Guide to the vibrant and



Download 17.16 Mb.
Page16/162
Date conversion17.05.2016
Size17.16 Mb.
1   ...   12   13   14   15   16   17   18   19   ...   162

The City and the Grassroots (1983). Between 1967

and 1979 he taught at the University of Paris,

first on the Nanterre campus and, after 1970, at

the E´cole des E´tudes en Sciences Sociales. In 1979

he was appointed Professor of Sociology and Professor

of City and Regional Planning at the University

of California, Berkeley. In 2001 he became

a research professor at the Universitat Oberta de

Catalunya, Barcelona. In 2003 he joined the University

of Southern California, Anneberg School

of Communication as Professor of Communication

and Technology. Castells’s work climaxed

with a number of cross-cultural studies on the

information age and global (see globalization)

network society that Anthony Giddens compared

in significance to Max Weber’s Economy and Society.

These were The Rise of Network Society (1996),

The Power of Identity (1997), and The End of the

Millennium (2000). A more telling comparison

might have been with Karl Marx’s Capital (1867).

For Castells operates in the neo-Marxist tradition

to explore the theme of the perpetual revolutions

under capitalism, technology, production, power,

and experience. He ultimately links the purpose

of sociology to the goal of human liberation.

Employing powerful comparative and historical

methods of analysis (see comparative method), he

demonstrates how a new type of production has

emerged in the West (based around information),

with a new type of society (network society) and a

new form of identity politics (critical pluralist/

virtual).

Castells demonstrates how “replaceable generic

labor” has been repositioned through the

casualization of employment, with considerable

discontinuity in careers and personal crises, illnesses,

drug/alcohol addiction, loss of assets, and

negation of distinction. He posits three fateful

cleavages in network society: (1) skills-based divisions

between information and communication

workers and deskilled labor; (2) obsolescent citizens,

divided between laborers who are defined as

surplus to the requirements of the system and

what might be called the “stakeholders” in civil

society; and (3) intensified alienated labor, divided

from stakeholders. His work constitutes a

magisterial account of the many-sided restructuring

of capitalism in the twenty-first century.

CHRIS ROJEK

case study Castells, Manuel (1942– )

56

causal explanation



– see explanation.

causal inference

– see explanation.

causal modeling

– see modeling.

causality

In sociology, disputes over the notion of “causality”

reflect deep divisions in the discipline. With

the success of eighteenth-century Newtonian

science – and the postulation that there are laws

of nature which can be discovered through empirical

research – came the ideal of a science of

society with its own laws. This was the inspiration

for Auguste Comte to propose a wholly secular

explanation of social life, through what he called

the positive method (hence positivism) that restricted

explanation to observable facts. Combined

with the development of evolutionism – of the

idea of the development of complex social forms

from preceding primitive ones, and the idea of

social structure (developing out of the analysis

of the state in the work of Thomas Hobbes

[1588–1679], John Locke [1632–1704], and Jean-

Jacques Rousseau [1712–78]) – the scene was set

for postulating the lawful progression of societal

types based on empirically observable facts. E´mile

Durkheim defined the subject of sociology as the

study of social facts. These are objective, existing

independently of any individual’s consciousness

of them, are external to the individual, and coerce

the individual to behave in specific ways. As

Durkheim puts it, social facts such as the family,

the legal system, or marriage, for example, “will

be felt to be real, living active forces, which because

of the way they determine the individual,

prove their independence of him” (Suicide, 1897

[trans. 1951]). Thus in Durkheim’s approach

society is a causal factor in determining how individuals

act. Durkheim’s approach, which claims

that the social sciences are pursuing general

knowledge of society, is, nomothetic, in seeking

to produce causal-explanatory knowledge. However,

the position that there are causal relationships

in social life was hotly disputed in

the Methodenstreit – the debate over whether

the methods of the natural sciences were useful

in the social sciences – in German history at

the end of the nineteenth century. Wilhelm

Dilthey (1833–1911) and Wilhelm Windelband

(1848–1915) both argued that because the subject

matter of the social sciences was the conscious

subject – unlike the inert nature studied in the

natural sciences – the social sciences had to develop

their own unique methods of study in which

the goal was interpretation and understanding

rather than explanation and prediction. Furthermore,

the social sciences are idiographic, because

they could only ever provide knowledge of the

specific situation. To achieve this, the social science

researcher had to be able to understand

empathically the subjective meanings attributed

by social agents to their actions. This method was

called Verstehen, or interpretive sociology. However,

it was also a form of intuitionism, and

according to Max Weber we could never be secure

in our knowledge of whether we had got our subject’s

position “right.” He proposed to resolve

the antimony between the objective search for

the laws of society and the subjectively driven

origins of social action in the individual actor.

