History of the christian church



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31293 Chart., I. 179, 379.

41294 Bulaeus, V. 359.

51295 Amer. Hist. Rev., 1901, p. 442.

61296 Chart., I. 253. Felder, pp. 159 sqq., strange to say, entirely passes over this conflict so that the reader would never dream there had been one.

71297 Chart., I. 285, omnes sententias privationis seu separationis a consortia … penitus revocamus.

81298 Chart., I. 362, 363, 367, 404, etc.

91299 See Rashdall, I. 391. The account given above differs from the account of Seppelt who justifies the friars at every step and finds in the good reception they at first received from the university masters a proof that they conducted themselves properly all the way through.

01300 See Amer. Hist. Rev., 1901, p. 442 sq.

1301 Chart., IV. Nos. 510-528.

21302 Rashdall, II. 331-345, argues the point with much force.

31303 Mullinger and others find that the priory of Barnwell furnished the germ of the university in the early years of the twelfth century. Rashdall, II. 545, denies this origin. Legend ascribed the foundation of the university to a Spanish prince, Cantaber, of uncertain date, or to King Arthur or to the Saxon king Sigebert of the seventh century.

41304 Gregory IX.’s bull, addressed to the cancellarius et universitas scholarium Cantabrigiensium, is preserved in the Vatican Archives and printed by Denifle, Universitäten, pp. 370 sq. The university archives were burned by townsmen during riots, 1261 and 1322.

51305 For the quotation from Gervaise see Rashdall, II. 336. John of Salisbury puts the teaching in the archbishop’s household.

61306 Quoted by Rashdall, II. 341.

71307 Roger of Wendover, anno 1290, says that Oxford was completely forsaken of all masters and students who went, some to Cambridge and some to Reading. These students had lived together with a fourth who killed a woman and then fled. For other cessations see Rashdall, II. 395, etc. For other attempts to form universities at Northampton, Stamford, and Durham (by Cromwell), see Rashdall, II. 396 sqq.

81308 Two thousand entered the city gates. See Rashdall’s account, II. 403 sqq.

91309 Rashdall, II. 411, says, that by the middle of the fifteenth century the "town was almost entirely subjugated to the authority of the university." He also says, II. 416, that "few things are more calculated to make us realize the enormous extent to which civilization has succeeded in curbing the natural passions, even of the lowest strata of modern society, than the annals of the mediaeval university."

01310 Rashdall, II. 416.

1311 Comp. the tables of Denifle, 807-810, Compayré, 50-52, and Rashdall in Table of Contents, vol. II.

21312 1. Milman, Hist. of Lat. Christianity, VIII. 257, is certainly unjust when he says: "With all their search into the unfathomable, the Schoolmen have fathomed nothing; with all their vast logical apparatus, they have proved nothing to the satisfaction of the inquisitive mind." One has only to think of the ontological argument of Anselm and the cosmological arguments of Thomas Aquinas and the statements wrought out on the satisfaction of Christ to feel that the statement is not true.

31313 See Roger Bacon: Opus Majus, Bridges’ ed. I. 54-56; Sandys, Class. Scholarship, pp. 507, 540-546, 568-sqq., and Seth, Enc. Brit., XXI. 419.

41314 The council of Paris, 1209, forbade the use of his Natural Philosophy. Gregory IX., 1231, condemned the Physics, but in 1254 the University of Paris prescribed the number of hours to be devoted to the explanation of Aristotle’s works.

51315 Omnis hic excluditur, omnis est abjectus.

Qui non Aristotelis venit armis tectus. Chart., I. p. xviii.

61316 Cousin made three periods, the first when philosophy was in subjection to theology, the second when they were in union, and the third when they were separated.

71317 "Otherness," applied by Rich. de St. Victor to the Trinitarian distinctions.

81318 de sacram., I. 7; Migne’s ed., 176, 290.

91319 Peltier’s ed., V. 38.

01320 Thomas Fuller quaintly compared the Schoolmen to those who built their houses in London on small patches of ground "improving their small bottom with towering speculations."

1321 H. Doergens, Lehre von d. Universalien, Heidelb., 1867; J. H. Löwe, D. Kampf zwischen d. Realismus und Nominalismus im Mittelalter, Prag, 1876. Art."Universalien," in Wetzer-Welte, XII. 305 sqq. The Histt. of Philosophy.

21322 According to John of Salisbury there were no less than thirteen different shades of opinion on the subject. See Prantl, Gesch. der Logik, II. 118.

