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, pp. 138, 177-184; 204-211; Adrian Hastings, “The Christianity of Pedro IV of the Kongo, ‘The Pacific’ (1695-1718),” Journal of Religion in Africa, 28, 2 (1998): 149-150, 152-155; Vansina, Paths in the Rainforests, pp. 220-222. Susan Herlin Brodhead, "Beyond Decline: The Kingdom of the Kongo in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries," International Journal of African Historical Studies, 12, 4 (1979): 628-650, quotation on p. 650.

102. For the Last World Emperor and the Last World Empire, see Stephen D. O'Leary, Arguing the Apocalypse: A Theory of Millennial Rhetoric (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), pp. 56-58; Norman Cohn, The Pursuit of the Millennium: Revolutionary Messianism in Medieval and Reformation Europe and its Bearing on Modern Totalitarian Movements (New York: Harper and Row, 1961), pp. 15, 20, 54-57, 110-112, 122, 128, 135-136, 143-144; Damian Thompson, The End of Time: Faith and Fear in the Shadow of the Millennium (Hanover: University Press of New England, 1996), pp. 73-74. 51-53,65-66, 67-8. For peasant beliefs in the benevolence of a distant monarch, see James C. Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance ( New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985), p. 333. For Guyanese, West Indian and Afro-North American beliefs in rescue by a British monarch, see Emilia Viotti da Costa, Crowns of Glory, Tears of Blood: The Demerara Slave Rebellion of 1823 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), pp. 177-184; Schuler, Alas, p. 37; Mary Turner, Slaves and Missionaries: The Disintegration of Jamaican Slave Society, 1787-1834 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982), pp. 150-151,155-156; Gad Heuman, “The Killing Time”: The Morant Bay Rebellion in Jamaica (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1994), pp. xvii, 56; Lorna Simmonds, “‘The Spirit of Disaffection’: Civil Disturbances in Jamaica, 1838 65.” M.A. Thesis, University of Waterloo, Ontario, 1982, pp. 5-7, 21, 37-39, 75-87; Silvia R. Frey, and Betty Wood, Come Shouting to Zion: African American Protestantism in the American South and British Caribbean to 1830 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1998), p. 70; Philip D. Morgan, Slave Counterpoint: Black Culture in the Eighteenth Century Chesapeake and Low Country (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), pp. 649-650, and Theophus Smith, Conjurin’ Culture: Biblical Formations of Black America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), pp. 103-105; David Geggus, “Slavery, War and Revolution in the Greater Caribbean, 1789-1815,” in David Gaspar and David Geggus, eds., A Turbulent Time: The French Revolution and the Greater Caribbean (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997), pp. 1-50. For "Kongo" as "Zion" in the Church of the Holy Spirit in Republic of Congo, see MacGaffey, Religion and Society, p. 240 and for Nkamba as the New Jerusalem, see MacGaffey, “The Beloved City: Commentary on a Kimbanguist Text,” Journal of Religion in Africa, 2(1969): 129-147. For Zion as Africa, see also Murphy, Working the Spirit, pp. 141-144, 189; Brooks, History of Bedwardism (1909; rev. ed., Kingston: The Gleaner Co., Ltd., 1917), p. 34, for August Town, Jamaica as Jerusalem and Union Camp, where Alexander Bedward’s church was located, as Mount Zion. Bedwardites believed that everyone in Union camp would be saved from destruction at the end of the world. Guyana’s Jordanites interpreted Revelations 18 to mean that sinners would be destroyed but people in Zion Village, which Prophet Jordan founded, would be spared. They would identify themselves as observers of the law by marking their foreheads. The Jordanites shared Rastafarian , Afrocentric, Ethiopian, millenarian and political orientations. See Judith Roback, "The White-Robed Army: Cultural Nationalism and a Guyanese Religious Movement in Guyana," Ph.D. dissertation, McGill University, Montreal, 1973, pp. 1, 30, 38-45, 51-52, 66; 80-82; Roback, "The White-Robed Army: An Afro-Guyanese Religious Movement," Anthropologica, n.s. 16, 2 (1974): 241, 253-254. See also Norman Cohn, Cosmos, Chaos and the World to Come: The Ancient Roots of Apocalyptic Faith (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), pp. 137-138, 218. For associations of Zion with Africa or Ethiopia, see Murphy, Working the Spirit, pp. 141-144, 189; Elias Farajajé-Jones, In Search of Zion: The Spiritual Significance of Africa in Black Religious Movements (Bern: Peter Lang, 1990), pp. 36-37. See also Barry Chevannes, Rastafari: Roots and Ideology (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1994), pp. 33 (Zion as Africa), 42, 110-117, 121-143, 155, 157-158, 161, 179-180, 241-244, 248; Robert Hill, "Leonard P. Howell and Millenarian Visions in Early Rastafari," Jamaica Journal, 16, 1(1981): pp. 28, 30, 32-36, 38; Barrington Chevannes, “Claudius Henry and Jamaican Society,” pp. 264-275, in Ethnicity in the Americas, ed. Frances Henry (The Hague: Mouton Publishers, 1976); Kenneth Bilby and Elliott Leib. "Kumina, the Howellite Church and the Emergence of Rastafarian Traditional Music in Jamaica." Jamaica Journal, 19, 3(1986): 26 and 28, n. 18; Ken Bilby, “Jamaica,” in Caribbean Currents: Caribbean Music from Rumba to Reggae, ed. Peter Manuel, pp. 146-150, 159-164 (Philiadelphia: Temple University Press, 1995); see p. 61 for the airplane song; Verena Reckord, "Rastafarian Music -- An Introductory Study," Jamaica Journal, 11, 1 and 2 (1977): 3-13, esp. p. 8; See Ken Post, Arise Ye Starvelings: The Jamaican Labour Rebellion of 1938 and its Aftermath (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1978), pp. 164-165, 192-193, 417, 418.

