982. The purpose of the proposed conduct, as regards the detained persons, was to subject them to what can best be described as a form of mental torture.

One of the achievements of the Torture Convention was to provide an internationally agreed definition of torture which includes both physical and mental torture in the terms set out in Article 1:

"For the purposes of this convention, torture means any act by which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a person for such purposes as obtaining from him or a third person information or a confession, punishing him for an act he or a third person has committed or is suspected of having committed, or intimidating or coercing him or a third person, or for any reason based on discrimination of any kind . . . "

The offence of torture under English law is constituted by section 134(1) of the Criminal Justice Act 1988, which provides:

"A public official or person acting in an official capacity, whatever his nationality, commits the offence of torture if in the United Kingdom or elsewhere he intentionally inflicts severe pain or suffering on another in the performance or purported performance of his official duties."

Section 134(3) provides that it is immaterial whether the pain or suffering is physical or mental and whether it is caused by an act or an omission. So, in conformity with the Convention, the offence includes mental as well as physical torture. It seems to me that the conspiracy which charge 3 alleges against Senator Pinochet was a conspiracy to inflict mental torture, and not a conspiracy to take hostages.

I would hold therefore that it is not necessary for your Lordships to examine the Hostage Convention in order to see whether its terms were such as to deprive a former head of state of any immunity from a charge that he was guilty of hostage-taking. In my opinion Senator Pinochet is not charged with the offence of hostage-taking within the meaning of section 1 (1) of the Taking of Hostages Act 1982.



Conspiracy to murder and attempted murder

The charges of conspiracy to torture include allegations that it was part of the conspiracy that some of those who were abducted and tortured would thereafter be murdered. Charge 4 alleges that in furtherance of that agreement about four thousand persons of many nationalities were murdered in Chile and in various other countries outside Chile. Two other charges, charges 9 and 12, allege conspiracy to murder - in one case of a man in Spain and in the other of two people in Italy. Charge 9 states that Senator Pinochet agreed in Spain with others who were in Spain, Chile and France that the proposed victim would be murdered in Spain. Charge 12 does not say that anything was done in Spain in furtherance of the alleged conspiracy to murder in Italy. There is no suggestion in either of these charges that the proposed victims were to be tortured. Two further charges, charges 10 and 11, allege the attempted murder of the two people in Italy who were the subject of the conspiracy to commit murder there. Here again there is no suggestion that they were to be tortured before they were murdered.

Murder is a common law crime which, before it became an extra-territorial offence if committed in a convention country under section 4 of the Suppression of Terrorism Act 1978, could not be prosecuted in the United Kingdom if it was committed abroad except in the case of a murder committed abroad by a British citizen: Offences against the Person Act 1861, section 9. A murder or attempted murder committed by a person in Spain, whatever his nationality, is an extradition crime for the purposes of his extradition to Spain from the United Kingdom under section 2(1)(a) of the Extradition Act 1989 as it is conduct which would be punishable here if it occurred in this country. But the allegation relating to murders in Spain and elsewhere which is made against Senator Pinochet is not that he himself murdered or attempted to murder anybody. It is that the murders were carried out, or were to be carried out, in Spain and elsewhere as part of a conspiracy and that he was one of the conspirators.

Section 1 of the Criminal Law Act 1977 created a new statutory offence of conspiracy to commit an offence triable in England and Wales. The offence of conspiracy which was previously available at common law was abolished by section 5. Although the principal offence was defined in the statute more narrowly, in other respects it codified the pre-existing law. It came into force on 1 December 1977: S.I. 1977 No. 1682. Subsection (4) of that section provides:

"In this Part of this Act 'offence' means an offence triable in England and Wales, except that it includes murder notwithstanding that the murder in question would not be so triable if committed in accordance with the intention of the parties to the agreement."

The effect of that subsection is that a person, whatever his nationality, who agrees in England to a course of conduct which will involve the offence of murder abroad may be prosecuted here for the offence of conspiracy to murder even although the murder itself would not have been triable in this country. It re-enacted a provision to the same effect in section 4 of the Offences against the Person Act 1861, which it in part repealed: see Schedule 13 to the Act of 1977. Section 4 of the Act of 1861 was in these terms:

"All persons who shall conspire, confederate, and agree to murder any person, whether he be a subject of Her Majesty or not, and whether he be within the Queen's Dominions or not, and whosoever shall solicit, encourage, persuade, or endeavour to persuade, or shall propose to any person, to murder any other person, whether he be a subject of Her Majesty or not, and whether he be within the Queen's Dominions or not, shall be guilty of a misdemeanour, and being convicted thereof shall be liable, at the discretion of the court, to be kept in penal servitude for any term not more than ten and not less than three years,--or to be imprisoned for any term not exceeding two years, with or without hard labour."

So the conduct which is alleged against Senator Pinochet in charge 9 - that between 1 January 1975 and 31 December 1976 he was a party to a conspiracy in Spain to murder someone in Spain - is an offence for which he could, unless protected by immunity, be extradited to Spain under reference to section 4 of the Act of 1861, as it remained in force until the relevant part of it was repealed by the Act of 1977. This is because his participation in the conspiracy in Spain was conduct by him in Spain for the purposes of section 2(1)(a) of the Extradition Act 1989.

The conduct which is alleged against him in charge 4 is that he was a party to a conspiracy to murder, in furtherance of which about four thousand people were murdered in Chile and in various countries outside Chile including Spain. It is implied that this conspiracy was in Chile, so I would hold that this is not conduct by him in Spain for the purposes of section 2(1)(a) of Act of 1989. The question then is whether it is an extra-territorial offence within the meaning of section section 2(1)(b) of that Act.

