History of the christian church

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0460 Plenam suorum peccaminum veniam indulgemus. See Mansi, XXII. 1067; Mirbt, Quellen, 126, Gottlob, 137 sq.

1461 For the text of Frederick’s summons to his crusade of 1221, see Mathews, Select Med. Documents, 120 sq.

2462 Funk, in Wetzer-Welte, VII. 1166, says that in view of contemporary testimony, Frederick’s sickness cannot be doubted. Roger Wendover, an. 1227, however, doubted it. Funk is wrong in saying that it was not till 1239 that Gregory, aggravated by the emperor’s conduct, impeached Frederick’s plea of sickness. In his sentence of excommunication of 1228, Gregory asserted that Frederick II "was enticed away to the usual pleasures of his kingdom and made a frivolous pretext of bodily infirmity." In 1235, at a time when emperor and pope were reconciled, Gregory spoke of Jerusalem, "as being restored to our well-beloved son in Christ, Frederick."

3463 See Röhricht, Regesta regni Hier., 262, and Bréholles, III. 86-90.

464 Geroldus was patriarch of Jerusalem and notified Gregory IX. of Frederick’s "fraudulent pact with the Egyptian sultan." Röhricht, 263.

5465 In 1240 a petition signed by German bishops and princes and addressed to Gregory urged him to cease from strife with Frederick as it interfered with a crusade. Bréholles, V. 985.

6466 Hist. Essays, I. 283-313.

7467 Bréholles, V. 327-340.

8468 "Piety was his ruling passion." Guizot, p. 117. De Joinville frequently calls him "the good king" and Matthew Paris "that most Christian king."

9469 See the account in a letter from the prelates of the Holy Land in Matthew Paris, an. 1244. The invaders were called Tartars by Robert, patriarch of Jerusalem, in his letter to Innocent IV. Röhriclit, Reg. regni Hier., p. 299.

0470 Joinville, accompanied by twenty knights, joined the king at Cyprus. He was a man of religious fervor, made pilgrimages to all the shrines in the vicinity of his castle before his departure, and never failed in his long absence to confine himself to bread and water on Fridays (History, an. 1250). One of his paragraphs gives a graphic insight into the grief which must have been felt by thousands of Crusaders as they left their homes for the long and uncertain journey to the East. It runs: "In passing near the castle of Joinville, I dared never turn my eyes that way for fear of feeling too great regret and lest my courage should fail on leaving my children and my fair castle of Joinville, which I loved in my heart."

1471 Joinville speaks of Louis having "as much trouble in keeping his own people together in time of peace as in the time of his ill fortunes."an. 1249.

2472 Within a stone’s throw of the king’s tent were several brothels. A curious punishment was prescribed by the king for a knight caught with a harlot at Acre. Joinville, pt. II. an. 1250, Bohn’s trans. 484.

3473 See the appalling description of Joinville, an. 1249.

474 Joinville, an. 1250.

5475 Joinville, an. 1253.

6476 Joinville declined the king’s appeal to accompany him, and advised against the expedition on the ground of the peaceable state of France with the king at home, and of the king’s physical weakness which prevented him from wearing armor or sitting on horseback long at a time.

7477 Since 1881 a dependency of France.

8478 The sultan had agreed to pay yearly tribute to Roger II. In the treaty made at the close of the expedition, he agreed to make up the arrearages of tribute to Charles.

9479 M. Paris, an. 1271

0480 The question whether the king’s heart was deposited in the Sainte Chapelle at Paris or not, led to a spirited discussion in 1843. See Letronne, Examen critique de la découverte du pretendu coeur de St. Louis faite a la Sainte Chapelle le 15 Mai 1843, Paris, 1844; Lenormant, Preuves de la découverte du coeur de St. Louis, Paris, 1846.

1481 For a contemporary description of Acre, see Itin. regis Ricardi, I. 32.

2482 Com. in Jerem., see Neander, Ch. Hist., IV. 189 sqq., Engl. trans.

3483 Mansi, XXIV. 111-120.

484 Contemplations of God. See Zwemer, Life of Raymund Lull, 52, 149.

5485 Enchiridion militis christiani, Methuen’s ed. 1905, p. 8 sq.

6486 No appellation was too degrading to give to the enemies of the cross. The most common one was dogs. The biographers of Richard I. have no compunction in relating in one line gifts made by Saracens and in the next calling them dogs. See Itin. Ricardi, etc. So Walter Map says sepulchrum et crux Domini praeda sunt canum quorum fames in tantum lassata fuit et sanguine martyrorum, etc., Wright’s ed., I. 15, p. 229.