103. North American equivalents, the Moorish Science Temple and the Nation of Islam might be analyzed in the same way. The prophet Alexander Bedward (1848-1930) was expected to ascend into heaven on December 31, 1920. Thousands who gathered to witness the vevent were disappointed when he failed to do so. For Jamaican Bedwardites and Revivalists, see W. F. Elkins, Street Preachers, Faith Healers and Herb Doctors in Jamaica, 1890-1925 (New York: Revisionist Press, 1977), pp. 10-18; Tony Martin, Race First (1976; Dover, Mass.: Majority Press, 1986), pp. 12, 110-140, 151-167; Mattias Gardell, In the Name of Elijah Muhammad: Louis Farrakhan (Durham: Duke University Press, 1996), 12-98, 119-134, 160. Cross-fertilization between these groups is extensive. Not only did the founders or leaders emerge from the Garveyite movement, but they appear to share some of the same esoteric texts such as Levi H. Dowling’s The Aquarian Gospel of Jesus (1907). According to Roback, “White-Robed Army,” 1974, p. 241, Guyanese Jordanites used to read The Acquarian Gospel and in 1927 Noble Drew Ali of the Moorish Science Temple plagiarized half of this book for his own Holy Koran. See the Rastafarian citations in the previous note. See also Moses, Afrotopia. Even though Moses does not so identify it, a West Central African worldview underpins what he calls “Afrotopia” – literary Afrocentrism and pan-Africanism as well as regeneration movements like the Jordanite, Bedwardite, Garveyite, Rastafarian and Nation of Islam organizations. Jordanites supported African independence; opposed the Italian invasion of Ethiopia, and in 1941, one preacher was arrested for allegedly identifying Queen Victoria as the Whore of Babylon. See Judith Roback, “The White-Robed Army: Cultural Nationalism and a Religious Movement in Guyana." Ph.D. Dissertation, McGill University, Montreal, 1973, p. 46.

104. Warner-Lewis, Guinea's Other Suns, pp. 31-32, 120; Schuler, Alas, pp. 93-96; McDaniel, Big Drum, pp. 79-80.

105. Kempadoo, "Recordings of Folklore, Drama and Music Made in Guyana, 1971-3," University Library, University of Guyana, 1974, K104.

106. Vansina, Tio Kingdom, pp. 234-237.

107. See Newbell Niles Puckett, Folk Beliefs of the Southern Negro (New York: Dover Publication­s, 1969), pp. 154 156, 160 161, which also includes European beliefs and practices; Thornton, Africa and Africans, p. 8.

108. See Morton Marks, “Exploring El Monte: Ethnobotany and the Afro-Cuban Science of the Concrete,” in En Torno a Lydia Cabrera ed. Isabel Castellanos and Josefina Inclán, p. 238 (Miami: Ediciones Universal, 1987) and Andrew Apter, Black Critics and Kings: The Hermeneutics of Power in Yoruba Society (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), p. 158.

