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566 Davis, Plantation Life, p. 235.

567 Arguably, a third exists, Elkins' "Sambo" hypothesis, but it differs considerably from these two. His analysis uses social psychology and maintains the pressures of slavery bent the personality of the slaves, not so much their ideology, as is discussed in the next section (pp. 333-336).

568 For some of Scott's relevant points on this matter, see Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance, pp. 190, 193-94.

569 Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, p. 598; Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 2:210, 225.

570 "The slaves' response to paternalism and their imaginative creation of a partially autonomous religion provided a record of simultaneous accommodation and resistance to slavery." Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 597, 598.

571 Anderson, "Aunt Jemima in Dialectics," 113.

572 Jones, Religious Instruction, pp. 130-131, as cited in Blassingame, Slave Community, pp. 316; Chesnut, Diary from Dixie, pp. 269, 292-93. See also p. 433. Incidently, and ironically, this officer's servant likely constitutes a striking case of successful hegemonic indoctrination.

573 Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 510-11; Scott, Domination, p. 24.

574 Brent, Incidents, pp. 162, 173; Drew, Refugee, pp. 86, 134.

575 Drew, Refugee, p. 90; Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, pp. 66, 132-33; Brent, Incidents, p. 159; Kemble, Journal, p. 134.

576 Davis, Plantation Life, pp. 200, 363, 433-34; Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, pp. 164-65, 190; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:340; Stampp, Peculiar Institution, pp. 90-91

577 Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, p. 3; Kemble, Journal, p. 49; see also pp. 120, 263 and Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:105 for similar declarations.

578 See the discussion in Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 609-12; Kemble, Journal, p. 283.

579 Kemble, Journal, pp. 53, 55, 135, 139, 309; Allmendinger, "Acting and Slavery," 510-13.

580 Kemble, Journal, pp. 163-64; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:47. While he noted how one black man strongly protested against three whites who shoved and hit him out into the middle of the street, this defiance was exceptional.

581 Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:260-61; Ball, Slavery in the United States, p. 58.

582 The best overview of this controversy is: Ann J. Lane, ed., The Debate Over Slavery: Stanley Elkins and His Critics (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1971). A blistering critique of Elkins, although its target is often only clear to those familiar with this controversy, is in Blassingame, Slave Community. A excellent and reasonably brief critique of the Elkins thesis is: Kenneth M. Stampp, "Rebels and Sambos: The Search for the Negro's Personality in Slavery," Journal of Southern History 37 (Aug. 1971):367-92. Hugh Tulloch notes that the Elkins thesis was "daring, cogently argued and satisfying complete, but had the single disadvantage of being wrong, and every study thereafter has contributed to the slow accumulation of counter-evidence and implicit rebuttal." "But the Cat Himself Knows: Slavery in the Ante-Bellum South--A Historiographical Survey," History Today 30 (May 1980):58.

583 Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 1:232; Scott, Domination, pp. 83-85.

584

Davis, "Reflections on the Black Woman's Role," 85; Elkins, Slavery, p. 133, n. 106; Farmer's Register 5 (May 1837):32, as cited in Stamp, "Rebels and Sambos," 391; Mary Agnes Lewis, "Notes: Slavery and Personality: A Further Comment," American Quarterly 21 (spring 1967):118; Blassingame, Slave Community, pp. 223-26; William W. Nichols, "Slave Narratives: Dismissed Evidence in the Writing of Southern History," Phylon 32 (winter 1971):404-9. For someone insightfully drawing attention to the similarities to Genovese's and Elkins's theses, see Richard H. King, "Review Essay: Marxism and the Slave South," American Quarterly 29 (spring 1977):126.



585 Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, pp. 6, 25-26, 46, 49; Douglass, Narrative, p. 33; Davis, Plantation Life, p. 211; Stampp, Peculiar Institution, pp. 124-27.

586 Davis, Plantation Life, pp. 75, 106, 192, 239, 346, 359, 406, 409, 410.

587 Lichtenstein, "'That Predisposition to Theft,'' 424-32; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:196; Drew, Refugee, p. 157.

588 Drew, Refugee, pp. 187, 359.

589 Davis, Plantation Life, p. 32; Lichtenstein, "'That Predisposition to Theft'," pp. 422-23; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:37, 177, 195-96; Chesnut, Diary from Dixie, p. 348.

590 Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:106. For an example of a slave feeling perfectly justified in successfully hoodwinking his owner's into giving him his unpaid wages before running away, and Jacobs' somewhat reluctant endorsement, see Incidents, p. 198; Kemble, Journal, p. 277.

