181 E. H. Palmer, The Qur’ân, Oxford, 1880, Part I., p. 1.
2182 · Sura 36 (in Rodwell, p. 128).
3183 · The ostrich egg carefully protected from dust. Sura 37 (in Rodwell, p 69). Brides and wives always figure in the Mohammedan Paradise.
4184 Luther said of the religion of the Turks: "Also ist’s ein Glaub zusammengeflickt aus der Jüden, Christen und Heiden Glaube." Milman (II. 139) calls Mohammedanism "the republication of a more comprehensive Judaism with some depraved forms of Christianity." Renan describes it as "the least original" of the religious creations of humanity. Geiger and Deutsch (both Hebrews) give prominence to the Jewish element. "It is not merely parallelisms," says Deutsch, "reminiscences, allusions, technical terms, and the like, of Judaism, its lore and dogma and ceremony, its Halacha and Haggadah (which may most briefly be rendered by ’Law’ and ’Legend’), which we find in the Koran; but we think Islâm neither more nor less than Judaism as adapted to Arabia—plus the apostleship of Jesus and Mohammed. Nay, we verily believe that a great deal of such Christianity as has found its way into the Koran, has found it through Jewish channels" (l.c. p. 64).
5185 Lâ ilâha ill’ Allâh, wa Muhammeda rrasúlà ’llâh. Allâh is composed of the article al, "the," and ilâh, "a god," and is equivalent to the Hebrew Eli and Elohim. He was known to the Arabs before Mohammed, and regarded as the chief god in their pantheon.
6186 A similar idea is presented in the pseudo-Clementine Homilies.
7187 Mesich Isa ben Mariam.
8188 In rude misconception or wilful perversion, Mohammed seems to have understood the Christian doctrine of the trinity to be a trinity of Father, Mary, and Jesus. The Holy Spirit is identified with Gabriel. "God is only one God! Far be it from his glory that he should have a son!" Sura 4, ver. 169; comp. 5, ver. 77. The designation and worship of Mary as "the mother of God" may have occasioned this strange mistake. There was in Arabia in the fourth century a sect of fanatical women called Collyridians (Kollurivde"), who rendered divine worship to Mary. Epiphanius, Haer. 79.·
9189 As the Protevangelium Jacobi, the Evang. de Nativitate Mariae, the Evang. Infantis Servatoris,etc. Gibbon (ch. 50) and Stanley (p. 367) trace the doctrine of the immaculate conception directly to the Koran. It is said of Mary: "Remember when the angel said: ’O Mary! verily hath God chosen thee, and purified thee, and chosen thee above the women of the worlds.’ " But this does not necessarily mean more than Luke i. 28. The Koran knows nothing of original sin in the Christian sense.
0190 Gerok, l.c. pp. 22-28. This would be a modification of the rabbinical fable that ordinary death and corruption had as little power over Miriam as over Moses, and that both died by the breath of Jehovah.
191 Rösch (l.c., p. 439) Die Geburtsgeschichte Jesu im Koran ist nichts anderes als ein mythologischer Mythus aus Ezech. 47 mit eingewobenen jüdischen Zügen, der seine Heimath im Ebionismus hat."
2192 Sura 4. This view of the crucifixion is no doubt derived from apocryphal sources. The Gnostic sect of Basilides supposed Simon of Cyrene, the Evangel. Barrabae, Judas, to have been that other person who was crucified instead of Jesus. Mani (Epist. Fund.) says that the prince of darkness was nailed to the cross, and wore the crown of thorns.
3193 Sura 61.
4194 The Moslems refer also some other passages of Scripture to Mohammed and his religion, e.g. Gen. xvi. 10; xvii. 20; xxi. 12, 13; xxvii. 20 (the promise of God to bless Hagar and Ishmael); Deut. xviii. 15, 18 (the promise to raise up a prophet like Moses); Isa. xxi. 67 (where Mohammed is supposed to be meant by the "rider on the camel," as distinct from Jesus, "the rider on the ass"); John iv. 21; 1 John iv. 23 (where he is the spirit that is of God, because he proclaimed that Jesus was a true man, not God); Deut. xxxii.2 (where Sinai is said to mean the Jewish, Seir the Christian, and Paran the Mohammedan revelation).
5195 So by John of Damascus and the mediaeval writers against Islâm. Peter of Clugny speaks of "haereses Saracenorum sive Ismaelitarum."Comp. Gass, Gennadius undPletho, p. 109.
6196 Lectures on the Reunion of Churches, p. 7 (transl. by Oxenham, 1872).
7197 Die Lehre der Bibel von Gott, Vol. I. (1871), p. 418.
8198 Rom. i. 24sqq. See the statements of Dr. Jessup of Beirût, l.c., p. 47.
9199 The lions in the court of the Alhambra farm an exception.
0200 For an interesting description of a sermon from the pulpit of Mecca, see Burton’s Pilgrimage, II. 314; III. 117, quoted by Stanley, p. 379. Burton says, he had never and nowhere seen so solemn, so impressive a religious spectacle. Perhaps he has not heard many Christian sermons.