7487 So Humbert de Romanis, 1274; Mansi, XXIV. 116. A sixth objection against the Crusades as stated and answered by him ran as follows: quod ex ista pugna non sequitur fructus spiritualis quia Saraceni magis convertuntur ad blasphemiam quam ad fidem; occisi autem ad infernum mittuntur, etc.

8488 II. 338, etc.

9489 Archer, p. 447, well says: "They raised mankind above the ignoble sphere of petty ambitions to seek after an ideal that was neither sordid nor selfish. They called forth all that was heroic in human nature, and filled the world with the inspiration of noble thoughts and deeds."

0490 Decline and Fall, LVIII.

1491 This is clearly apparent from the English and other mediaeval chronicles, such as the Chronicles of M. Paris, Hoveden, etc.

2492 The ships of the two great Military Orders alone carried great numbers of pilgrims. In 1182 one of their ships was wrecked on the Egyptian coast with 1500 pilgrims. In 1180 several vessels met the same fate, 2500 pilgrims were drowned and 1500 sold into slavery. In 1246 their ships carried from the port of Marseilles alone 6000 pilgrims. See Prutz in Essays, p. 54. This author, in laying weight upon the economic influences of the Crusades, says properly, that they "had only in part to do with religion, and particularly with the church," p. 77. Arabic words, such as damask, tarif, and bazar, were introduced into the vocabularies of European nations, and products, such as saffron, maize, melons, and little onions, were carried back by the Crusaders. The transfer of money made necessary the development of the system of letters of credit.

3493 The Crusades, said the eloquent Dr. Richard S. Storrs, Bernard of Clairvaux, p. 558, furnished "as truly an ideal enthusiasm as that of any one who has sought to perform his missionary work in distant lands or has wrought into permanent laws and Institutions the principles of equity and the temper of love. And they must forever remain an example resplendent and shining of what an enthusiasm that is careless of obstacles and fearless of danger can accomplish."

494 At the battle of Gaza with the Chorasmians, 1244, of two hundred and sixteen Knights of St. John who entered the battle, two hundred remained dead on the field.

5495 After the battle of Tiberias, the Knights of St. John, for a few years, made their strong fortress, Margat, the base of their operations.

6496 See M. Paris, an. 1259. The famous antithesis of Gibbon (chap. LVIII.) pleases the ear and contains some truth, but makes a wrong impression. "The Knights of the Temple and St. John neglected to live, but they prepared to die in the service of Christ."

7497 The synod of Salzburg, 1292, decided in favor of the union.

8498 Fratres hospitalis S. Johannis, Hospitalarii, Johannitae, milites hospitalis S. Johannis. From the fourteenth century they were also known as the Knights of Rhodes and from the sixteenth as the Knights of Malta. For a list of the houses of the female members of this order, Le Roulx, Les Hospitaliers, 300 sq.

9499 The bull of Pascal, II. 1113, speaks of the hospital in Jerusalem adjoining the church of the Baptist, xenodochium ... juxta Beati Johannis Baptistae ecclesiam.

0500 William of Tyre, XVIII. 5; de Vitry, Hist. Jerus., 64. The Mary, whose name the convent bore, was Mary Magdalene.

1501 Le Roulx, Les Hospitaliers, 33, connects the order with the hospital founded by Maurus,nous croyons pouvoir persister à penser que les Amalfitans furent les précurseurs des Hospitaliers

2502 William of Tyre, VII. 23, states that he was held in chains during the siege of Jerusalem.

3503 See Le Roulx, pp. 44 sqq. Gerard is called in an old chronicle "Guardian of the hospital of the poor in Jerusalem," guardianus hospitalis pauperum, etc., Hurter, IV. 315, note

4504 Woodhouse, p. 20, gives a list of no less than fifty-four houses belonging to the Hospital in England.

505 The bull in Mansi, XXI. 780.

6506 They were monks. The order had no priests until the time of Alexander III., who gave it the right to receive priests and clerics. Priests became necessary in order that the new custom might be followed which gave to priests alone the right of absolution. During the first century of their existence, the members of military orders made confession of their sins in the open chapters and were punished at the order of the Master by public scourging or otherwise. The strict church law of confession and of absolution by the priest was not defined till later by the Fourth Lateran Council, and Thomas Aquinas. See Lea, The Absolution Formula of the Templars.