31323 The passage from Porphyry runs—mox de generibus et speciebus illud quidem sive subsistant, sive in solis nudis intellectibus posita sint, sive subsistentia corporalia sint an incorporalia, et utrum separata a sensibilibus, an insensibilibus posita et circa haec consistentia, dicere recusabo. Altissimum enim negotium est hujusmodi et majoris egens inquisitionis. See Gieseler, Ch. Hist., Germ. ed., III. 384.

41324 Otto of Freising, de gest. Frid., I. 47, spoke of him as the originator of Nominalism in that age, qui primus nostris temporibus in logica sententiam vocum instituit. According to John of Salisbury, nominalism almost wholly vanished with Roscellinus, Metalog., II. 17.

51325 Pseudo-Dialecticus. Ep., 21. De fide trin. 3. tres personae sunt tres res sicut tres angeli aut tres animae, ita tamen ut voluntas et potestas omnino sunt idem. Also Ep., II. 41.

61326 Loofs, p. 271, says, "He is perhaps the most important of all the mediaeval theologians."

71327 Church gives a graphic picture of "wild Aosta lulled by Alpine rills." Aosta was a Roman settlement bearing the name Augusta Praetoria, and was made a bishopric about the fifth century.

81328 His views were set forth in the de processione Spiritus Sancti. He argued that the Spirit proceeded from the Father not as father but as God. He must therefore also proceed from the Son as God.

91329 See quotations in Freeman, W. Rufus, II. 661.

01330 Paradiso, XII. 137.

1331 Freeman has an excursus on Anselm’s letters in his W. Rufus, II. 570-588.

21332 Qui non crediderit, non experietur, et qui expertus non fuerit non intelliget, de fide trin., 2; Migne, 158, 264.

31333 Ep., II. 41;Migne, 158. 1193, Christianus per fidem debet ad intellectum proficere non per intellectum ad fidem.

41334 Cur Deus homo, I. 2; Migne, 158. 364.

51335 Eadmer: nihil asserere nisi quod aut canonicis aut Augustini dictis posse defendi videret.

61336 aliquid quo majus nihil cogitari potest.

71337 si vel in solo intellectu est, potest cogitari esse et in re, quod majus est.

81338 Thomas Aquinas said that, even if the name of God means illud quo majus cogitari non potest, yet it would not be possible to proceed to the affirmation of God’s real existence, because the atheist denies that there is aliquid quo majus cogitari non potest, Summa, I. ii. 2. Hegel replied to Kant that the Begriff an und für sich selbst enthält das Sein also eine Bestimmtheit. Professor E. Caird, in an article, Anselm’s Argument for the Being of God (Journal of Theolog. Studies, 1900, pp. 23-39), sums up his objection to Anselm’s argument by saying, "It is the scholastic distortion of an idea which was first presented in the Platonic philosophy," etc. Ritschl, Justification and Reconciliation, p. 217, makes the same objection when he says Anselm confuses reality and thought.

91339 intelligere andin intellectu esse.

01340 A careful statement of the history of the ontological argument was given by Köstlin, D. Beweise fürs Dasein Gottes, in Studien u. Kritiken, 1875, 1876. Also Ruze, D. ontol. Gottesbeweis seit Anselm, Halle, 1882.

1341 Quamvis homo juste a diabolo torqueretur, ipse tamen illum injuste torquebat, etc., I. 7; Migne, 158. 367 sq. Again Anselm takes up this point, II. 20; p. 427 sq., and says it was not necessary for God to descend to conquer the devil or to proceed judicially against him in order to liberate man. Nothing else did God owe the devil but punishment, and nothing else did man owe the devil but to treat him as he had been treated, that is, to conquer him as man himself had been conquered. All that was demanded by the devil, man owed to God and not to the devil.

21342 Non aliud est peccare quam Deo non reddere debitum. I. 11; Migne, p. 376.

31343 pro contumelia illata plus reddere quam abstulit .... Debet omnis qui peccat, honorem quem rapuit, Deo solvere et haec est satisfactio quam omnis peccator Deo debet facere.

41344 Satisfactio quam nec potest facere nisi Deus nec debet nisi homo, necesse est ut eam faciat Deus-homo, II. 6; Migne, p. 404.

51345 II. 22; Migne, 158. 431. It is a matter of dispute how far Anselm drew upon the doctrine of penance which had been handed down from the Fathers or from the German law with its Wehrgeld, or debt of honor; or whether he drew upon them at all. It is probable that the Church’s penitential system had affected the chivalric idea of honor. Harnack, Dogmengesch., III. 252 sq., and Ritschl, Justification, etc., p. 263, make the objection against Anselm’s argument that it was based upon an "idea of God’s justice which implies an equality in private rights between God and man."