A conspiracy to commit a criminal offence in England is punishable here under the common law rules as to extra-territorial conspiracies even if the conspiracy was formed outside England and nothing was actually done in this country in furtherance of the conspiracy: Somchai Liangsiriprasert v. Government of the United States of America [1991] 1 A.C. 225. In that case it was held by the Judicial Committee, applying the English common law, that a conspiracy to traffic in a dangerous drug in Hong Kong entered into in Thailand could be tried in Hong Kong although no act pursuant to that conspiracy was done in Hong Kong. Lord Griffiths, delivering the judgment of the Board, said at p. 251C-D:

"Their Lordships can find nothing in precedent, comity or good sense that should inhibit the common law from regarding as justiciable in England inchoate crimes committed abroad which are intended to result in the commission of criminal offences in England."

In Regina v. Sansom [1991] 2 Q.B. 130 the appellants had been charged with conspiracy contrary to section 1 of the Criminal Law Act 1977, which does not in terms deal with extra-territorial conspiracies. The Court of Appeal rejected the argument that the principle laid down in Somchai referred only to the common law and that it could not be applied to conspiracies charged under the Act of 1977. Taylor L.J. said, at p. 138B that it should now be regarded as the law of England on this point.

As Lord Griffiths observed in Somchai at p. 244C, it is still true, as a broad general statement, that English criminal law is local in its effect and that the criminal law does not concern itself with crimes committed abroad. But I consider that the common law of England would, applying the rule laid down in Somchai, also regard as justiciable in England a conspiracy to commit an offence anywhere which was triable here as an extra- territorial offence in pursuance of an international convention, even although no act was done here in furtherance of the conspiracy. I do not think that this would be an unreasonable extension of the rule. It seems to me that on grounds of comity it would make good sense for the rule to be extended in this way in order to promote the aims of the convention.

Prior to the coming into force of the Suppression of Terrorism Act 1978, a conspiracy which was formed outside this country to commit murder in some country other than England in pursuance of which nothing was done in England to further that conspiracy would not be punishable in England, as it was not the intention that acts done in pursuance of the conspiracy would result in the commission of a criminal offence in this country. The presumption against the extra-territorial application of the criminal law would have precluded such conduct from being prosecuted here. Section 4(1) of the Act of 1978 gives the courts of the United Kingdom jurisdiction over a person who does any act in a convention country which, if he had done that act in a part of the United Kingdom, would have made him guilty in that part of the United Kingdom of an offence mentioned in some, but not all, of the paragraphs of Schedule 1 to that Act. Murder is one of the offences to which that provision applies. But that Act, which was passed to give effect to the European Convention on the Suppression of Terrorism of 27 January 1977, did not come into force until 21 August 1978: S.I. 1978 No. 1063. And Chile is not a convention country for the purposes of that Act, nor is it one of the non-convention countries to which its provisions have been applied by section 5 of the Act of 1978. Only two non-convention countries have been so designated. These are the United States (S.I. 1986 No. 2146) and India (S.I. 1993 No. 2533).

Applying these principles, the only conduct alleged against Senator Pinochet as conspiracy to murder in charge 4 for which he could be extradited to Spain is that part of it which alleges that he was a party to a conspiracy in Spain to commit murder in Spain prior to 21 August 1978. As for the allegation that he was a party to a conspiracy in Spain or elsewhere to commit murder in a country which had been designated as a convention country after that date, the extradition request states that acts in furtherance of the conspiracy took place in France in 1975, in Spain in 1975 and 1976 and in the United States and Portugal in 1976. These countries have now been designated as countries to which the Suppression of Terrorism Act 1978 applies. But the acts which are alleged to have taken place there all pre-date the coming into force of that Act. So the extra-territorial jurisdiction cannot be applied to them.

The alleged offences of attempted murder in Italy are not, as such, offences for which Senator Pinochet could be extradited to Spain under reference to section 2(1)(a) of the Act of 1989 because the alleged conduct did not take place in Spain and because he is not of Spanish nationality. But for their date they would have been offences for which he could have been extradited from the United Kingdom to Spain under reference to section 2(1)(b), on the grounds, first, that murder is now an extra-territorial offence under section 4(1)(a) of the Suppression of Terrorism Act 1978 as it is an offence mentioned in paragraph 1 of Schedule 1 to that Act, Italy has been designated as a convention country (S.I. 1986 No. 1137) and, second, that an offence of attempting to commit that offence is an extra-territorial offence under section 4(1)(b) of the Act of 1978. But the attempted murders in Italy which are alleged against Senator Pinochet are said to have been committed on 6 October 1975. As the Act of 1978 was not in force on that date, these offences are not capable of being brought within the procedures laid down by that Act.

Finally, to complete the provisions which need to be reviewed under this heading, mention should be made of an amendment which was made to Schedule 1 to the Suppression of Terrorism Act 1978 by section 22 of the Criminal Justice Act 1988, which includes within the list of offences set out in that schedule the offence of conspiracy. That section appears in Part 1 of the Act of 1988, most of which was repealed before having been brought into force following the enactment of the Extradition Act 1989. But section 22 was not repealed. It was brought into force on 5 June 1990: S.I. 1990 No. 1145. It provides that there shall be added at the end of the schedule a new paragraph in these terms:

"21. An offence of conspiring to commit any offence mentioned in a preceding paragraph of this Schedule."

At first sight it might seem that the effect of this amendment was to introduce a statutory extra-territorial jurisdiction in regard to the offence of conspiracy, wherever the agreement was made to participate in the conspiracy. But this offence does not appear in the list of offences in that Schedule in respect of which section 4(1) of the Suppression of Terrorism Act 1978 gives jurisdiction, if committed in a convention country, as extra-territorial offences. In any event section 22 was not brought into force until 5 June 1990: S.I. 1990 No. 1145. This was after the last date when Senator Pinochet is alleged to have committed the offence of conspiracy.

