History of the christian church



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2532 Its advocates were called eijkonolavtrai, xulolavtrai, eijdwdolavtrai.

3533 timhtikh;proskuvnhsi". For this word the Latin has no precise equivalent. The English word " worship" is used in different senses.

4534 latreiva. adoratio.

535 See § 94, p. 403 sqq.

6536 Eijkonoklavstai (from klavw, to break), eijkonokauvstai, eijkonomavcoi, cristianokathvgoroi.

7537 Not Theophilus, as Baronius and Schlosser erroneously call him. See Hefele, III. 372. Theophanes mentions also a renegade Beser, who had become a Mohammedan, and then probably returned to Christianity and stood in high honor at the court of Leo.

8538 There is considerable confusion about the beginning of the conflict and the precise order of events. See Hefele, III. 376 sqq.

9539 See summaries of his lovgoiajpologhtikoiv in Schrceckh and Neander.

0540 According to older historians (Baronius), the pope even excommunicated the emperor, withdrew his Italian subjects from their allegiance, and forbade the payment of tribute. But this is an error. On the contrary, in a second letter, Gregory expressly disclaims the power of interfering with the sovereign, while he denies in the strongest terms the right of the emperor to interfere with the Church. See the two letters of Gregory to Leo (between 726 to 731) in Mansi, XII. 959 sqq., and the discussion in Hefele, III. 389-404.

1541 The surname Koprwvnumo" (from kovpro", dung) was given him by his enemies on account of his having polluted the baptismal gont in hid infancy. Theophanes, Chronogr. ed. Bonn. I. 615 He was also called Cabellinus, from his love of horses.

2542 Mansi, XIII. 205-363; Gieseler, II. 16; Hefele, III. 410-418.

3543 On these persecutions see, besides Theophanes, the Acta Sanct. of the Bolland. for Oct., Tom. VIII. 124 sqq. (publ. Brussels, 1853), and Hefele, III. 421-428.

4544 The accounts vary between 330 and 367. The Acts are signed by 308 bishops and episcopal representatives. Nicephorus, the almost contemporaneous patriarch of Constantinople, in a letter to Leo III., mentions only 150. See Hefele, III. 460.

545 Theodore of the Studium, himself a zealous advocate of image-worship, exposes this trick, and intimates that the council was not strictly oecumenical, although he sometimes gives it that name. The question connected with these two irresponsible monks is discussed with his usual minuteness and prolixity by Walch, X. 551-558. See also Neander, III. 228, and Hefele, III. 459.

6546 The definition ( o]ro") sanctions the ajspasmo;"kai;timhtikh;proskuvnhsi", osculum (or salutatio) et honoraria adoratio, but not ajlhqinh;latreivahJprevpeimovnhth'/ qeiva/ fuvsei, vera latria, quae solam divinam naturam decet. Mansi, XIII. 378 sq. The term Gr. ajpasmov" embraces salutation and kiss, the proskuvnhsi", bowing the knee, and other demonstrations of reverence, see p. 450.

7547 Walch (X. 572) says of these proofs from tradition: "Die untergeschobenen Schriften, die in der Hauptsache nichts entscheidenden Stellen und die mit grosser Unwissenheit verdrehten Aussprüche sind so haeufig, dass man sich beides über die Unwissenheit und Unverschämtheit nicht genug verwundern kann, welche in diesen Sammlungen sichtbar sind." Even moderate Roman Catholic historians, as Alexander Natalia and Fleury, admit quietly the errors in some patristic quotations.

8548 See the acts of the council in the twelfth and thirteenth vols. of Mansi, and a summary in Hefele, III. 460-482. On the different texts and defective Latin versions, see Walch, X. 420-422, and Hefele, III. 486. Gibbon calls the acts "a curious monument of superstition and ignorance, of falsehood and folly." This is too severe, but not without some foundation. The personal character of Irene cuts a deep shadow over the Council, and would have been condemned even by the Byzantine historians, if her devotion to images had not so blinded them and Roman historians, like Baronius and Maimbourg, that they excuse her darkest crimes and overwhelm her with praise.