1201 Gibbon’s statement that "the Mohammedan religion has no priest and no sacrifice;" is substantially correct.
202 They are given in Arabic and English by Palmer, l.c. I., Intr, p. lxvii. sq. The following are the first ten:
1. ar-Ra’hmân, the Merciful.
2. ar-Ra’hîm, the Compassionate.
3. al-Mâlik, the Ruler.
4 . al-Quaddûs, the Holy.
5. as-Salâm, Peace.
6. al-Mû’min, the Faithful.
7. al-Muhâimun, the Protector.
8. al-Haziz the Mighty.
9. al-Gabbâr, the Repairer.
10. al-Mutakabbir, the Great.
3203 Description of Dean Stanley from his own observation in Cairo, l.c., p. 385.
While living, and therefore are thus cleft asunder.’ "
5205 Maracci, Vivaldus, and other Roman writers point out thirteen or more heresies in which Mohammedanism and Lutheranism agree, such as iconoclasm, the rejection of the worship of saints, polygamy (in the case of Philip of Hesse), etc. A fanatical Lutheran wrote a book to prove that "the damned Calvinists hold six hundred and sixty-six theses (the apocalyptic number) in common with the Turks!" The Calvinist Reland, on the other hand, finds analogies to Romish errors in the Mohammedan prayers for the dead, visiting the graves of prophets, pilgrimages to Mecca, intercession of angels, fixed fasts, meritorious almsgiving, etc.
6206 Lat. Christianity, II. 120.
7207 The Mohammedan apologist, Syed Ameer Ali (The Life and Teachings of Mohammed, London, 1873, pp. 228 sqq.), makes much account of this fact, and entirely justifies Mohammed’s polygamy. But the motive of benevolence and generosity can certainly not be shown in the marriage of Ayesha (the virgin-daughter of Abu-Bakr), nor of Zeynab (the lawful wife of his freedman Zeyd), nor of Safiya (the Jewess). Ali himself must admit that "some of Mohammed’s marriages may possibly have arisen from a desire for male offspring." The motive of sensuality he entirely ignores.
8208 Life of Mah., IV. 317, 322.
9209 As stated in the New York Tribune for Sept. 3, 1877.
0210 This list is compiled from Jaffé (Regesta), Potthast (Bibl. Hist. Medii AEvi, Supplement, 259-267), and other sources. The whole number of popes from the Apostle Peter to Leo XIII. is 263.
The emperors marked with an asterisk were crowned by the pope, the others were simply kings and emperors of Germany.
1211 Clement V. moved the papal see to Avignon in 1309, and his successors continued to reside there for seventy years, till Gregory XI. After that date arose a forty years’ schism between the Roman popes and the Avignon popes.
212 Frederick III. was the last emperor crowned in Rome. All his successors, except Charles VII. and Francis I. were of the House of Hapsburg.
3213 Die Römischen Paepste des 16und 17ten Jahrhunderts, Th. I., p. 44 (2nd ed.).
4214 Apocrisiarius (ajpokrisiavrio", or a[ggelo"), responsalis. Du Cange defines it: "Nuntius, Legatus … praesertim qui a pontifice Romano, vel etiam ab archiepiscopis ad comitatum mittebantur, quo res ecclesiarum suarum peragerent, et de iis ad principem referrent." The Roman delegates to Constantinople were usually taken from the deacons. Gregory is the fifth Roman deacon who served in this capacity at Constantinople, according to Du Cange s. v. Apocrisiarius.
5215 See above § 10.
6216 Gregory alludes to this fact in a letter to John (Lib. V. 18, in Migne’s ed. of Greg. Opera, vol. III. 740) and to the emperor Mauricius (Lib. V. 20, in Migne III. 747), but says in both that the popes never claimed nor used "hoc temerarium nomen." ... "Certe pro beati Petri apostolorum principis honore, per venerandam Chalcedonensem synodum Romano pontifici oblatum est [nomen istud blasphemiae]. Sed nullus eorum unquam hoc singularitatis nomine uti consensit, dum privatum aliquid daretur uni, honore debito sacerdotes privarentur universi. Quid est ergo quod nos huius vocabuli gloriam et oblatam non quaerimus, et alter sibi hanc arripere at non oblatam praesumit?" Strictly speaking, however, the fact assumed by Gregory is not quite correct. Leo was styled oijkoumeniko;"ajrciepivskopo" only in an accusation against Dioscurus, in the third session of Chalcedon. The papal delegates subscribed: Vicarii apostolici universalisecclesiaePapae, which was translated by the Greeks: th'"oijkoumenikh'"ejkklhsiva"ejpiskovpou. The popes claimed to be popes (but not bishops) of the universal church. See Hefele, Conciliengesch. II. 526. Boniface III is said to have openly assumed the title universalis episcopis in 606, when he obtained from the emperor Phocas a decree styling the see of Peter "caput omnium ecclesiarum." It appears as self-assumed in the Liber Diurnus, a.d. 682-’5, and is frequent after the seventh century. The canonists, however, make a distinction between "universalis ecclesiae episcopus." and "episcopus universalis" or "oecumenicus," meaning by the latter an immediate jurisdiction in the diocese of other bishops, which was formerly denied to the pope. But according to the Vatican system of 1870, he is the bishop of bishops, over every single bishop, and over all bishops put together, and all bishops are simply his vicars, as he himself is the vicar of Christ. See my Creeds of Christendom, I. 151.