7507 Le Roulx, 290 sq.

8508 For the formula of admission, see Le Roulx, 288 sq.

9509 See Uhlhorn for the amount of linen and other goods expected from the various houses in Europe. There was a female branch of the order of which, however, very little is known. In 1188 Sancha, queen of Aragon, founded a rich convent for it at Sixena near Saragossa.

0510 On October 31, 1898, the emperor William II. of Germany, while on a visit to Jerusalem, dedicated the Protestant church of the Redeemer, built on the ancient site of the hospital of the Knights of St. John, opposite the church of the Holy Sepulchre.

1511 Templarii, fratres militiae templi, equites templarii, pauperes commilitiones Christi templique Salamonis, are some of the titles by which they were known. There was not nearly as much resemblance between the Hospitallers and Templars as between the Templars and Teutonic knights. Curzon, p. xi.

2512 William of Tyre. See Hefele, V. 401 sq.

4514 On St. Bernard’s services to the order, see the biographies by Morison, 141 sqq., and Storrs, 567-574.

515 In England they settled at the old Temple outside of Holborn, whence they removed to the new Temple on the Thames, 1185. The Temple church was completed in 1240. M. Paris gives an account of the dedication and the banquet which was provided by the Hospitallers. Stephen and his queen gave the Templars several places about 1150. Woodhouse, p. 260, gives a list of twenty-seven English houses.

6516 An. 1244.

7517 At the end of the thirteenth century. This is the estimate of de Chambure. Schottmüller estimates them at 40,000,000 francs. William of Tyre, XII. 7, speaks of their possessions as "immense." Their wealth and greed were proverbial.

8518 Funk calls Alexander’s bull the Magna Charta of the order. Wetzer-Welte, XI. 1315.

9519 With reference to 1 Pet. 5:8, Curzon, 58.

0520 Non nobis, Domine, non nobis sed tuo nomini da gloriam.

1521 Curzon, XXVII.

2522 Fugiat feminae oscula Christi militia, Mansi, XXI. 72; also Schnürer, 153.

3523 Schnürer, Rule XI. p. 138.

4524 M. Paris, Luard’s ed., IV. 337 sqq., gives the letters from the patriarch of Jerusalem and the vice-master of the Temple, 1244. This chronicler is very severe upon the Templars for their arrogant pride and their jealous rivalry of the Hospitallers. An example of this jealousy was their refusal to accompany King Amalric to Egypt because to the Hospitallers had been assigned first place.

525 Among their fortresses was the castle Pilgrim near Acre, built 1218, whose great size and splendor are described by James de Vitry.

6526 The houses of the order became important money centres in France and England in the thirteenth century, and furnished to kings, bishops, and nobles a safety-deposit for funds and treasures of plate, jewels, and important records. Henry III. and other English kingss borrowed from them, as did also French kings. The Templars also acted as disbursers for monies loaned by Italian bankers or as trustees for other monies, as, for example, the annual grant of one thousand marks promised by John to his sister-in-law, Berengaria. John frequently stopped at the house of the Templars in London. See Cunningham, Growth of English Industries and Commerce, 3d ed. Leopold Delisle, Les operationsfinancières des Templiers, Paris, 1889. Eleanor Ferris, Financial Relations of the Knights Templars to the English Crown, in "Am. Hist. Rev.," October, 1902.

7527 Charasson, quoting Richard de Hoveden, Vie de Foulques de Neuilly, 89 sq.

8528 Deutscher Orden, Ordo S. Mariae Theutonicorum.

9529 Under the name domus hospitalis S. Mariae Theutonicorum in Jerusalem. A German hospital was dedicated in Jerusalem to St. Mary, 1128.

0530 At the council of Constance, 1416, the king of Poland protested against their right to convert by the sword.

1531 In the conflict of Lewis the Bavarian with the papacy, the Teutonic order espoused the emperor’s cause and received from him important gifts and privileges.

2532 Fratres militiae Christi, gladiferi, a military order founded in 1202.

3533 Kleider aus, Kleider an, Essen, Trinken, Schlafengehen, ist die Arbeit so die Deutsche Herren han.

4534 Luther in 1523 wrote a tract calling upon the Teutonic knights to abandon their false rule of celibacy and to practise the true chastity of marriage. Ermahnung an die Herren Deutschen Ordens falsche Keuschheit zu meiden und zur rechten ehelichen Keuschheit zu greifen. Albrecht introduced the Lutheran reformation into Brandenburg. He married the Danish princess Dorothea.