591 Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:219; Lichtenstein, "'That Disposition to Theft,'" 413-439; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 608-9; In "The Old Allegiance," summarized by Laurence Shore, "The Poverty of Tragedy in Historical Writing on Southern Slavery," South Atlantic Quarterly 85 (spring 1986):152; Robert L. Paquette, "Social History Update: Slave Resistance and Social History," Journal of Social History 24 (spring 1991):684.

592 Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:118-121, 149, 153, 238; 2:198-200, 380-81; Davis, Plantation Life, pp. 90, 123, 132, 148, 157, 214, 231, 244, 311, 329; see also Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, p. 72; Kemble, Journal, p. 50.

593 Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:208; Davis, Plantation Life, pp. 135, 160, 219, 232, 244. For further documentation, see the prior section dealing with slaveholders' control strategies (pp. 231-35).

594 Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:99-100; Blassingame, Slave Community, pp. 277, 280, 282; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, p. 305.

595 Bassett, Plantation Overseer, pp. 52-66. See also Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, p. 195; Kolchin, Unfree Labor, pp. 276-77, 295; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 16-21, 357-58, 381-82.

596 Armstrong, Old Massa's People, pp. 152-53; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:71.

597 Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, p. 165; Armstrong, Old Massa's People, pp. 126, 173-74; Davis, "Changing Places," 657, 672-75; Stampp, Peculiar Institution, pp. 95-96; Davis, Plantation Life, p. 381.

598 Bassett, Plantation Overseer, pp. 57-61; Gavin diary as cited in Stampp, Peculiar Institution, pp. 114-15.

599 Drew, Refugee, pp. 299-300. Unquestionably, the mild treatment characteristic of her area was due to the extreme closeness of the Illinois border across the Mississippi. Slaveholders in such areas were encouraged to treat their slaves well to avoid the expenses of recapturing them in the North.

600 Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, p. 130; Drew, Refugee, pp. 206-7; Davis, Plantation Life, pp. 135, 359; see also p. 163; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:200; and Bassett, Plantation Overseer, p. 154 for more on how inflicting punishment could backfire against slaveholders.

601 Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, p. 180.

602 Stampp, Peculiar Institution, p. 115; Douglass, Narrative, p. 80; Kolchin, Unfree Labor, p. 288; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:200; Davis, Plantation Life, p. 288; Drew, Refugee, pp. 204-5; Northrup, Twelve Years a Slave, pp. 97-101, 106-11; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 655-56.

603 Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, pp. 85, 95; Drew, Refugee, pp. 56-58, 140, 164; Bassett, Plantation Overseer, pp. 18; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, p. 654.

604 Drew, Refugee, pp. 288-89; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:161-62 (see also 2:21-22); Davis, Plantation Life, pp. 215, 217, 227, 341; Brent, Incidents, pp. 117, 151, 210; Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, pp. 179-80; Drew, Refugee, p. 145.

605 Kolchin, Unfree Labor, p. 293.

606 Bassett, Plantation Overseer, p. 79; William S. Willis, "Divide and Rule: Red, White, and Black in the Southeast," Journal of Negro History 48 (July 1963):163-65; Davis, "Reflections on the Black Woman's Role," 91; Palmer, "Servant into Slave," 367; Watson, "Impulse Toward Independence," 323.

607 Kenneth Wiggins Porter, "Negroes and the Seminole War, 1835-1842," Journal of Southern History 30 (Nov. 1964):427-50; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:155. The story had been different earlier: see Watson, "Impulse Toward Independence," 322.

608 Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 590-91. Palmares, a huge maroon colony, had upwards of 20,000 blacks, and waged wars with the Dutch and Portuguese for over a half century.

609 Mexico was the favored destination of Texan slaves seeking permanent freedom. Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:372; 2:7-8, 20, 91-92, 153.

610 Barrow had one slave, "nearly white" who ran away from him and another planter in 1835 who successfully reached Canada all the way from Louisiana. In 1841 he wrote, and asked for the funds to return to slavery in Louisiana. This certainly seems a trick, because of the positive portrayal of conditions in Canada found in Drew, not mentioning how most slaves definitely preferred freedom over bondage when given an opportunity for it. Davis, Plantation Life, p. 231; Stampp, Peculiar Institution, pp. 92-94.