61346 Harnack gives prolonged attention to Anselm’s argument (Dogmengesch., III. 341-358) and, in specifying its merits and defects, declares that the defects largely outweigh the merits. Anselm’s theory is not at all to be adopted, die Theorie ist völlig unannehmbar. It would not be necessary, Harnack says, to waste many words over the defects if it were not that the theology of the present day is stuck in traditionalism and neglects all the canons of Gospel, ethics, logic, and culture. He declares it to be a fearful thought that God may not forgive from pure love, but had to have his honor appeased by sacrfice. Anselm’s argument taken by itself does not justify such severe criticism, and, if his other writings and his own character be taken into account, he will be absolved from the implied charges.

71347 Meditationes seu Orationes, Migne, 158. 709-1014. See Hasse, I. 176-232.

81348 Jesu bone, quam dulcis es in corde cogitantis de te et diligentis te, Migne, 158. 770.

91349 Rule, I. 48, describes from personal observation the ancient and dizzy bridge, le Pont de l’Aël, over a torrent near Aosta, which, as he says, Anselm in making his description may have had in mind.

01350 Sine mensura profundum, et tenebrosa caligine horribiliter obscurum, Migne, 158, 719.

1351 The later Schoolmen did not lean back upon Anselm’s theology as we might have expected them to do. He was, however, often quoted, as by Thomas Aquinas and Albertus Magnus, e.g., Summa, I. 3, 13, etc., Borgnet’s ed., XXXI. 60, 69, 326.

21352 From this point and the enmity of William, he dates his misfortunes. Hinc calamitatum mearum quae nunc perseverant coeperunt exordia et quo amplius fama extendebatur nostra, aliena in me succensa est invidia, Migne, p. 116.

31353 Verborum usum habebat mirabilem, sed sensu contemptibilem et ratione vacuum, Migne, p. 123.

41354 Ep., 326; St. Bernard’s Works, Migne, 182. 531.

51355 Remusat gives an attractive picture of his appearance, I. 43 sq.

61356 Ep., II.; Migne, 178, 188.

71357 See his description, I. 47 sqq.

81358 A letter is preserved written by Abaelard to his son. It indicates affection. The father urges him to study the Scriptures. An Astralabius is mentioned as belonging to the chapter of Nantes in 1150. Hausrath, p. 173, conjectures he was Abaelard’s son.

91359 Ut amplius mitagarem, obtuli me ei satisfacere eam scilicet quam corruperam mihi matrimonio copulando, dummodo id secreto fieret, ne famae detrimentum incurrerem. Migne, p. 130.

01360 Concupiscentia te mihi potius quam amicitia sociavit, libidinis ardor potius quam amor. Ep., II.; Migne, p. 186.

1361 Deutsch, p. 35. So war Abaelard Mönch geworden, nicht von innerem Verlangen getrieben, etc. His relations with Heloise made freedom in his position as a public teacher in the open for the time impossible.

21362 Introductio in theologiam. Abaelard is our chief authority for the trial. Hist. Calam., Migne, pp. 141-150. See Otto of Freising.

31363 Abaelard closes his autobiography by declaring that like another Cain he was dragged about the earth, a fugitive and vagabond, but also by quoting passages upon the providence of God as that all things work together for good to them that love Him.

41364 Ep. Bernardi, 326; Migne, 132. 531 sqq. William sent to Bernard Abaelard’s Theologia and other works to make good his charges. He feared Abaelard would become "a dragon" whom no one could destroy. Kutter, in his Wilhelm von St. Thierry, pp. 34, 36, 43, 48, insists, as against Deutsch, that William was the exciting originator of the trial of Abaelard, which was soon to follow, and that Bernard preferred silence and peace to conflict, and was amused to action by William’s appeal.

51365 Ep. Abael., X.; Migne, 178. 335.

61366 Bernard’s biographer, Gaufrid, states that Abaelard promised amendment. No reference was made to such a promise in the charges at Sens, an omission difficult to understand if the promise was really made. See Remusat, I. 172, and Poole, p. 163.

71367 Ep. Bernardi, 189; Migne, 182. 355. Bernard describes the meeting and sets forth the danger from Abaelard’s influence, Epp. 187-194, 330-338. For an account of this trial, see my art., "St. Bernard the Churchman" in Princeton Rev., 1903, pp. 180 sqq.