As Weber put it in Economy and Society (1922

[trans. 1968]), “sociology is a science concerning

itself with the interpretive understanding of

social action and thereby with a causal explanation

of its course and consequences.” He (in

Roscher and Knies: The Logical Problems of Historical

Economics, 1903–6 [trans. 1975]) defines causality

in the same way as David Hume (1711–76): “the

idea of an effect, the idea of a dynamic bond . . .

between phenomena qualitatively different from

each other . . . [and] the idea of subordination to

rules.” Like Hume he rejects empirical correlation

as evidence of causal relationships. A causal claim

is that an event x, coming first, will cause an outcome

y on every occasion. According to Hume, in

his famous critique of causality, a causal link

cannot be demonstrated between x and y. Rather,

the most that can be said is that x and y are a

succession of occurrences which, because they

always follow each other, we come to expect to

be together. However, in Hume’s argument, we

cannot prove that they cause each other. Unlike

Hume, Weber argues that a form of causal explanation

is achievable in the social sciences, that is, to

establish the elective affinity between events. This

causal explanation is to be produced not by empathy

(as in Dilthey) but through understanding

why it is that an actor gives meaning to what they

do in the context of a culturally specific situation.

Thus, in his account of the Protestant Ethic and the

Spirit of Capitalism (1905 [trans. 2002]), Weber does

not seek to “enter” the mind of his subjects, but,

through constructing an ideal type of how someone

faced with the metaphysical impact of Protestantism

would make sense of their situation and

act, provides a causal account of their attempts to

causal explanation causality

57

establish for themselves that they were saved (to



save wealth as a sign of salvation) and an explanation

of the empirical correlation with the

development of capitalism (the accumulation of

capital) in Protestant countries.

Later debates in the social sciences about causality

have been rendered under the rubric of the

agency and structure debate, that is the relationship

between intentional action and social structures.

In the works of Roy Bhaskar, A Realist Theory

of Science (1975), Rom Harre´ and E. Madden, Causal

Powers (1975), and Anthony Giddens, The Constitution

of Society (1984), the task is to examine how

enduring social structures, which predate the individual,

and in which s/he has no choice but to

participate, can at the same time be transformed

in social practices.

While these debates have had echoes in

American sociology, particularly in the European-

originated works of Alfred Schutz and his

development of phenomenological sociology, in

general it has been dominated by a simple integration

of Durkheimian ontology (social facts

exist and have the force to make individuals

act in specific ways) with a naive positivistic

empiricism (that these social facts are demonstrated

by probabilistic statistics and evidenced

in correlations). KEVIN WHITE

cause


– see causality.

census


The process of collecting demographic, social, and

economic data from all members of a population,

censuses are distinct from surveys, which are

focused on data from a subset, or sample, of a

population. Censuses have a long history, and

were first used in ancient Rome. In their modern

form, censuses are used to justify the allocation of

resources by the state. Thus, the ways in which

censuses categorize and count ethnic and other

minority groups, including transient and indigent

populations, has become a matter of some concern

and debate – as these may have a direct

bearing on the resources available to members of

these groups. This controversy has been the catalyst

for the introduction of sampling methods in

order to achieve a more accurate census of the

true numbers of such systematically undercounted

groups.


Samples of anonymized records (SARs) are

samples of de-identified individual-level data

extracted from censuses. SARs are distinct from

commonly available census outputs in that they

have not been aggregated into pre-determined

tables. In fact, SARs more closely resemble survey

data, in that they contain a separate record for

each individual. The very large sample sizes of

SARs distinguish them from most surveys, as

SARs allow for the analysis of data by sub-groups

and by regional areas.