611 Drew, Refugee, p. v; Kolchin, Unfree Labor, pp. 288-90. Kolchin cites quantitative studies of classified ads about runaway slaves. One study found 76.6 percent of the fugitives found in the classified ads of the South Carolina Gazette were male, and 88.3 percent of those listed in the Virginia Gazette during a sixty-seven year period in the eighteen century. Daniel Meader, using eighteenth-century South Carolina newspapers, found 2,001 runaways listed in 1,806 notices, averaging out to 1.11 fugitive per escape. Michael John's study of group flights based on Charleston newspapers between 1799 and 1830 found 70 percent of them consisted of two people only. This evidence undermines Drew's statement that "many of the children" included in this population of 30,000 could have been refugees from slavery, especially when the logistics of flight favored solitary strong unburdened individual adults who could more easily hide, evade, and escape from pursuers.

612 Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 648, 652; Kolchin, Unfree Labor, p. 287; Franklin, From Slavery to Freedom, p. 194; Stampp, Peculiar Institution, pp. 30-31.

613 Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:153; Kolchin draws a sharp contrast between the individualistic choices of runaway slaves with the collective flight of families and villages among Russian serfs. Unfree Labor, pp. 283-85, 288-90.

614 Stampp, Peculiar Institution, p. 113; Drew, Refugee, pp. 167-68; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:249, 2:207-8; The testimony of Annie Coley, cited by Michael P. Johnson, "Smothered Slave Infants: Were Slave Mothers at Fault?," Journal of Southern History 47 (Nov. 1981):514; Bassett, Plantation Overseer, pp. 18-19.

615 Douglass, Narrative, p. 83; Drew, Refugee, pp. 42, 158-59, 163-70, 255-56.

616 Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, pp. 175-76; Chesnut, Diary from Dixie, pp. 139-40, 145-48, 151-52; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:13; Watson, "Impulse Toward Independence," 320; Kemble, Journal, pp. 295, 313-14.

617

Blassingame, Slave Community, p. 233; For more on slaves killing or attacking their owners and their supervisors, see: Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 361-63; Franklin, From Slavery to Freedom, p. 152; Stampp, Peculiar Institution, pp. 130-32.



618 Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 588-93; Blassingame, Slave Community, pp. 214-21; Elkins, Slavery, pp. 136-37.

619 Kolchin, Unfree Labor, pp. 51, 53, 57, 234-35, 237; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 590-91; Blassingame, Slave Community, pp. 214-15; Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, pp. 21, 23; Stampp, Peculiar Institution, pp. 30-31.

620 Blassingame, Slave Community, pp. 214-15; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 214-15; Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, pp. 26, 28, 242; Elkins, Slavery, pp. 136-37; Kolchin, Slavery, pp. 236, 253-54, 343-52, 363-65.

621 Herbert Aptheker, American Negro Slave Revolts, Columbia University Studies in the Social Sciences, no. 501 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1943); Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 587-88, 596-97. Tulloch noted that while Aptheker wrote in terms of 250 slave revolts in the South, "most of them, it turned out, document[ed] White fears and rumours rather than actual physical outbreaks of rebellion." "But the Cat Himself Knows," 57-58.

622 My emphasis, Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:42. See also Marion D.deB. Kilson, "Towards Freedom: An Analysis of Slave Revolts in the United States," Phylon 25 (summer 1964):187; Chesnut, Diary from Dixie, p. 456.

623 Richard C. Wade, "The Vesey Plot: A Reconsideration," Journal of Southern History 30 (May 1964):150.

624 Elkins, Slavery, pp. 218-22; Stampp, "Rebels and Sambos," 369-70.

625 Edwin A. Miles, "The Mississippi Slave Insurrection Scare of 1835," Journal of Negro History 42 (Jan. 1957):49-56.

626 Christopher Morris, "An Event in Community Organization: The Mississippi Slave Insurrection Scare of 1835," Journal of Social History 22 (fall 1988):93-111.

627 Hobsbawm and Rude, Captain Swing, pp. 198, 200, 215-217; For more on these panics, and the overkills and continual suspicions of the whites, see Blassingame, Slave Community, pp. 230-38; Stampp, Peculiar Institution, pp. 136-39; Franklin, From Slavery to Freedom, p. 218; Donnie D. Bellamy, "Slavery in Microcosm: Onslow County, North Carolina," Journal of Negro History 62 (Oct. 1977):346-47; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 595-97.

628 Kolchin, Unfree Labor, pp. 59-61, 98-102, 132-35, 156, 235-39, 289, 348-49.

629 Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 2:210; Kolchin, Unfree Labor, pp. 242-43.