Torture and conspiracy to torture

Torture is another of those offences, wherever the act takes place, which is deemed by section 22(6) of the Extradition Act 1989 to be an offence committed within the territory of any other state against whose law it is an offence. This provision gives effect to the Torture Convention of 10 December 1984. But section 134 of the Criminal Justice Act 1988 also gave effect to the Torture Convention. It made it a crime under English law for a public official or a person acting in an official capacity to commit acts of both physical and mental torture: see subsection (3). And it made such acts of torture an extra-territorial offence wherever they were committed and whatever the nationality of the perpetrator: see subsection (1). Read with the broad definition which the expression "torture" has been given by Article 1 of the Convention and in accordance with ordinary principles, the offence which section 134 lays down must be taken to include the ancillary offences of counselling, procuring, commanding and aiding or abetting acts of torture and of being an accessory before or after the fact to such acts. All of these offences became extra-territorial offences against the law of the United Kingdom within the meaning of section 2(2) of the Extradition Act 1989 as soon as section 134 was brought into force on 29 September 1988.

Section 134 does not mention the offence of conspiracy to commit torture, nor does Article 1 of the Convention, nor does section 22(6) of the Extradition Act 1989. So, while the courts of the United Kingdom have extra-territorial jurisdiction under section 134 over offences of official torture wherever in the world they were committed, that section does not give them extra-territorial jurisdiction over a conspiracy to commit torture in any other country where the agreement was made outside the United Kingdom and no acts in furtherance of the conspiracy took place here. Nor is it conduct which can be deemed to take place in the territory of the requesting country under section 22(6) of the Act of 1989.

However, the general statutory offence of conspiracy under section 1 of the Criminal Law Act 1977 extends to a conspiracy to commit any offence which is triable in England and Wales. Among those offences are all the offences over which the courts in England and Wales have extra-territorial jurisdiction, including the offence under section 134 of the Act of 1988. And, for reasons already mentioned, I consider that the common law rule as to extra- territorial conspiracies laid down in Somchai Liangsiriprasert v. Government of the United States of America [1991] 1 A.C. 225 applies if a conspiracy which was entered into abroad was intended to result in the commission of an offence, wherever it was intended to be committed, which is an extra-territorial offence in this country. Accordingly the courts of this country could try Senator Pinochet for acts of torture in Chile and elsewhere after 29 September 1988, because they are extra-territorial offences under section 134 of the Act of 1988. They could also try him here for conspiring in Chile or elsewhere after that date to commit torture, wherever the torture was to be committed, because torture after that date is an extra-territorial offence and the courts in England have jurisdiction over such a conspiracy at common law.



Torture prior to 29 September 1989

Section 134 of the Criminal Law Act 1988 did not come into force until 29 September 1988. But acts of physical torture were already criminal under English law. Among the various offences against the person which would have been committed by torturing would have been the common law offence of assault occasioning actual bodily harm or causing injury and the statutory offence under section 18 of the Offences against the Person Act 1861 of wounding with intent to cause grievous bodily harm. A conspiracy which was entered into in England to commit these offences in England was an offence at common law until the common law offence was replaced on 1 December 1977 by the statutory offence of conspiracy in section 1 of the Criminal Law Act 1977 which remains in force and available. As I have said, I consider that a conspiracy which was entered into abroad to commit these offences in England would be triable in this country under the common law rule as to extra- territorial conspiracies which was laid down in Somchai Liangsiriprasert v. Government of the United States of America [1991] 1 A.C. 225 if they were extra-territorial offences at the time of the alleged conspiracy.

However none of these offences, if committed prior to the coming into force of section 134 of the Criminal Justice Act 1988, could be said to be extra-territorial offences against the law of the United Kingdom within the meaning of section 2(2) of the Extradition Act 1989 as there is no basis upon which they could have been tried extra-territorially in this country. The offences listed in Schedule 1 to the Suppression of Terrorism Act 1978 include the common law offence of assault and the statutory offences under the Offences against the Person Act 1861. But none of these offences are included in the list of offences which are made extra- territorial offences if committed in a convention country by section 4(1) of the Extradition Act 1989. So the rule laid down in Somchai cannot be applied to any conspiracy to commit these offences in any country outside England, as it would not be an extra-territorial conspiracy according to English law. Senator Pinochet could only be extradited to Spain for such offences under reference to section 2(1)(a) of the Act of 1989 if he was accused of conduct in Spain which, if it occurred in the United Kingdom, would constitute an offence which would be punishable in this country. Section 22(6) of the Act of 1989 is of no assistance, because torture contrary to the Torture Convention had not yet become an offence in this country.

None of the charges of conspiracy to torture and none of the various torture charges allege that Senator Pinochet did anything in Spain which might qualify under section 2(1)(a) of the Act of 1989 as conduct in that country. All one can say at this stage is that, if the information presented to the magistrate under section 9(8) of the Act of 1989 in regard to charge 4 were to demonstrate (i) that he did something in Spain prior to 29 September 1988 to commit acts of torture there, or (ii) that he was party to a conspiracy in Spain to commit acts of torture in Spain, that would be conduct in Spain which would meet the requirements of section 2(1)(a) of that Act.



Torture after 29 September 1989

The effect of section 134 of the Criminal Justice Act 1988 was to make acts of official torture, wherever they were committed and whatever the nationality of the offender, an extra- territorial offence in the United Kingdom. The section came into force two months after the passing of the Act on 29 September 1988, and it was not retrospective. As from that date official torture was an extradition crime within the meaning of section 2(1) of the Extradition Act 1989 because it was an extra-territorial offence against the law of the United Kingdom.