7217 See the letters in Lib. V. 18-21 (Migne III. 738-751). His predecessor, Pelagius II. (578-590), had already strongly denounced the assumption of the title by John, and at the same time disclaimed it for himself, while yet clearly asserting the universal primacy of the see of Peter. See Migne, Tom. LXXII. 739, and Baronius, ad ann. 587.
8218 Ep. V. 43: ad Eulogium et Anastasium episcopos; VI. 60; VII. 34, 40.
9219 Ep. VII. 13: "Ego autem confidenter dico quia quisquis se universalem sacerdotem vocat, vel vocari desiderat, in elatione sua Antichristum praecurrit, quia superbiendo se caeteris praeponit."
0220 "Servus servorum Dei." See Joa. Diaconus, Vit. Greg. II. 1, and Lib. Diurnus, in Migne, Tom. CV. 23. Augustin (Epist. 217, ad Vitalem) had before subscribed himself: "Servus Christi, et per ipsum servus servorum ejus." Comp. Matt. xx. 26; xxiii. II. Fulgentius styled himself "Servorum Christi famulus." The popes ostentatiously wash the beggars’ feet at St. Peter’s in holy week, in imitation of Christ’s example, but expect kings and queens to kiss their toe.
1221 His letter "ad Phocam imperatorem," Ep. XIII. 31 (III. 1281 in Migne) begins with "Gloria in excelsis Deo, qui juxta quod scriptum est, immutat tempora et transfert regna." Comp. his letter "ad Leontiam imperatricen" (Ep. XIII. 39).
222 Gibbon (ch. 46): "As a subject and a Christian, it was the duty of Gregory to acquiesce in the established government; but the joyful applause with which he salutes the fortune of the assassin, has sullied, with indelible disgrace, the character of the saint." Milman (II. 83): "The darkest stain on the name of Gregory is his cruel and unchristian triumph in the fall of the Emperor Maurice-his base and adulatory praise of Phocas, the most odious and Sanguinary tyrant who had ever seized the throne of Constantinople." Montalembert says (II. 116): "This is the only stain in the life of Gregory. We do not attempt either to conceal or excuse it .... Among the greatest and holiest of mortals, virtue, like wisdom, always falls short in some respect." It is charitable to assume, with Baronius and other Roman Catholic historians, that Gregory, although usually very well informed, at the time he expressed his extravagant joy at the elevation of Phocas, knew only the fact, and not the bloody means of the elevation. The same ignorance must be assumed in the case of his flattering letters to Brunhilde, the profligate and vicious fury of France. Otherwise we would have here on a small scale an anticipation of the malignant joy with which Gregory XIII. hailed the fearful slaughter of the Huguenots.
3223 The words run thus: "Hic [Phocas] rogante papa Bonifacio statuit Romanae et apostolicae ecclesia caput esse omniuim ecclesiarum, quia ecclesia Constantinopolitana primam se omnium rum scribebat." Paulus Diaconus, De Gest. Lomb. IV., cap. 7, in Muratori, Rer. Ital., I. 465. But the authenticity of this report which was afterwards frequently copied, is doubtful. It has been abused by controversialists on both sides. It is not the first declaration of the Roman primacy, nor is it a declaration of an exclusive primacy, nor an abrogation of the title of "oecumenical patriarch" on the part of the bishop of Constantinople. Comp. Greenwood, vol. II. 239 sqq.
4224 Ep. VII. 40 (Migne III. 899). This parallel between the three great sees of Peter—a hierarchical tri-personality in unity of essence—seems to be entirely original with Gregory, and was never used afterwards by a Roman pontiff. It is fatal to the sole primacy of the Roman chair of Peter, and this is the very essence of popery.