9549 Charlemagne afterwards offered Irene his hand with a view to unite the Eastern and Western empires, and she accepted the offer; but her prime-minister, Aëtius, who wished to raise his own brother, Leo, to the throne, prevented the marriage.

0550 The memory of Irene is celebrated by the Greeks on the 15th of August. Her patriarch, Tarasius (d. 806), is canonized in the Roman as well as the Greek Church.

1551 Hefele, IV. 105, says that under this reign the famous poets, Theophanes and his brother, Theodore of the Studium, were punished with two hundred lashes and the branding of Greek mock-verses on their forehead, whence they received the name "the Marked" (graptoiv). But, according to the Bollandists, Theophanes died in 820, and Hefele himself, III. 370, puts his death in 818, although in vol. IV. 108 be reports that Theophanes gravpto"was made bishop of Smyrna by Theodora, 842. See on this conflict in chronology above, p. 407.

2552 The tongue of slander, however, raised the story of her criminal intimacy with the patriarch Methodius, whom she had appointed. The court instituted an investigation during which the patriarch by indecent exposure furnished the proof of the physical impossibility of sexual sin on his part; whereupon the accuser confessed that she had been bribed by his iconoclastic predecessor. Hefele, IV. 109.

3553 hJkuriakh;th'"ojrqodoxiva".

4554 See the description of Walch (X. 800-808) from the Byzantine historians and from Allacci, and King (on the Russian church).

555 See Walch, XI. 7-36; Hefele, III. 461-463. The sources are silent. Walch carefully gives the different conjectures of Baronius, Pagi, Daillé, Natalis, Alexander, Maimburg, Fleury, Sirmond, Spanheim, Basnage, Semler. Nothing new has been added since. But the preceding iconoclastic zeal of Bishop Serenus of Marseilles, and the succeeding position of Charlemagne and the Frankish church, rather favor the inference of Sirmond and Spanheim, that the synod rejected the worship of images.

6556 Alcuin’s share in the composition appears from the similarity of thoughts in his Commentary on John, and the old English tradition that he wrote a book against the Council of Nicaea. See Walch, XI. 65 sqq.; Hefele, III. 697.

7557 He calls it posterior tempore, non tamen posterior crimine, eloquentia, sensuque carens, synodus ineptissima, etc. He distrusted a Council in which the Church of his dominions was not represented. He also objected to a woman assuming the office of teacher in the church, as being contrary to the lex divina and lex naturae (III. 13, ed. Migne, fol. 1136). He had reason to be angry with Irene for dissolving the betrothal of her son with his daughter.

8558 The Synod is often called universalis, and condemned Adoptionism (see Hefele, III. 678 sqq. ). The decision against images see in Mansi, xiii. 909. The chief passage is: "Sanctissimi Patres nostri omnimodis et adorationem et servitutem eis [sc. imaginibus Sanctorum] renuentes contemserunt atque, consentientes condemnaverunt." Einhard made the following entry in his Annals ad a.d. 794 (in Pertz, Monum. I. 181, and Gieseler II. 67): "Synodus etiam, quae ante paucos annos in Constantinopoli [where the Nicene Synod was closed] sub Herena [Irene,]et Constantino filio ejus congregata, et ab ipsis non solum septima, verum etiam universalis est appellata, ut nec septima nec universalis haberetur dicereturve, quasi supervacua in totum ab omnibus [the bishops assembled at Frankfort] abdicata est." Baronius, Bellarmin, and even Hefele (III. 689), charge this Synod with misrepresenting the Council of Nicaea, which sanctioned the worship (in a wider sense), but not the adoration, of images. But the Latin version, which the pope sent to Charlemagne, rendered proskuvnhsi" uniformly by adoratio, and Anastasius, the papal librarian, did the same in his improved translation, thus giving double sanction to the confusion.