The general offence of conspiracy which was introduced by section 1 of the Criminal Law Act 1977 applies to any offence triable in England and Wales: section 1(4). So a conspiracy which took place here after 29 September 1988 to commit offences of official torture, wherever the torture was to be carried out and whatever the nationality of the alleged torturer, is an offence for which Senator Pinochet could be tried in this country if he has no immunity. This means that a conspiracy to torture which he entered into in Spain after that date is an offence for which he could be extradited to Spain, as it would be an extradition offence under section 2(1)(a) of the Act of 1989. But, as I have said, I consider that the common law of England would, applying the rule laid down in Somchai Liangsiriprasert v. Government of the United States of America [1991] 1 A.C. 225, also regard as justiciable in England a conspiracy to commit an offence which was triable here as an extra-territorial offence in pursuance of an international convention, even although no act was done here in furtherance of the conspiracy. This means that he could be extradited to Spain under reference to section 2(1)(b) of the Act of 1989 on charges of conspiracy to torture entered into anywhere which related to periods after that date. But, as section 134 of the Act of 1988 does not have retrospective effect, he could not be extradited to Spain for any conduct in Spain or elsewhere amounting to a conspiracy to commit torture, wherever the torture was to be carried out, which occurred before 29 September 1988.

The conduct which is alleged against Senator Pinochet under the heading of conspiracy in charge 4 is not confined to the allegation that he was a party to an agreement that people were to be tortured. Included in that charge is the allegation that many people in various countries were murdered after being tortured in furtherance of the conspiracy that they would be tortured and then killed. So this charge includes charges of torture as well as conspiracy to torture. And it is broad enough to include the ancillary offences of counselling, procuring, commanding, aiding or abetting, or of being accessory before or after the fact to, these acts of torture. Ill-defined as this charge is, I would regard it as including allegations of torture and of conspiracy to torture after 29 September 1988 for which, if he has no immunity, Senator Pinochet could be extradited to Spain on the ground that, as they were extra-territorial offences against the law of the United Kingdom, they were extradition crimes within the meaning of section 2(1) of the Act of 1989.

What is the effect of the qualification which I have just mentioned, as to the date on which these allegations of torture and conspiracy to torture first became offences for which, at the request of Spain, Senator Pinochet could be extradited? In the circumstances of this case its effect is a profound one. It is to remove from the proceedings the entire course of such conduct in which Senator Pinochet is said to have engaged from the moment he embarked on the alleged conspiracy to torture in January 1972 until 29 September 1988. The only offences of torture and conspiracy to torture which are punishable in this country as extra-territorial offences against the law of the United Kingdom within the meaning of section 2(2) of the Act of 1989 are those offences of torture and conspiracy to torture which he is alleged to have committed on or after 29 September 1988. But almost all the offences of torture and murder, of which there are alleged to have been about four thousand victims, were committed during the period of repression which was at its most intense in 1973 and 1974. The extradition request alleges that during the period from 1977 to 1990 only about 130 such offences were committed. Of that number only three have been identified in the extradition request as having taken place after 29 September 1988.

Of the various offences which are listed in the draft charges only charge 30, which refers to one act of official torture in Chile on 24 June 1989, relates exclusively to the period after 29 September 1988. Two of the charges of conspiracy to commit torture extend in part over the period after that date. Charge 2 alleges that Senator Pinochet committed this offence during the period from 1 August 1973 to 1 January 1990, but it does not allege that any acts of torture took place in furtherance of that conspiracy. Charge 4 alleges that he was party to a conspiracy to commit torture in furtherance of which acts of murder following torture were committed in various countries including Spain during the period from 1 January 1972 to 1 January 1990. The only conduct alleged in charges 2 and 4 for which Senator Pinochet could be extradited to Spain is that part of the alleged conduct which relates to the period after 29 September 1988.

Although the allegations of conspiracy to torture in charge 2 and of torture and conspiracy to torture in charge 4 must now be restricted to the period from 29 September 1988 to 1 January 1990, the fact that these allegations remain available for the remainder of the period is important because of the light which they cast on the single act of torture alleged in charge 30. For reasons which I shall explain later, I would find it very difficult to say that a former head of state of a country which is a party to the Torture Convention has no immunity against an allegation of torture committed in the course of governmental acts which related only to one isolated instance of alleged torture. But that is not the case which the Spanish judicial authorities are alleging against Senator Pinochet. Even when reduced to the period from 29 September 1988 until he left office as head of state, which the provisions for speciality protection in section 6(4) of the Extradition Act 1989 would ensure was the only period in respect of which the Spanish judicial authorities would be entitled to bring charges against him if he were to be extradited, the allegation is that he was a party to the use of torture as a systematic attack on all those who opposed or who might oppose his government.

The extradition request states that between August 1977, when the National Intelligence Directorate (DINA) was dissolved and replaced by the National Intelligence Bureau (CNI), the Directorate of Communications of the Militarised Police (DICOMCAR) and the Avenging Martyrs Commando (COVERMA), while engaged in a policy of repression acting on orders emanating from Augusto Pinochet, systematically performed torture on detainees (Bound Record, vol. 2, pp. 314-315). Among the methods which are said to have been used was the application of electricity to sensitive parts of the body, and it is alleged that the torture sometimes led to the victim's death. Charge 30 alleges that the victim died after having been tortured by inflicting electric shock. The two victims of an incident in October 1988, which is mentioned in the extradition request but is not the subject of a separate count in the list of draft charges, are said to have shown signs of the application of electricity after autopsy. It appears that the evidence has revealed only these three instances after 29 September 1988 when acts of official torture were perpetrated in pursuance of this policy. Even so, this does not affect the true nature and quality of those acts. The significance of charges 2 and 4 may be said to lie in the fact that they show that a policy of systematic torture was being pursued when those acts were perpetrated.