630 Paquette, "Social History Update," 682-684; King, "Marxism and the Slave South," 127, discussing Genovese. He notes the escaped slaves in some maroon colonies "sanctioned forms of dependency including slavery," which demonstrates they were not rebelling against the idea of slavery in itself necessarily by choosing to run away to join these groups to begin with.

631 "Not all people have survived enslavement; hence her [the slave woman's] survival-oriented [which included domestic labor such as cooking, sewing, washing, raising children, and cleaning house] activities were themselves a form of resistance." Wright, "Reflections on the Black Woman's Role," 86-87.

632 Dale Edward Williams, "Morals, markets and the English crowd in 1766," Past and Present, no. 104 (August 1984), pp. 69-70, as noted in Harrison, Crowds and History, p. 13.

633 Somerville, Whistler, pp. 141, 404; Arch, Joseph Arch, pp. 150-52, 158-59, 162; Hudson, Shepherd's Life, pp. 212-13.

634 Somerville, Whistler, pp. 38-39, 272-79; Hudson, Shepherd's Life, pp. 79-80, 84-90. See also Emsley, "Crime in 19th-Century Britain," 44; Robert Long's diary as found in Agar, Befordshire Farm Worker, p. 111; Hammond and Hammond, Village Labourer, pp. 186, 191; Cobbett, Rural Rides, pp. 159-60, 435-36.

635 cited by Hammond and Hammond, Village Labourer, p. 187; Arch, Joseph Arch, pp. 159-161; cf. Bawcombe's attitude in Hudson, Shepherd's Life, p. 81 and Cobbett, Rural Rides, pp. 438-440.

636 Arch, Joseph Arch, p. 155; Hudson, Shepherd's Life, pp. 80, 94.

637 Cobbett, Rural Rides, pp. 160, 440-41; Hammond and Hammond, Village Laborer, pp. 188, 190; Hudson, Shepherd's Life, p. 54.

638 Arch, Joseph Arch, pp. 163-64. Comparing this attitude to Frederick Douglass' on "taking" is especially instructive. However ironic for the line Arch drew here, around Kirdford in Sussex after the New Poor Law went into operation, all of the "fowls" of one farmer and most of his neighbor had been stolen, and pilfering generally had increased. Committee on New Poor Law, BPP, 1837, second report, p. 10.

639 Committee on Allotments, BPP, 1843, p. 2; Jeffries, Hodge, 2:88; Hudson, Shepherd's Life, pp. 221-22, 224-27; Arch, Joseph Arch, p. 14; Somerville, Whistler, p. 95. See also pp. 273, 407-8.

640 Joanna Innes and John Styles, "The Crime Wave: Recent Writing on Crime and Criminal Justice in Eighteenth-Century England," Journal of British Studies 25 (Oct. 1986):389-95; Styles, "Crime in 18th-Century England," 38-39; Hammond and Hammond, Village Labourer, p. 189.

641 For more on this cause of crime, see Committee on Allotments, BPP, 1843, p. 32; Mark Baker, "Aspects of the Life of the Wiltshire Agricultural Labourer, c. 1850," Wiltshire Archaeological Magazine 74/75 (1981):64. Somerville, Whistler, pp. 139-40 ties crimes to the insecurity of work coming from at-will tenancies and the lack of annual hirings.

642 Arch, Joseph Arch, p. 147.

643 as quoted in Snell, Annals, pp. 6-7. The town dwellers, rich or middle class, knew little better the mind of the farmworkers. See Hobsbawm and Rude, Captain Swing, p. 12. Interestingly, the stereotypes of Sambo and Hodge diverge in several key aspects, although they are inevitably self-serving creations of the dominant class in both societies. Sambo is seen as a perpetual child, as being fun-loving and energetic but irresponsible, while Hodge is seen as slow in gait and talk, as noncommunicative and monosyllabic, but, nevertheless, as an adult, as more steady in his habits, despite his pub frequenting.

644 Arch, Joseph Arch, p. 11.

645 Hudson, Shepherd's Life, pp. 94-96; Committee on Allotments, BPP, 1843, p. 10; Jeffries, Hodge, 1:131, 134; Cirket, "1830 Riots in Bedfordshire," 96.

646 Committee on the New Poor Law , BPP, 1837, first report, p. 4; for a case of opposition, see Morgan, Harvesters, p. 123; Olmsted, Walks and Talks, p. 273.

647 Arch, Joseph Arch, pp. 96, 106, 108, 174-220.

648 Ibid., p. 40.

649 Bogusia Wojciechowska, "Brenchley: A Study of Migratory Movements in a Mid-Nineteenth Century Rural Parish," Local Population Studies, no. 41 (autumn 1988), pp. 32-35.