109. Kempadoo, "Recordings of Folklore,” K104.

110. Compare with Merina belief and practice in Graeber, “Painful Memories,” pp. 385-386. Bilby and Bunseki, “Kumina,” pp. 23, 43-45. Thornton, Kongolese Saint Anthony, pp. 17, 149-150, 175, 206. It was not unusual for people to implore a visiting Capuchin friar: “Father, Father, holy salt”! See also Thornton, “Central African Names and African American Naming Patterns,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 50 (1993): 731 mentions baptism in Kongo and Portuguese Angola . See Hilton, Kingdom of Kongo, p. 98 for the baptismal rite and its meaning for the Kongo in seventeenth-century Kongo. See Thornton, Africa and Africans, pp. 269, 323 for baptisms by Africans in two late sixteenth-century South American Maroon communities and by Kongo slaves in the Danish Virgin Islands. The original reference is in C. G. A. Oldendorp, History of the Mission of the Evangelical Brethren on the Caribbean Islands of St. Thomas, St. Croix, and St. John, ed. Johann Jakob Bossar, p. 263 (1877; reprint ed., Ann Arbor: Karoma Publishers, 1987), pp. 195, 263. The Portuguese Roman Catholic rite in Brazil also included salt application as a central feature. Candidates were asked if they wished to “eat the salt of God?” and salt was applied to the upper lip and the forehead as well as the tongue. See Karasch, Slave Life, pp. 255 256 and n. 6, p. 257; Robert Edgar Conrad, Children of God’s Fire: A Documentary History of Black Slavery in Brazil (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), pp. 155, 186-187. Both Koster (in Conrad, 187) and Métraux, Voodoo, attributed the desire for Roman Catholic baptism to a desire to “belong” to the new society of baptized slaves. Neither Métraux, Voodoo, pp. 331-332 nor Desmangles, Faces of the Gods, pp. 27, 85-91 mentioned the use of salt in the Haitian Vodun baptismal rite, however. Since Oldendorp emphasized the widespread desire for the salt rite, an overpowering desire for protection from sorcery and all of its ramifications by people who had just survived the middle passage ought to be considered. Métraux, Voodoo, pp. 263, 202, mentioned the Haitian avoidance of salt in food cooked as offerings for the dead (which must be cooked by men only) and in the food served novices undergoing initiation. See also Métraux, p. 283, for salt and zombi. In a personal communication with the author, Gary Brana Shute confirmed that Surinamese Maroons abstain from salt prior to undertaking important occult activities. See also Skinner, "Ethnic Interaction," p. 235; Moore, Cultural Power, p. 147; Donald M. Hogg, "The Convince Cult in Jamaica," Papers in Caribbean Anthropology, ed. Sidney W. Mintz, p. 15 (New Haven: Department of Anthropology, Yale University, 1960); Schuler, Alas, pp. 77, 93, 96; Bilby and Bunseki, "Kumina," pp. 42-44. Leonard E. Barrett, The Rastafarians: A Study in Messianic Cultism in Jamaica (Rio Pedras, Puerto Rico: Institute of Caribbean Studies, University of Puerto Rico, 1968), p. 155; Chevannes, Rastafari, pp. 34-35. Compare with liberated African salt beliefs in Trinidad in Warner-Lewis, Guinea's Other Suns, pp. 31-32, 120, Teke abstention from salt-eating as a strengthening ritual in Fernandez, Bwiti, p. 303; MacGaffey, Religion and Society, pp. 7, 9, 160 5, 171 173, 218 219. A Haitian corollary is the belief that even a grain of salt ingested by a zombi will awaken it to its true status as an enslaved dead person, enraging it and leading it to kill its master before returning to its grave. See Métraux, Voodoo, p. 283, for salt and zombi. See also Graeber, “Painful Memories,” pp. 385-390, for a case which suggests a way to interpret Caribbean attitudes to salt, water and slavery. For Guyanese Jordanites’ avoidance of salt, see Roback, “White-Robed Army,” 1973, p. 245.

111. Africans who observed European sailors eating salted pork, assumed they were eating human flesh. See Cugoano, Thoughts and Sentiments, pp. 13-14. Schuler, Alas, p. 96; Bilby and Bunseki, "Kumina," pp. 21 22; Miller, Way of Death, pp. 5, 418-421, 425-426; MacGaf­fey, Religion and Society, p. 133; MacGaffey, Modern Kongo Prophets, p. 134. For another reference to Central Africans’ association of fish with the dead, see Igor Kopytoff, “Revitalization and the Genesis of Cults,” p. 196.

112. Significantly, African newcomers in Rio de Janeiro’s slave market attributed their whitish crusty skin (called sarna or mal de loanda in Brazil) to the salted food fed them on the slave ship. See Conrad, Children of God’s Fire, p. 51, for an excerpt from Robert Walsh, Notices of Brazil in 1828 and 1829, 2 vols, II, which describes the slaves’ appearance. Karasch Slave Life, pp. 35, 40, 166, 179, 182-183. Postma, Dutch in the Atlantic Slave Trade, p. 246.