I must emphasise that it is not our function to consider whether or not the evidence justifies this inference, and I am not to be taken as saying that it does. But it is plain that the information which is before us is capable of supporting the inference that the acts of torture which are alleged during the relevant period were of that character. I do not think that it would be right to approach the question of immunity on a basis which ignores the fact that this point is at least open to argument. So I consider that the óKóóKargument that Senator Pinochet has no immunity for this reduced period is one which can properly be examined in the light of developments in customary international law regarding the use of widespread or systematic torture as an instrument of state policy.

Charges which are relevant to the question of immunity

The result of this analysis is that the only charges which allege extradition crimes for which Senator Pinochet could be extradited to Spain if he has no immunity are: (1) those charges of conspiracy to torture in charge 2, of torture and conspiracy to torture in charge 4 and of torture in charge 30 which, irrespective of where the conduct occurred, became extra-territorial offences as from 29 September 1988 under section 134 of the Criminal Justice Act 1988 and under the common law as to extra territorial conspiracies; (2) the conspiracy in Spain to murder in Spain which is alleged in charge 9; (3) such conspiracies in Spain to commit murder in Spain and such conspiracies in Spain prior to 29 September 1988 to commit acts of torture in Spain, as can be shown to form part of the allegations in charge 4.

So far as the law of the United Kingdom is concerned, the only country where Senator Pinochet could be put on trial for the full range of the offences which have been alleged against him by the Spanish judicial authorities is Chile.

State immunity

Section 20(1)(a) of the State Immunity Act 1978 provides that the Diplomatic Privileges Act 1964 applies, subject to "any necessary modifications", to a head of state as it applies to the head of a diplomatic mission. The generality of this provision is qualified by section 20(5), which restricts the immunity of the head of state in regard to civil proceedings in the same way as Part I of the Act does for diplomats. This reflects the fact that section 14 already provides that heads of state are subject to the restrictions in Part I. But there is nothing in section 20 to indicate that the immunity from criminal proceedings which Article 31.1 of the Vienna Convention as applied by the Act of 1964 gives to diplomats is restricted in any way for heads of state. Section 23(3), which provides that the provisions of Parts I and II of the Act do not operate retrospectively, makes no mention of Part III. I infer from this that it was not thought that Part III would give rise to the suggestion that it might operate in this way.

It seems to me to be clear therefore that what section 20(1) did was to give statutory force in the United Kingdom to customary international law as to the immunity which heads of state, and former heads of state in particular, enjoy from proceedings in foreign national courts. Marcos and Marcos v. Federal Department of Police [1990] 102 I.L.R 198, 203 supports this view, as it was held in that case that the Article 39.2 immunity was available under customary international law to the former head of state of the Republic of the Philippines.

The question then is to what extent does the immunity which Article 39.2 gives to former diplomats have to be modified in its application to former heads of state? The last sentence of Article 39.2 deals with the position after the functions of the diplomat have come to an end. It provides that "with respect to acts performed by such person in the exercise of his functions as a member of the mission, immunity shall continue to subsist." It is clear that this provision is dealing with the residual immunity of the former diplomat ratione materiae, and not with the immunity ratione personae which he enjoys when still serving as a diplomat. In its application to a former head of state this provision raises two further questions: (1) does it include functions which the head of state performed outside the receiving state from whose jurisdiction he claims immunity, and (2) does it include acts of the kind alleged in this case - which Mr. Alun Jones Q.C. accepts were not private acts but were acts done in the exercise of the state's authority?

As to the first of these two further questions, it is plain that the functions of the head of state will vary from state to state according to the acts which he is expected or required to perform under the constitution of that state. In some countries which adhere to the traditions of constitutional monarchy these will be confined largely to ceremonial or symbolic acts which do not involve any executive responsibility. In others the head of state is head of the executive, with all the resources of the state at his command to do with as he thinks fit within the sphere of action which the constitution has given to him. I have not found anything in customary international law which would require us to confine the expression "his functions" to the lowest common denominator. In my opinion the functions of the head of state are those which his own state enables or requires him to perform in the exercise of government. He performs these functions wherever he is for the time being as well as within his own state. These may include instructing or authorising acts to be done by those under his command at home or abroad in the interests of state security. It would not be right therefore to confine the immunity under Article 39.2 to acts done in the receiving state. I would not regard this as a "necessary modification" which has to be made to it under section 20(1) of the Act of 1978.

As to the second of those questions, I consider that the answer to it is well settled in customary international law. The test is whether they were private acts on the one hand or governmental acts done in the exercise of his authority as head of state on the other. It is whether the act was done to promote the state's interests - whether it was done for his own benefit or gratification or was done for the state: United States v. Noriega (1990) 746 F.Supp. 1506, 1519-1521. Sir Arthur Watts Q.C. in his Hague Lectures, The Legal Position in International Law of Heads of States, Heads of Governments and Foreign Ministers (1994-III) 247 Recueil des cours, p. 56, said : "The critical test would seem to be whether the conduct was engaged in under colour of or in ostensible exercise of the head of state's public authority." The sovereign or governmental acts of one state are not matters upon which the courts of other states will adjudicate: I Congresso del Partido [1983] A.C. 244, 262C per Lord Wilberforce. The fact that acts done for the state have involved conduct which is criminal does not remove the immunity. Indeed the whole purpose of the residual immunity ratione materiae is to protect the former head of state against allegations of such conduct after he has left office. A head of state needs to be free to promote his own state's interests during the entire period when he is in office without being subjected to the prospect of detention, arrest or embarrassment in the foreign legal system of the receiving state: see United States v. Noriega, p. 1519; Lafontant v. Aristide (1994) 844 F.Supp. 128, 132. The conduct does not have to be lawful to attract the immunity.