9559 This rests partly on the probable share which the Anglo-Saxon Alcuin had in the composition of the Caroline Books, partly on the testimony of Simeon of Durham (about 1100). See Twysden’s Hist. Angl. Scriptores decem I, III; Mon. Hist. Brit., p. 667; Wilkin’s Conc. Magn. Brit., I. 73; Gieseler, II. 67, note 6, and Hardwick’s Church Hist. of the Middle Age, p. 78, note 3.

0560 There is a difference of opinion whether Charlemagne sent to the pope his whole book, or only an abridgement, and whether he sent Angilbert before or after the Frankfort synod to Rome. Hefele (III. 713) decides that the Capitula (85) were an extract of the Libri Carolini (121 chs.), and that Angilbert was twice in Rome, a.d. 792 and 794. Hadrian’s answer must have been written at all events before Dec. 25, 795. It is printed in Mansi, XIII. 759-810, and Migne, Opera Car. M. II. fol. 1247-1292. It is full of glaring blunders. Bishop Hefele (p. 716) divides the responsibility between the (fallible) pope, the emperor, and the copyists.

1561 Mansi, XIV. 415 sqq.; Walch, XI. 95 sqq.; Gieseler, II. 68; Hefele, IV. 41 sqq. (second ed. 1879). Walch says (p. 98) that the Roman church played comedy with the acts of this Synod. Mansi was the first to publish them, but he did it with an excuse, and added as indispensable the refutation of Bellarmin in the appendix to his tract De Cultu Imaginum. Hefele and Hergenröther represent this synod as being guilty of the same injustice to the Nicene Council as the Synod of Frankfort; but this does not alter the fact.

2562 See § 79.

3563 Reuter (I. 24) calls him "the clearest head of the ninth century," and "the systematizer of the Aufklärung" (i.e. of Rationalism in the middle age).

4564 De Imaginibus Sanctorum, in Migne, vol. 104, fol. 199-228.

565 Cap. 35 (in Migne, fol. 227): "Flectamus genu in nomine solius Jesu, quod est super omne nomen; ne si alteri hunc honorem tribuimus, alieni judicemur a Deo, et dimittamur secundum cordis nostri ire in adinventionibus nostris." Gieseler directs attention to the verbal agreement between Agobart and Claudius in several sentences.

6566 See Acta SS. Jun. II. 748, and the Elogia de S. Agobardo in Migne, fol. 13-16. The Bollandists honor him with a place in their work, because Masson, the first editor, allows him the title saint, and because he is commonly called St. Aguebatud in the church of Lyons, and is included in the local martyrologies. A rite of nine lessons is assigned to him in the Breviarium Lugdunense.

7567 In his comments on Paul’s Epistles (in Migne, 104 f. 927 sq. ), he eulogizes Augustin as "amantissimus Domini sanctissimus Augustinus. calamus Trinitatis lingua Spiritus Sancti, terrenus homo, sed coelestis angelus, in quaestionibus solvendis acutus, in revincendis haereticis circumspectus, in explicandis Scripturis canonicis cautus." In the same place, he says of Paul that his epistles are wholly given to destroy man’s merits and to exalt God’s grace ("ut merita hominum tollat, unde maxime nunc monachi gloriantur, et gratiam Dei commendet"). On his Augustinianism, see the judicious remarks of Neander. Reuter (I. 20) calls him both a biblical reformer and a critical rationalist.

8568 C. Schmidt in Herzog2 III. 245 says of this view: "Deise, sehr spaet, in dogmatischem Interesse aufgenommene Ansicht, die sich bei Léger und andern ja selbst noch bei Hahn findet, hat keinen historischen Grund und ist von allen gründlichen Kennern der Waldensergeshichte längst aufgegeben. Dabei soll nicht geleugnet werden, dass die Tendenzen des Claudius sich noch eine zeitlang in Italien erhalten haben; es ist soeben bemerkt worden, dass, nach dem Zeugniss des Jonas von Orléans, man um 840 versuchte, sie von neuen zu verbreiten. Dass sie sich aber bis zum Auftreten des Peter Waldus und speciell in den piemontesischen Thälern fortgepflanzt, davon ist nicht die geringste Spur vorhanden."