113. Schuler/Carmichael, Schuler/Scott interviews, Seafield, Guyana, 1984; Kempadoo, "Recordings of Folklore, Drama and Music Made in Guyana, 1971-3," University Library, University of Guyana, 1974, K104. Wilson and Grim suggest that ship and slave owners' attempts to replace salt lost from slaves' excessive sweat­ing, vomiting and diarrhea on slave ships and during "season­ing" on plantations by providing extra salt in slaves' diet might have contributed to hypertension in African Americans. See Thomas W. Wilson and Clarence E. Grim, "The Possible Relationsh­ip between the Transat­lantic Slave Trade and Hyperten­sion in Blacks Today," in The Atlantic Slave Trade: Effects on Economies, Societies, and Peoples in Africa, the Americas, and Europe, ed. J. Inikori and S. Engerman, pp. 350 353 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1992). McDaniel, Big Drum, p. 80 is aware of a relationship between salt intake and a heavy or bloated sensation, but does not pursue the connection. I have not found salt references in the flight narratives from the Georgia Sea Islands, and the relationship between a high-sodium slave diet and African-Americans' salt-sensitive hypertension remains controversial.

114 See George Brooks, Landlords and Strangers: Ecology, Society, and Trade in Western Africa, 1000-1630 (Boulder: Westview Press, 1993), pp. 50, 259-260, 277-280; Miller, Way of Death, pp. 37, 56-7, 64, 143-144, 214-215, 236, 274-276, 395, 396, 402-404, 685; Friedman, Catastrophe and Creation, p. 36; l Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery, pp. 95, 162-163, 169, 180, 189; Lovejoy, Salt of the Desert Sun: A History of Salt Production and Trade in the Central Sudan (London: Cambridge University Press 1986), pp. 15-29, 281, 283; E. Ann McDougall, "Salts of the Western Sahara: Myths, Mysteries and Historical Significance," International Journal of African Historical Studies 23, 2(1990): 235-236, 239-241, 250, 255, 256 for the salt-slave trade of the western Sudan; E. Ann McDougall, "Salt, Saharans and the trans-Saharan slave trade: Nineteenth-century developments," in Slavery and Abolition, 13, 1 (April 1992): 61-80; McDougall, "In Search of a Desert-Edge Perspective: the Sahara-Sahel and the Atlantic Slave Trade, c. 1815-1890," pp. 224-230 in Robin Law, ed. From Slave Trade to 'Legitimate' Commerce': The Commercial Transition in Nineteenth-Century West Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); McDougall, "Banamba and the Salt Industry of the Western Sudan," in West African Economic and Social History: Studies in Memory of Marion Johnson, ed. David Henige and T. McCaskie, pp. 151-170 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1990); Robin Law, The Slave Coast of West Africa (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), pp. 42-43; 45-46, 57, 206, 220; Law, The Oyo Empire c. 1600-1836; 1977 (Aldershot: Gregg Revivals, 1991), pp. 208-209, 214, 219; P. D. Curtin, Economic Change in Pre-Colonial Africa: Senegambia in the Era of the Slave Trade (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1975), pp. 269-294; also Alagoa, "Slave Trade in Niger Delta," pp. 127-128; B. Marie Perinbam, "The Salt-Gold Alchemy in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century Mande World: If Men Are Its Salt, Women Are Its Gold," Africa in History, 23 (1996): 259, 265, 266-267, 269, 272-273; Ralph A. Austen and Jonathan Derrick, Middlemen of the Cameroons Rivers: The Duala and their Hinterland c. 1600-c. 1960 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 28, Table 2.5, 49, 54, 71-72, 199 n.6, 205 n. 96. McDaniel, Big Drum, pp. 79-80 mentions salt in slave food, its destruction of witches’ power, its absence from spirit food, and its exchange for gold. See also Ann Hilton, Kingdom of Kongo, pp. 98, 99; Thornton, Kingdom of Kongo, pp. 60, 66; Shaw, “Production of Witchcraft,” pp. 861, 864; Walter Rodney, A History of the Upper Guinea Coast: 1545 to 1800. (1970; reprint ed. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1980), pp. 18-21, 193-194, 205-207, 226-227. See Gomez, Exchanging Our Country Marks, pp. 199-209 and Piersen, Black Legacy, pp. 35-42 for red cloth in the slave trade narratives.

115. See Wyatt MacGaffey, "The West in Congolese Experience," in P. D. Curtin, ed., Africa and the West: Intellectual Responses to Western Culture, p. 55 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1972) for Boma. See note 93 above for Central African beliefs about slaves weaving cloth underwater. Gomez, Exchanging Our Country Marks, pp. 199-209 and Piersen, Black Legacy, pp. 35-42 discuss red cloth. For beliefs that African bodies were used as hosts to breed the cowrie shell currency of the slave trade, or African limbs and blood fed to cowries, see Abiola Félix Iroko, "Cauris et esclaves en Afrique occidentale entre le XVIe et le XIXe siècles," in De la traite à l'esclavage, ed. Serge Daget, 2 vols., 1:199-200 (Nantes: Centre de Recherche sur l'Histoire du Monde Atlantique, 1988); White, “Vampire Priests of Central Africa, p. 771.

116. See Vansina, Paths in the Rainforests, pp. 98-99.
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