It may be said that it is not one of the functions of a head of state to commit acts which are criminal according to the laws and constitution of his own state or which customary international law regards as criminal. But I consider that this approach to the question is unsound in principle. The principle of immunity ratione materiae protects all acts which the head of state has performed in the exercise of the functions of government. The purpose for which they were performed protects these acts from any further analysis. There are only two exceptions to this approach which customary international law has recognised. The first relates to criminal acts which the head of state did under the colour of his authority as head of state but which were in reality for his own pleasure or benefit. The examples which Lord Steyn gave [1998] 3 W.L.R. 1456, 1506B-C of the head of state who kills his gardener in a fit of rage or who orders victims to be tortured so that he may observe them in agony seem to me plainly to fall into this category and, for this reason, to lie outside the scope of the immunity. The second relates to acts the prohibition of which has acquired the status under international law of jus cogens. This compels all states to refrain from such conduct under any circumstances and imposes an obligation erga omnes to punish such conduct. As Sir Arthur Watts Q.C. said in his Hague Lectures, page 89, note 198, in respect of conduct constituting an international crime, such as war crimes, special considerations apply.

But even in the field of such high crimes as have achieved the status of jus cogens under customary international law there is as yet no general agreement that they are outside the immunity to which former heads of state are entitled from the jurisdiction of foreign national courts. There is plenty of source material to show that war crimes and crimes against humanity have been separated out from the generality of conduct which customary international law has come to regard as criminal. These developments were described by Lord Slynn of Hadley [1998] 3 W.L.R. 1456, 1474D-H and I respectfully agree with his analysis. As he said, at p. 1474H, except in regard to crimes in particular situations where international tribunals have been set up to deal with them and it is part of the arrangement that heads of state should not have any immunity, there is no general recognition that there has been a loss of immunity from the jurisdiction of foreign national courts. This led him to sum the matter up in this way at p. 1475B-E:

"So it is necessary to consider what is needed, in the absence of a general international convention defining or cutting down head of state immunity, to define or limit the former head of state immunity in particular cases. In my opinion it is necessary to find provision in an international convention to which the state asserting, and the state being asked to refuse, the immunity of a former head of state for an official act is a party; the convention must clearly define a crime against international law and require or empower a state to prevent or prosecute the crime, whether or not committed in its jurisdiction and whether or not committed by one of its nationals; it must make it clear that a national court has jurisdiction to try a crime alleged against a former head of state, or that having been a head of state is no defence and that expressly or impliedly the immunity is not to apply so as to bar proceedings against him. The convention must be given the force of law in the national courts of the state; in a dualist country like the United Kingdom that means by legislation, so that with the necessary procedures and machinery the crime may be prosecuted there in accordance with the procedures to be found in the convention."

That is the background against which I now turn to the Torture Convention. As all the requirements which Lord Slynn laid out in the passage at p. 1475B-E save one are met by it, when read with the provisions of sections 134 and 135 of the Criminal Justice Act 1988 which gave the force of law to the Convention in this country, I need deal only with the one issue which remains. Did it make it clear that a former head of state has no immunity in the courts of a state which has jurisdiction to try the crime?



The Torture Convention and Loss of Immunity

The Torture Convention is an international instrument. As such, it must be construed in accordance with customary international law and against the background of the subsisting residual former head of state immunity. Article 32.2 of the Vienna Convention, which forms part of the provisions in the Diplomatic Privileges Act 1964 which are extended to heads of state by section 20(1) of the Sovereign Immunity Act 1978, subject to "any necessary modifications", states that waiver of the immunity accorded to diplomats "must always be express". No modification of that provision is needed to enable it to apply to heads of state in the event of it being decided that there should be a waiver of their immunity. The Torture Convention does not contain any provision which deals expressly with the question whether heads of state or former heads of state are or are not to have immunity from allegations that they have committed torture.

But there remains the question whether the effect of the Torture Convention was to remove the immunity by necessary implication. Although Article 32.2 says that any waiver must be express, we are required nevertheless to consider whether the effect of the Convention was necessarily to remove the immunity. This is an exacting test. Section 1605(a)(1) of the United States Federal Sovereignty Immunity Act provides for an implied waiver, but this section has been narrowly construed: Siderman de Blake v. Republic of Argentina (1992) 965 F.2d 699, p. 720; Princz v. Federal Republic of Germany (1994) 26 F.3d 1166, p. 1174; Argentine Republic v. Amerada Hess Shipping Corporation (1989) 109 S.Ct. 683, p. 693. In international law the need for clarity in this matter is obvious. The general rule is that international treaties should, so far as possible, be construed uniformly by the national courts of all states.

The preamble to the Torture Convention explains its purpose. After referring to Article 5 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights which provides that no one shall be subjected to torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment and to the United Nations Declaration of 9 December 1975 regarding torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, it states that it was desired "to make more effective the struggle against torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment throughout the world". There then follows in Article 1 a definition of the term "torture" for the purposes of the Convention. It is expressed in the widest possible terms. It means "any act by which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted" for such purposes as obtaining information or a confession, punishment, intimidation or coercion or for any reason based on discrimination of any kind. It is confined however to official torture by its concluding words, which require such pain or suffering to have been "inflicted by or at the instigation of or with the consent or acquiescence of a public official or other person acting in an official capacity".

This definition is so broadly framed as to suggest on the one hand that heads of state must have been contemplated by its concluding words, but to raise the question on the other hand whether it was also contemplated that they would by necessary implication be deprived of their immunity. The words "public official" might be thought to refer to someone of lower rank than the head of state. Other international instruments suggest that where the intention is to include persons such as the head of state or diplomats they are mentioned expressly in the instrument: see Article 27 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court which was adopted on 17 July 1998. But a head of state who resorted to conduct of the kind described in the exercise of his function would clearly be "acting in an official capacity". It would also be a strange result if the provisions of the Convention could not be applied to heads of state who, because they themselves inflicted torture or had instigated the carrying out of acts of torture by their officials, were the persons primarily responsible for the perpetration of these acts.