535 Several orders combining military and religious vows existed in Spain and Portugal and did service against the Moors. The order of Iago of Campostella received the papal sanction in 1175 and protected pilgrims to the shrine of Campostella. The order of Calatrava received papal approval 1164, and took an active part in the struggle against the Moors. The order of Alcantara was recognized by Lucius III., 1183. The headship of the last two bodies was transferred to the crown under Ferdinand the Catholic.

6536 Thomas Aquinas, Summa, II. (2), 188, 6 sqq., Migne, III. 1372 sqq., combines the active and contemplative features of the monastic life, as did Benedict of Nursia, but laying more stress than the latter upon the active feature. It must be remembered that Thomas was a Dominican, and had had full experience of the practical activity of the two great mendicant orders.

7537 This is the classification of Harnack, Monasticism, 44 sqq. Denifle, Luther und Lutherthum, I. 199 sqq., who fiercely combats Harnack, says "it is the height of misunderstanding, Unverstand, to speak of Jesuitism as monastic."

8538 Dial., I. 21; Strange ed. I. 28.

9539 Dial., I. 18.

0540 Dial., I. 24.

1541 Dial., I. 17; Strange ed. I. 24.

2542 See Church, Life of St. Anselm, chap. III., The Discipline of a Norman Monastery.

3543 In England the gentry class was especially drawn upon. See Jessopp, p 161. At Morimond, Otto son of the margrave of Austria stopped overnight with fifteen young nobles. The sound of the bells and the devotions of the monks made such an impression that they prayed to be received into the brotherhood. Henry, son of Louis VI., was so moved by what he saw on a visit to Clairvaux that he determined to take the vow. See Morison, Life of St. Bernard, p. 195.

4544 Montalembert lays stress upon intercessory prayer as the chief service rendered by the monastery of the West. "They prayed much, they prayed always for those whose prayers were evil or who prayed not at all."Monks of the West, Engl. trans., I. 42 sq.

545 Canon 13.

6546 This has been sufficiently shown by Lea, Absolution Formula of the Templars, in Papers of Am. Soc. of Ch. Hist., vol. V.; also Hefele, V. 381. As late, however, as the thirteenth century there were monks in England who had not received priestly ordination. See Stevenson, Life of Grosseteste, 158.In the fifth century the consecration of the monk was treated in some quarters as a distinct sacrament.

7547 It would be difficult to find more attractive pictures of earthly happiness than are given in the descriptions of mediaeval convents by eye-witnesses, as of the convent of Clairvaux by William of St. Thierry, Migne, 185, 248, and Peter de Roya, Migne, 182, 710.

8548 It was even compared to the conversion of St. Paul. See Eicken, 324. Caesar of Heisterbach devotes a chapter of his Dialogus to conversion, that is, the assumption of the monastic vow. Canon 13 of the Fourth Lateran, Mansi, XXII. 1002, speaks of monastics as "the religious," of the orders as "religions," and of entering a convent as "being converted to religion." So Martin V. at the Council of Constance, 1418, charges Wyclif with declaring that "all religions owe their origin to the devil," that is, all orders. Mirbt, Quellen, 158.

9549 St. Bernard, Ep.; 112; Migne, 182, 255 sq.

0550 Chronicle, VII. 35, where he passes a lengthy panegyric upon monks. For another pleasing description of a convent and its appointments, see the account which Ingulph, abbot of Croyland, gives of the burning of his abbey in 1091. He does not forget to mention that "the very casks full of beer in the cellar were destroyed." See Maitland, 286-292.

1551 Ep., II. 29; Migne, 158, 1182.

2552 Ep., II. 28; Migne, 1180, conspirituales as well as consanguinei. A similar exhortation he directs to his two uncles. Ep., I. 45. See Hasse, Life of Anselm, I. 93 sqq. Anselm, however, knew how to make, an exception where a layman was devoting himself entirely to religious works. Visiting the Countess Matilda, shortly before her death, he recommended her not to take the veil, as she was doing more good in administering her estates than she might be able to do behind convent walls. Nevertheless he recommended her to have a nun’s dress within reach so that she might put it on when dying.
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