9569 See ch. X. §§ 100-104.

0570 "O God the Holy Ghost, who proceedeth from the Father and the Son, have mercy upon us miserable sinners." No orthodox Greek or Russian Christian could join an Anglican in this prayer without treason to his church. It is to be understood, however, that some of the leading divines of the church of England condemn the insertion of the Filioque in the Creed. Dr. Neale (Introduction to the History of the Holy Eastern Church, vol. II. p. 1168) concludes that this insertion "in the inviolable Creed was an act utterly unjustifiable, and throws on the Roman church the chief guilt in the horrible schism of 1054. It was done in the teeth of the veto passed in the sixth session of the Council of Ephesus, in the fifth of Chalcedon, in the sixth collation of the second of Constantinople, and in the seventh of the third of Constantinople. It was done against the express command of a most holy Pope, himself a believer in the double Procession, who is now with God. No true union—experience has shown it—can take place—between the churches till the Filioque be omitted from the Creed, even if a truly oecumenical Synod should afterwards proclaim the truth of the doctrine." Bishop Pearson was of the same opinion as to the insertion, but approved of the Latin doctrine. He says (in his Exposition of the Creed, Art. VIII): "Now although the addition of the words to the formal Creed without the consent, and against the protestation of the Oriental Church, be not justifiable; yet that which was added, is nevertheless certainly a truth, and may be so used in that Creed by them who believe the same to be a truth; so long as they pretend it not to be a definition of that Council, but an addition or explication inserted, and condemn not those who, out of a greater respect to such synodical determinations, will admit of no such insertion, nor speak any other language than the Scriptures and their fathers spake."

1571 John 15:26: o} Paravklhto" … to; pneu'ma th'" ajlhqeiva", o} para tou' Patro;" ejkporeuvetai(Vulg.: procedit). The verb ejkporeuvomai(med. ), procedo, may in itself describe either proceeding from a source, or proceeding on a mission; but in the former case ejk, out of, would be a more suitable preposition than parav, from the side of. Hence the Nicene Creed and the Greek fathers substitute ejkfor paravin stating their dogma. The parav, however, does not exclude the ejkand the Father is in any case the source of the Spirit. The question is only, whether he is the sole source, or jointly with the Son.

2572 ejkpovreusi", a patristic noun, derived from the biblical and classical verb ejkporeuvomai, the Latin processio is from procedere.

3573 Called by the Greeks ijdionor ijdiovth" by the Latins proprietas personalis or character hypostaticus. See vol. III. § 130.

4574 ajgennhsiva, paternitas.

575 gennhsiva, gevnnhsi", generation filiatio.

6576 John 15:26, Christ says of the Spirit: o}nejgw;pevmyw. Comp. 16:7; pevmywaujtovn, and 14:26: o}pevmyeioJPath;rejntw'/ ojnovmativmou.

7577 ejkpemyi", missio

8578 On the exegetical question, see the commentaries on John 15:26 and the parallel passages by Lange (Am. ed., p. 469), Luthardt, Meyer, Weiss (6th ed. of Meyer), Alford, Westcott, Godet. Lange says: "To the Father doubtless belongs the honor of being the first ajrchvfrom which the Son himself proceeds; but since the Holy Spirit is at the same time the Spirit of the Son, unto whom it is also given to have life in himself, the dia;tou'uiJou'(ejktou'patrov") of the Greek theology is not sufficient." Godet in loc.: " It is difficult (with Luthardt, Meyer, and most modems) to refer the words: who proceedeth from the Father, to the same fact as the former: whom I will send to you from the Father, as this would be mere tautology. Besides, the future pevmyw. I will send, refers to an historical fact to take place at an undefined period, while the present ejkporeuvetai, proceedeth, seems to refer to a permanent, divine, and therefore eternal relation. As the historic fact of the incarnation corresponds to the eternal generation of the Son, so the pentecostal effusion of the Holy Spirit to the eternal procession of the Spirit from God. The divine facts of revelation are based upon the Trinitarian relations, and are, so to speak, their reflections. (Les faits de la révélation reposent sur les relations trinitaires. Ils en sont comme les reflets.) As the incarnation of the Son is related to His eternal generation, so is the mission of the Holy Spirit to His procession with the divine essence.—The Latin Church, starting from the words,I will send, is not wrong in affirming the Filioque, nor the Greek church, starting from the words: from the Father, in maintaining per Filium, and the subordination. To harmonize these two views, we must place ourselves at the christological stand-point of St. John’s Gospel, according to which the homoousia and the subordination are both at the same time true (sont vrais simultanément)." Milligan and Moulton in loc. (in Schaff’s Revision Com. ): " The words ’which goeth forth from the Father,’ are not intended to express any metaphysical relation between the First and Third Persons of the Trinity, but to lead our thoughts back to the fact that, as it is the distinguishing characteristic of Jesus that He comes from the Father, so One of like Divine power and glory is now to take His place. The same words ’from the Father’ are again added to ’I will send,’ because the Father is the ultimate source from which the Spirit as well as the Son ’goes forth,’ and really the Giver of the Spirit through the Son who asks for Him (comp. 14:16). In the power of this Spirit, therefore, the connection of the disciples with the Father will, in the time to come, be not less close, and their strength from the Father not less efficacious, than it had been while Jesus was Himself beside them."