Yet the idea that the framing of the definition in these terms in itself was sufficient to remove the immunity from prosecution for all acts of torture is also not without difficulty. The jus cogens character of the immunity enjoyed by serving heads of state ratione personae suggests that, on any view, that immunity was not intended to be affected by the Convention. But once one immunity is conceded it becomes harder, in the absence of an express provision, to justify the removal of the other immunities. It may also be noted that Burgers and Danelius, in their Handbook on the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, at p. 131, make this comment on Article 5.1 of the Convention, which sets out the measures which each state party is required to take to establish its jurisdiction over the offences of torture which it is required by Article 4 to make punishable under its own criminal law:

"This means, first of all, that the state shall have jurisdiction over the offence when it has been committed in its territory. Under international or national law, there may be certain limited exceptions to this rule, e.g. in regard to foreign diplomats, foreign troops, parliament members or other categories benefiting from special immunities, and such immunities may be accepted insofar as they apply to criminal acts in general and are not unduly extensive."

These observations, although of undoubted weight as Jan Herman Burgers of the Netherlands was a Chairman/Rapporteur to the Convention, may be thought to be so cryptic as to defy close analysis. But two points are worth making about them. The first is that they recognise that the provisions of the Convention are not inconsistent with at least some of the immunities in customary international law. The second is that they make no mention of any exception which would deprive heads of state or former heads of state of their customary international law immunities. The absence of any reference to this matter suggests that the framers of the Convention did not consider it. The Reports of the Working Group on the Draft Convention to the Economic and Social Council of the Commission on Human Rights show that many meetings were held to complete its work. These extended over several years, and many issues were raised and discussed before the various delegations were content with its terms. If the issue of head of state and former head of state immunity was discussed at any of these meetings, it would without doubt have been mentioned in the reports. The issue would have been recognised as an important one on which the delegations would have to take instructions from their respective governments. But there is no sign of this in any of the reports which have been shown to us.

The absence of any discussion of the issue is not surprising, once it is appreciated that the purpose of the Convention was to put in place as widely as possible the machinery which was needed to make the struggle against torture more effective throughout the world. There was clearly much to be done, as the several years of discussion amply demonstrate. According to Burgers and Danelius, p. 1, the principal aim was to strengthen the existing position by a number of supportive measures. A basis had to be laid down for legislation to be enacted by the contracting states. An agreed definition of torture, including mental torture, had to be arrived at for the adoption by states into their own criminal law. Provisions had to be agreed for the taking of extra-territorial jurisdiction to deal with these offences and for the extradition of offenders to states which were seeking to prosecute them. As many states do not extradite their own citizens and the Convention does not oblige states to extradite, they had to undertake to take such measures as might be necessary to establish jurisdiction over these offences in cases where the alleged offender was present within their territory but was not to be extradited. For many, if not all, states these arrangements were innovations upon their domestic law. Waiver of immunities was not mentioned. But, as Yoram Dinstein, Diplomatic Immunity from Jurisdiction Ratione Materiae (1966) International and Comparative Law Quarterly, 76, 80 had already pointed out, it would be entirely meaningless to waive the immunity unless local courts were able, as a consequence, to try the offender.

These considerations suggest strongly that it would be wrong to regard the Torture Convention as having by necessary implication removed the immunity ratione materiae from former heads of state in regard to every act of torture of any kind which might be alleged against him falling within the scope of Article 1. In Siderman de Blake v. Republic of Argentina (1992) 965 F.2d 699, 714-717 it was held that the alleged acts of official torture, which were committed in 1976 before the making of the Torture Convention, violated international law under which the prohibition of official torture had acquired the status of jus cogens. Cruel acts had been perpetrated over a period of seven days by men acting under the direction of the military governor. Argentina was being ruled by an anti-semitic military junta, and epithets were used by those who tortured him which indicated that Jose Siderman was being tortured because of his Jewish faith. But the definition in Article 1 is so wide that any act of official torture, so long as it involved "severe" pain or suffering, would be covered by it.

As Burgers and Danelius point out at p. 122, although the definition of torture in Article 1 may give the impression of being a very precise and detailed one, the concept of "severe pain and suffering" is in fact rather a vague concept, on the application of which to a specific case there may be very different views. There is no requirement that it should have been perpetrated on such a scale as to constitute an international crime in the sense described by Sir Arthur Watts in his Hague Lectures at p. 82, that is to say a crime which offends against the public order of the international community. A single act of torture by an official against a national of his state within that state's borders will do. The risks to which former heads of state would be exposed on leaving office of being detained in foreign states upon an allegation that they had acquiesced in an act of official torture would have been so obvious to governments that it is hard to believe that they would ever have agreed to this. Moreover, even if your Lordships were to hold that this was its effect, there are good reasons for doubting whether the courts of other states would take the same view. An express provision would have removed this uncertainty.