650 Jeffries, Hodge,1:122.

651 Snell, Annals, pp. 338-39.

652 Factory Commission, Supplementary Report, 1834, part i, p. 169, as cited in the Hammond and Hammond, Town Labourer, p. 12.

653 Jeffries, Hodge, 1:66; as found in Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, pp. 107-8.

654 Compare Scott, Domination, pp. 213-19.

655 Thompson, "Moral Economy of the English Crowd," 76-136. See also Harrison, Crowds and History, pp. 12-13; Hammond and Hammond, Village Labourer, pp. 116-18, 173-74. By extrapolating from the unusual restlessness of Cornish miners, Rule mistakenly sees food riots as common. Labouring Classes, pp. 348-53.

656 See Rule, Labouring Classes, pp. 351-53.

657 On the Swing Riots generally, see Hobsbawm and Rude, Captain Swing, passim, but especially pp. 170, 173-75, 195-203, 212, 262, 357-58; Hammonds, Village Labourer, pp. 239-326; Rule, Labouring Classes, pp. 357-63; E.P. Thompson, Making, pp. 226-29; Hudson, Shepherd's Life, pp. 195-201, 203, 207, 229-35; Cirket, "1830 Riots in Bedfordshire," 75-112; Barbara Kerr, Bound to the Soil: A social History of Dorset 1750-1918 (London: John Baker, 1968), pp. 100-115; Somerville, Whistler, pp. 261-65.

658 On laborers' distaste for threshing, see Hudson, Shepherd's Life, p. 207. On the connection between Swing and Reform, and the effects on wages and machine threshing, see Thompson, Making, p. 228; Dyke, "Cobbett and the Radical Rural Platform," p. 199; for a more cautious analysis of the political connections, and for the marginal economic benefits of machine threshing, see Hobsbawm and Rude, Captain Swing, pp. 296-99, 359-65; on mask thickening, see Report from Select Committee on Poor Law Amendment Act, BPP, 1837, second report, p. 10; see also first report, pp. 38, 49.

659 Rule, Labouring Classes, pp. 310-12.

660

See the research of Jones and Lowerson cited in Rule, Labouring Classes, p. 362; Hammonds, Village Labourer, pp. 237-38.



661

Hobsbawm and Rude, Captain Swing, pp. 292-96. Among the leaders of the Agricultural Labourers' Union that began in 1872, most were local Methodist preachers such as Arch sometimes was himself, while none were trained for service as Anglicans. Arch, Joseph Arch, pp. xi-xii.



662 Arch, Joseph Arch, pp. 67-73; Jones is cited in Wojciechowska, "Brenchley," p. 30; Caird, English Agriculture, pp. 512, 514.

663 Arch, Joseph Arch, pp. xiii, 110-111, 235, 253-54, 275, 281, 288-89, 333, 376, 380-86, 390-91, 401; for the 1875 split, see Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, pp. 8-10, (Long), p. 109.

664 Rule, Labouring Classes, p. 20.

665 Arch, Joseph Arch, pp. 134-37, 233-34; Somerville, Whistler, pp. 381-382.

666

Blassingame, Slave Community, p. 219; Arch, Joseph Arch, pp. 74-75.



667 See the "Public Notice" reproduced in Hobsbawm and Rude, Captain Swing, pp. 156. Thompson, Making, p. 226 ignores this response by a number of local magistrates when he wrote the riots were "met with the same sense of outrage as a rising of the 'blacks'." Even when later London unleashed a wave of repression, the blood drawn was much less than that surrounding any major American slave revolt or conspiracy, especially when the relative size of the Swing Riots to these are taken into account.

668 Arch, Joseph Arch, pp. 222, 224-25.

669 See the summary in Peter Novick, That Noble Dream: The 'Objectivity Question' and the American Historical Profession (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 480.

670 Shore, "Poverty of Tragedy," 147-48, 155, 157, 159-60, 162-63; Drew, Refugee, p. 78.

671 W.E.B. Dubois regarded the slaves' necessary "defence of deception and flattery" as causing "a moral hesitancy which is fatal to self-confidence," that living a "double life, with double thoughts, double duties" involved a "peculiar wrench of the soul." Souls of Black Folk, as cited in Shore, "Poverty of Tragedy," 161.

672 Davis, Plantation Life, p. 409.

673 Drew, Refugee, pp. 123, 128-130.

674 Davis, "Slavery and the Post-World War II Historians," 9.



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