9579 Kai; [pisteuvomen] eij" to; a{gion pneu'ma.

0580 to; kuvrion [kai;] to; zwopoio;n, to; ejk tou' patro;": ejkporeuovmenon, k.t.l. See my Creeds of Christendom, vol. II, 57, 60.

1581 The chief passages of Augustin on the double procession are quoted in vol. III. § 131. See on his whole doctrine of the Trinity, Theod. Gangauf, Des heil. Augustinus’ speculative Lehre von Gott dem dreieinigen (Augsb. 1866), and Langen, Die trinitarische Lehrdifferenz, etc. (Bonn, 1876). On the teaching of Leo. I. comp. Perthel, Leo der Grosse, p. 138 sqq.

2582 Mansi, IX. 981: "Credimus et in Spiritum S., dominum et vivificatorem, ex Patre et Filio procedentem," etc. On the third Synodus Toletana see Hefele, III. 48 sqq.

3583 The fourth Council of Toledo (633) likewise repeated the Creed with the Filioque, see Hefele III. 79. All the other Councils of Toledo (a.d. 638, 646, 655, 675, 681, 683, 684, 688, 694) begin with a confession of faith, several with the unaltered Nicene creed, others with enlarged forms.

4584 Hefele, III. 432.

585 At a synod in Forumjulii (Friaul), at that time the seat of the bishops of Aquileja. Hefele, III. 718 sq.

6586 Alcuin wrote a book De Processione S. Spiritus (Opera, ed. Migne, II. 63), and Theodulf another, at the request of Charlemagne (Migne, Tom. 105).

7587 Ver. 23: "Spiritus Sanctus a Patre EtFilio: non factus, nec creatus, nec genitus: sed procedens." For this reason the Greek church never adopted the Athanasian Creed. Most Greek copies read only ajpotou'patrov", and omit et Filio."

8588 It is uncertain whether the Synod also sanctioned the insertion of the Filioque in the creed. Pagi denies, Burterim, Hefele (III. 751), and Hergenröther (I. 698) affirm it. The Synod of Arles (813) likewise professed the double procession, Hefele, III. 757.

9589 Mansi, XIV. 18; Baronius, ad arm. 809; Gieseler, II. 75 (Am. ed.); Hefele, III. 754; Hergenröther, Photius, I. 699 sqq. The fact of the silver tablets weighing nearly one hundred pounds, is related by Anastasius (in Vita Leonis III.), and by Photius (Epist. ad Patriarch. Aquilej.), and often appealed to by the Greek controversialists. The imperial commissioners urged that the belief in the procession of the Holy Spirit from the Son was necessary for salvation; but the pope replied that other things were necessary for salvation, and yet not mentioned in the creed. He also advised to omit the signing of the clause in the imperial chapel; all other churches in France would follow the example of omission, and thus the offence given would be most easily removed.
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