Nevertheless there remains the question whether the immunity can survive Chile's agreement to the Torture Convention if the torture which is alleged was of such a kind or on such a scale as to amount to an international crime. Sir Arthur Watts in his Hague Lectures, p. 82 states that the idea that individuals who commit international crimes are internationally accountable for them has now become an accepted part of international law. The international agreements to which states have been striving in order to deal with this problem in international criminal courts have been careful to set a threshold for such crimes below which the jurisdiction of those courts will not be available. The Statute of the International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (1993) includes torture in article 5 as one of the crimes against humanity. In paragraph 48 of his Report to the United Nations the Secretary-General explained that crimes against humanity refer to inhuman acts of a very serious nature, such as wilful killing, torture or rape, committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack against any civilian population. Similar observations appear in paragraphs 131 to 135 of the Secretary-General's Report of 9 December 1994 on the Rwanda conflict. Article 3 of the Statute of the International Tribunal for Rwanda (1994) included torture as one of the crimes against humanity "when committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack against any civilian population" on national, political, ethnic or other grounds. Article 7 of the Rome Statute contains a similar limitation to acts of widespread or systematic torture.

The allegations which the Spanish judicial authorities have made against Senator Pinochet fall into that category. As I sought to make clear in my analysis of the draft charges, we are not dealing in this case - even upon the restricted basis of those charges on which Senator Pinochet could lawfully be extradited if he has no immunity - with isolated acts of official torture. We are dealing with the remnants of an allegation that he is guilty of what would now, without doubt, be regarded by customary international law as an international crime. This is because he is said to have been involved in acts of torture which were committed in pursuance of a policy to commit systematic torture within Chile and elsewhere as an instrument of government. On the other hand it is said that, for him to lose his immunity, it would have to be established that there was a settled practice for crime of this nature to be so regarded by customary international law at the time when they were committed. I would find it hard to say that it has been shown that any such settled practice had been established by 29 September 1988. But we must be careful not to attach too much importance to this point, as the opportunity for prosecuting such crimes seldom presents itself.

Despite the difficulties which I have mentioned, I think that there are sufficient signs that the necessary developments in international law were in place by that date. The careful discussion of the jus cogens and erga omnes rules in regard to allegations of official torture in Siderman de Blake v. Republic of Argentina (1992) 26 F.2d 1166, pp. 714-718, which I regard as persuasive on this point, shows that there was already widespread agreement that the prohibition against official torture had achieved the status of a jus cogens norm. Articles which were published in 1988 and 1989 are referred to at p. 717 in support of this view. So I think that we can take it that that was the position by 29 September 1988. Then there is the Torture Convention of 10 December 1984. Having secured a sufficient number of signatories, it entered into force on 26 June 1987. In my opinion, once the machinery which it provides was put in place to enable jurisdiction over such crimes to be exercised in the courts of a foreign state, it was no longer open to any state which was a signatory to the Convention to invoke the immunity ratione materiae in the event of allegations of systematic or widespread torture committed after that date being made in the courts of that state against its officials or any other person acting in an official capacity.

As Sir Arthur Watts, Q.C. has explained in his Hague Lectures (1994) at p. 82, the general principle in such cases is that of individual responsibility for international criminal conduct. After a review of various general international instruments relating mainly but not exclusively to war crimes, of which the most recent was the International Law Commission's draft Code of Crimes against the Peace and Security of Mankind of 1988, he concludes at p. 84 that it can no longer be doubted that as a matter of general customary international law a head of state will personally be liable to be called to account if there is sufficient evidence that he authorised or perpetrated such serious international crimes. A head of state is still protected while in office by the immunity ratione personae, but the immunity ratione materiae on which he would have to rely on leaving office must be denied to him.

I would not regard this as a case of waiver. Nor would I accept that it was an implied term of the Torture Convention that former heads of state were to be deprived of their immunity ratione materiae with respect to all acts of official torture as defined in article 1. It is just that the obligations which were recognised by customary international law in the case of such serious international crimes by the date when Chile ratified the Convention are so strong as to override any objection by it on the ground of immunity ratione materiae to the exercise of the jurisdiction over crimes committed after that date which the United Kingdom had made available.

I consider that the date as from which the immunity ratione materiae was lost was 30 October 1988, which was the date when Chile's ratification of the Torture Convention on 30 September 1988 took effect. Spain had already ratified the Convention. It did so on 21 October 1987. The Convention was ratified by the United Kingdom on 8 December 1988 following the coming into force of section 134 of the Criminal Justice Act 1988. On the approach which I would take to this question the immunity ratione materiae was lost when Chile, having ratified the Convention to which section 134 gave effect and which Spain had already ratified, was deprived of the right to object to the extra-territorial jurisdiction which the United Kingdom was able to assert over these offences when the section came into force. But I am content to accept the view of my noble and learned friend Lord Saville of Newdigate that Senator Pinochet continued to have immunity until 8 December 1988 when the United Kingdom ratified the Convention.

Conclusion

It follows that I would hold that, while Senator Pinochet has immunity ratione materiae from prosecution for the conspiracy in Spain to murder in Spain which is alleged in charge 9 and for such conspiracies in Spain to murder in Spain and such conspiracies in Spain prior to 8 December 1988 to commit acts of torture in Spain as could be shown to be part of the allegations in charge 4, he has no immunity from prosecution for the charges of torture and of conspiracy to torture which relate to the period after that date. None of the other charges which are made against him are extradition crimes for which, even if he had no immunity, he could be extradited. On this basis only I too would allow the appeal, to the extent necessary to permit the extradition to proceed on the charges of torture and conspiracy to torture relating to the period after 8 December 1988.

The profound change in the scope of the case which can now be made for the extradition to Spain of Senator Pinochet will require the Secretary of State to reconsider his decision to give authority to proceed with the extradition process under section 7(4) of the Extradition Act 1989 and, if he decides to renew that authority, with respect to which of the alleged crimes the extradition should be authorised. It will also make it necessary for the magistrate, if renewed authority to proceed is given, to pay very careful attention to the question whether the information which is laid before him under section 9(8) of the Act supports the allegation that torture in pursuance of a conspiracy to commit systematic torture, including the single act of torture which is alleged in charge 30, was being committed by Senator Pinochet after 8 December 1988 when he lost his immunity.

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