81368 This preliminary meeting rests upon the testimony of Berengar and upon a passage in John of Salisbury, Hist. Pontif., chap. VIII. 9. John, in describing the trial of Gilbert of Poictiers, says Bernard wanted to have Gilbert’s case prejudged in a preliminary sitting and by the same method he had resorted to in the case of Abaelard, —arte sim ili magistrum Petrum agressus erat. Berengar’s defence of Abaelard descends to passionate invective. Migne, 178. 1858 sqq. Berengar represents the bishops and Bernard as being heated with wine at this preliminary conference, when they decided against Abaelard. The details of his account and his charges against Bernard are altogether out of accord with his character as it is otherwise known to us. Deutsch (Neander’s St. Bernard, II. 1 sqq.) cannot free Bernard from unfairness in the part he took at this conference, as Vacandard does.

91369 The statement is not inconsistent with the representation of Otto of Freising, a disinterested reporter, who gives as reason for refusing to make an argument that he feared a popular tumult.

01370 Migne, 182. 1049-1051. Also Hefele, V. 463 sqq.

1371 Ep., 331; Migne, 182. 537. There are nine of these letters to the cardinals, 188, 192, 193, 331-335, 338. The longest letter was the one addressed to the pope, 190; Migne, 182. 1051-1071. The great vehemence of these letters have exposed Bernard in some quarters to unmitigated condemnation. From the standpoint of Christian moderation and charity they are difficult to understand and cannot be justified. Hausrath, p. 248, etc., represents him as der werltkluge Abt von Clairvaux, resorting to all the arts of diplomacy to secure a verdict against Abaelard. M’Cabe, in a very readable chapter, pp. 322-354, takes the same view. Without excusing him, it must be remembered in passing judgment that heresy was regarded with horror in that age. Bernard, no doubt, also shrank from Abaelard as a man who sought applause rather than the advancement of the Church. Morison, p. 302, speaks "of a horror of great darkness falling upon Bernard," when he recognized the dangers of a new era. Neander, St. Bernard, II. 3, says that no one can question that Bernard’s zeal proceeded from a pure Christian purpose, but that he used the weapons of hatred under the mask of holy love.

21372 Migne, 178. 103.

31373 The Story of Misfortunes was written while he was abbot of St. Gildas. It has been compared to the Confessions of Augustine. But no comparison could more sadly offend against truth. Abaelard revealed his inward states to gain a worldly end. He wanted to draw attention to himself and prepare the way for a new career. His letters to Heloise are not so much to assure her of his orthodoxy as to make that impression upon the Church authorities. This is the position taken by Deutsch, pp. 43 sqq., Hausrath, 275 sqq., and Nitsch, art. Abaelard in Herzog.

41374 The French writers designate Abaelard’s theory Conceptualism, and hold that he substituted conceptus for voces. Deutsch, p. 105. Walter Map, writing in the second half of the twelfth century, speaks of Abaelard as "the leader of the Nominalists, princeps nominalismi, who sinned more in dialectics than he did in his treatment of Scripture." Wright’s ed., I. 24, p. 41.

51375 See also Introd. ad Theol., Migne, 178. 980.

61376 Dubitando ad inquisitionem venimus, inquirendo veritatem percipimus. Sic et Non, Migne, p. 1349. Deutsch, pp. 159 sq., speaks of this spirit of free inquiry, Die Freiheit der Forschung, as the note running through all Abaelard’s writings.

71377 Hist. Calam., Migne, 178. 142. Nec credi posse aliquid nisi primitus intellectus, etc.

81378 Introd. ad Theol., Migne, p. 1051, also p. 959. Fides quippe dicitur existimatio non apparentium, cognitio vero ipsarum rerum experientia per ipsam earam praesentiam.

91379 Credimus ut cognoscamus; nisi credideritis, non intelligetis. See other quotations in Hefele, V. 463-469; also Deutsch, in his chapter on Faith and Knowledge, pp. 168 sqq.

01380 So the charges of Bernard and the Synod of Sens, and Otto of Freising. De gestis Frid., 48.

1381 Introd. ad Theol., Migne, p. 986.

21382 Introd. ad Theol., Migne, p. 1052.

31383 Catholica quippe est fides, id est universalis quae ita omnibus necessaria est ut nemo discretus absque ea salvari possit, Migne, p. 986. In view of such a statement, Poole’s remark has much in its favor, "it was not really Abaelard’s results that formed the strength of the indictment against him, but the method by which he reached them," p. 153.
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