Globalization: a russian Perspective



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2005, Jan. 20

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Notes


1 Some of themes of this essay are explored in greater details in Tsygankov 2005; Tsygankov and Tsygankov 2007, 2010.

2 The passage is from Putin’s PhD thesis “Meneral Raw Materials in the Strategy for Development of the Russian Economy” defended in 1999 (As cited in Larsson 2006, 58). For various overviews of Russia’s energy thinking and policy, see Hill 2004; Balzer 2006; Larsson 2006; Stulberg 2007.

3 Not all in the Kremlin share the notion of sovereign democracy. For alternative perspective from the current President of Russia, see Medvedev 2006.

4 For development of this argument, see Tsygankov and Tsygankov 2010. For a recent theoretical discussion of ideology, see Gerring 1997 and Freeden 2006.

5 See Konyshev 2004, 2005 for a detailed analysis of the U.S. neorealist scholarship and its influence on Russian academia.

6 As E. H. Carr observed in 1977, the “study of international relations in English-speaking countries is simply a study of the best way to run the world from positions of strength. The study of international relations in African and Asian universities, if it even got going, would be a study of the exploitation of the weaker by the stronger” (Quoted in Barkawi and Laffey 2006, 349).

7 For instance, Dmitri Trenin (2006), while granting Russia a right to pursue a distinct path, assumes that the country needs to “become” a part of Europe and the “new” West. Russia, he says, has been historically European, yet it often “fell out of” Europe (2006, 63, 167) as a result of failed reform efforts. If this is the case, then what Russia really needs is to “return” to Europe, rather than preserve its identity and distinctiveness.

8  The sociology of knowledge tradition has drawn attention to the fact that scholarship is grounded in certain social conditions and may reflect ideological and cultural premises. For contemporary IR scholarship focusing on social foundations of knowledge, see especially, Hoffmann 1977; Waever 1998; Crawford and Jarvis 2001.

9 For review and critique of these tradition, see especially Vekhi 1991 [1905]; Solzhenitsyn 1974; Panarin 1999.

10  For a sample of representative work on global democratization, see Davydov 1999; Kulagin 2002, 2003, 2008.

11 Outside the democratic peace scholars, such reflections do exist. See, for example, Kapustin 2001; Torkunov 2006; Volodin 2006.

12  Ido Oren (2002) showed, for example, that definition of democracy within the United States has changed dramatically at least twice over the twentieth century – from a good governance under Woodrow Wilson to fighting poverty under the great depression and to elections and pluralistic institutions in the 1960s. On contested meaning of democracy in the United States, see also Foner, 1998.

13 On the North-South division in viewing democratic peace, see Tickner 2001, 103.

14 Such was the position of Marina Lebedeva (2004), who initiated the discussion. Lebedeva was then engaged by several other participants, whose presentations have been published by the journal. The materials of the discussion can be found at

15 For an early statement of this viewpoint, see Brzezinski 1994.

16 On Eurasianism and its influence in the contemporary Russia, see Bassin and Aksenov 2006; Shlapentokh 2007; Solovyev 2008.

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