5225 Ep. VIII. 30 (III. 933).
6226 Epist. V. 20 (III. 745). He quotes in proof the pet-texts of popery, John xxi. 17; Luke xxii. 31; Matt. xvi. 18.
7227 Such titles as Universalis Episcopus (used by Boniface III., a year after Gregory’s death), Pontifex Maximus, Summus Pontifex, Virarius Christi, and even "ipsius Dei in terris Virarius" (Conc. Trid. VI. De reform., c. 1). First Vicar of Peter, then Vicar of Christ, at last Vicar of God Almighty!
8228 Ep. missoria, cap. 3 (ed. Migne I. 513): "Primum quidem fundamenta historice ponimus; deinde per significatinem typicam in artem fidei fabricam mentis erigimus; ad extremum per moralitatus gratiam, quasi superducto aedificium colore vestimus."
9229 See "Hymns Ancient and Modem."
0230 · Comp. Barmby, Greg. the Gr., pp. 188-190; Lau, p. 262; Ebert I. 519.
1231 Or Luitprand, born about 690, died 744. There is also a Lombard historian of that name, a deacon of the cathedral of Pavia, afterwards bishop of Cremona, died 972.
232 Gibbon actually attributes these titles to Charles Martel; while Bryce (p. 40) thinks that they were first given to Pepin. Gregory II. had already (724) addressed Charles Martel as "Patricius" (see Migne, Opera Caroli M. II. 69). Gregory III. sent him in 739 ipsas sacratissimas claves confessionis beati Petri quas vobus ad regnum dimisimus (ib. p. 66), which implies the transfer of civil authority over Rome.
3233 Milman (Book IV., ch. 9) says that Dante, the faithful recorder of popular Catholic tradition, adopts the condemnatory legend which puts Charles "in the lowest pit of hell." But I can find no mention of him in Dante. The Charles Martel of Parad. VIII. and IX. is a very, different person, a king of Hungary, who died 1301. See Witte’s Dante, p. 667, and Carey’s note on Par. VIII. 53. On the relations of Charles Martel to Boniface see Rettberg, Kirchengesch. Deutschlands, I. 306 sqq.
4234 Or Pipin, Pippin, Pippinus. The last is the spelling in his documents.
5235 Rettberg, however (I. 385 sqq.), disconnects Boniface from all participation in the elevation and coronation of Pepin, and represents him as being rather opposed to it. He argues from the silence of some annalists, and from the improbability that the pope should have repeated the consecration if it had been previously performed by his legate.
6236 This is the enumeration of Baronius ad ann. 755. Others define the extent differently. Comp. Wiltsch, Kirchl. Geographie und Statistik, I. pp. 246 sqq.
7237 Constantine bestowed upon the pope a portion of the Lateran palace for his residence, and upon the church the right to hold real estate and to receive bequests of landed property from individuals. This is the slender foundation for the fable of the Donatio Constantini.
8238 Inferno xix. 115-118:
"Ahi Costantin, di quanto mal fu matre,
Non la tua conversion, ma quella dote,
Che da te presse il primo ricco patre!"
9239 Paradiso XX. 57-60; VI. 94-97. Longfellow’s translation.
0240 Joseph de Maistre: "Cet homme est si grand que, la grandeur a pénétré son nom." (ch. 4),
1241 "It would be folly," says Eginhard "to write a word about the birth and infancy or even the boyhood of Charles, for nothing has ever been written on the subject, and there is no one alive who can give information about it." His birth is usually assigned to April 2, 742, at Aix-la-Chapelle; but the legend makes him the child of illegitimate love, who grew up wild as a miller’s son in Bavaria. His name is mentioned only twice before be assumed the reins of government, once at a court reception given by his father to pope Stephen II., and once as a witness in the Aquitanian campaigns.
242 According to the enumeration of Eginhard (ch. 33), who, however, gives only 21, omitting Narbonne. Charles bequeathed one-third of his treasure and moveable goods to the metropolitan sees.
3243 The magnificent portrait of Charles by Albrecht Dürer is a fancy picture, and not sustained by the oldest representations. Vétault gives several portraits, and discusses them, p. 540.
4244 Wintermonat for January, Hornung for February, Lenz for March, Ostermonat for April, etc. See Eginhard, ch. 29.
5245 Eginhard, ch. 27.
6246 Bossuet justified all his conquests because they were an extension of Christianity."Les conquêtes prodigieuses," he says, "furent la dilatation du règne de Dieu, et il se moutra très chrétien dans toutes ses aeuvres."
7247 Pope Stephen III. protested, indeed, in the most violent language against the second marriage of Charles with Desiderata, a daughter of the king of Lombardy, but not on the ground of divorce from his first wife, which would have furnished a very good reason, but from opposition to a union with the "perfidious, leprous, and fetid brood of the Lombards, a brood hardly reckoned human." Charles married the princess, to the delight of his mother, but repudiated her the next year and sent her back to her father. See Milman, Bk. IV., ch. 12 (II. 439).