As microdata sets, SARs permit multivariate

statistical analysis at the individual level. SARs

may be used in the investigation of a broad

range of social issues including the composition

of households, ethnicity, health, education, and

employment. MARK RAPLEY AND SUSAN HANSEN

charisma


For Max Weber charisma is first a matter of

authority and its legitimacy. A charismatic leader

is not, as he explains in Economy and Society (1921

[trans. 1968]), merely forceful and strong but one

whose authority is based on supporters’ “devotion

to the exceptional sanctity, heroism or exemplary

character of an individual person, and

on the normative patterns or order revealed or

ordained by him.” This Weber contrasts with rational

and also traditional grounds of authority,

in which obedience is respectively owed to the

impersonal order and to the person occupying a

traditionally sanctioned position. Charismatic

authority, then, unlike rational and traditional

authority, is particularly vulnerable to attack: a

challenge to the incumbent of charismatic authority

necessarily brings the legitimacy of the

authority of the social order into doubt. This

situation does not arise with either rational or

traditional authority.

An additional element of charismatic authority

contributes further to its instability. What is decisive

for the validity of charisma, according to

Weber, is recognition from those subject to it

that the charismatic individual possesses exceptional

powers or qualities. Such extraordinary

powers can be revealed to followers or disciples

only by their demonstrable exercise. Thus, in the

necessarily emotional relationship between authority

incumbent and followers, it is necessary

that the leader constantly prove that his divine,

magical, or heroic powers have not deserted him.

The charismatic leader is thus compelled constantly

to reaffirm the legitimacy of his authority

in order that he may continue to hold it. One

consequence of this noted by Weber is the incompatibility

of charismatic authority and continuous

economic activity devoted to regular income and

cause charisma

58

economizing. Plunder and extortion, Weber says,



are typical means of provision under charismatic

rule.


Because it is based on the personal qualities of

the individual incumbent, charismatic authority

is contrary to routine and offers no solutions to

the problem of succession or the movement from

one leader to another. Within charismatic communities

that persist there is therefore a tendency

towards routinization of charisma. Weber treats

routinization in terms of the development of both

succession mechanisms and means to appropriate

or select charismatic staff. Mechanisms of succession

include: (1) search for a new leader possessing

certain qualities; (2) revelation by oracle or

priestly technique; (3) designation by prior charismatic

leader or by his administrative staff; (4)

hereditary; and (5) ritual transmission of charisma

from one person to another. The transformation

of the charismatic mission into an office, by routinizing

charismatic staff, is also achieved

through a number of possibilities associated with

different bases of selection and remuneration.

Elements of charismatic authority may be

found with other forms of rule. Weber mentions

plebiscitary presidential regimes and cabinet government

as two instances in which charisma and

legal rational authority may coexist.

Edward Shils in The Constitution of Society (1982)

developed a non-Weberian account of charisma.

Charismatic properties of central institutions satisfy

a need for order, and roles that are associated

with such institutions enjoy derivative charisma,

leading to relations of deference, even in egalitarian

societies. JACK BARBALET

Chicago School of Sociology

The Chicago School of Sociology was a body of

social research associated with a group of professors

and their students affiliated with the Sociology

Department of the University of Chicago.

The School emerged around 1915, and lasted until

about 1935. Its most prominent members included

Robert Park and W. I. Thomas, alongside

such figures as Ernest Burgess and Ellsworth

Faris. In the later period of the School, the sociologists

Herbert Blumer and Louis Wirth continued

its research tradition. The School was the first

group of sociologists to practice a systematic research

agenda in the United States. It influenced

the development of the symbolic interactionist

tradition, and the emphasis on social psychology,

qualitative research, participant observation,

and ethnography associated with this theoretical

orientation.

The Chicago School focused on a wide variety of

social processes, such as social organization and

disorganization, urban sociology, social change,

immigration, deviance, race relations, and social

movements. It often analyzed these processes in

the context of the city of Chicago, developing a

lasting influence in urban sociology through such

concepts as ecology and succession. Its researchers

helped establish the importance of empirical investigation

into social issues through analyzing

documents and conducting interviews, as well as

engaging in first-hand observation of various

groups. Two of its most important studies include

The City (1925), a selection of essays by Park, Burgess,

and R. D. McKenzie, and The Polish Peasant in

Europe and America (1918–20), a five-volume work

by Thomas and Florian Znaniecki. Other works

include Nel Anderson’s The Hobo (1923), Wirth’s

The Ghetto (1928), Harvey Zorbaugh’s The Gold Coast

and the Slum (1929), E. Franklin Frazier’s The Negro

Family in Chicago (1931), and Paul Cressy’s The Taxi-

Dance Hall (1932). Park and Burgess also wrote an

introductory text, Introduction to the Science of Sociology

(1921), which helped popularize the School’s

approach.

The Chicago School linked thought and action,

positing that ideas and attitudes are tied to the

social and historical conditions in which they

arise and are situated. The School’s focus on social

issues such as crime and deviance was tied to the

reformist impulse of many of its researchers, who

were concerned with solving social problems in

the pre-World War I Progressive era in the United

States. Its reformist orientation was strengthened

by the ties to journalism of one of its members,

Robert Park. Yet the Chicago School advocated an

objective and scientific study of society, and its

members attempted to implement a disinterested

sociology.

The Chicago School supported the use of the

ethnographic methods of anthropologists, arguing

that the same methods could be employed to

investigate social processes within the United

States as were used to study non-western cultures.

But the School was much more diverse

than this characterization. Its researchers did

assume that individuals could not be studied in

isolation from one another and were influenced

by the groups that encompassed them, and that

social change developed through the interaction

of individuals and groups with one another. Yet

many of the School’s scholars, such as William

Ogburn, embraced versions of quantitative analysis,

such as survey research. Researchers did not

engage in mindless empiricism, however. They

Chicago School of Sociology Chicago School of Sociology

59

always approached their data with a theoretical



interest in mind.

The Chicago School emphasized that the social

and historical context in which one lived dramatically

influenced social processes. But individuals

were not passive products of their environment.

Social structure and individual agency could not

be separated from one another. People could

change the social structures in which they lived,

but these economic, social, and cultural conditions

influenced their attitudes and actions. Indeed, the

actions of individuals often had unintended consequences.

Social structure and geographic location

accounted for much of social behavior. Researchers

often wrote of natural, relatively predictable

processes of history and geography, shaped by the

similar social location and traditions that groups

shared, and the arrangement of commercial

establishments and residential housing in a particular

area. Such concerns led to the study of

social organization and disorganization, the

latter considered to be the main cause of social

problems.

Much of their work focused on Chicago. In Park,

Burgess, and McKenzie’s The City, Park encouraged

his students to engage the denizens of the city,

“become acquainted with people,” to “nose

around” those groups that they were interested

in studying. For Park, one could only be impartial

by understanding the point of view, the subjective

experience, of other people. Thus, the social life of

the city could be understood through intense

fieldwork in particular neighborhoods. The study

of urban life should investigate a city’s culture,

occupational structure, and physical organization.

The social profile of the city was conditioned

by structural factors such as its economic and

geographical conditions, including its location

on transportation and trade routes. The sociological

imagination must combine these two dimensions,

the structural and the subjective, into a

coherent study.

For Park, integrated city neighborhoods progressively

broke down as secondary, impersonal

relationships increasingly based on the market

and law (see law and society) replaced the primary

relationships of family and ethnicity. Cities

created more contacts for individuals, and offered

them an array of different lifestyles, but these

contacts tended to be transitory. The city also

allowed deviant individuals, from the genius to

the criminal, to flourish in its heterogeneous

environment.

Burgess took a somewhat different approach to

the study of urban life. He too saw cities as

characterized by heterogeneous, diverse occupations,

employing a large percentage of young and

middle-aged individuals, and occupied by a high

percentage of foreign-born immigrants. Burgess

focused on processes of growth and expansion in

the cities, viewing them as natural adaptations to

new types of social organization. He analyzed

urban expansion through his theory of concentric

zones. An inner industrial zone was surrounded

by zones consisting of the ghetto, working-men’s

homes, and at the outmost region more suburban

residential areas. Each inner zone expands as it

invades an outer zone, a process Burgess labeled

succession. This expansion involves simultaneous

processes of decentralization and concentration

of people and industries. Burgess also utilized

the notion of urban ecology to study the social

life of cities. Drawn from biology, the concept of

ecology emphasizes the interdependence of urban

life, and how an individual relates to his or

her environment. Processes of competition and

accommodation influence the development of

the urban milieu, as a community expands or declines

as economic development waxes or wanes.

The differentiation and segmentation of urban

1   ...   12   13   14   15   16   17   18   19   ...   162


The database is protected by copyright ©essaydocs.org 2016
send message

    Main page