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485 Young, General Report, pp. 12-13, 16; Commission on Employment in Agriculture, BPP, 1867-68, pp. 48, 52, 54; Anscomb, "Parliamentary Enclosure in Northamptonshire," pp. 415-416; Hammond and Hammond, Village Labourer, pp. 93, 97-98; Rule, Vital Century, pp. 86-87.

486 Young, General Report, pp. 155, 158, 169-70; cf. p. 81.

487 Somerville, Whistler, p. 32; Commission on Employment in Agriculture, BPP, 1867-68, p. xlvii

488 J. Arbuthnot, An Inquiry into the Connection between the Present Price of Provisions and the Size of Farms (1773), as quoted in Snell, Annals, p. 173. Cf. the clergyman for Naseing, Essex's comment that enclosure locally had "a worthless crew changed to industrious labourers." Young, General Report, p. 156; see also pp. 391-92. Those living near large commons were considered "irregular in their habits" and "were often the most distressed and needy of the surrounding population." Commission on the Employment in Agriculture, BPP, 1867-68, p. lii.

489 Hobsbawm and Rude, Captain Swing, pp. 35-37; Hammond and Hammond, Village Labourer, pp. 99-101; Rule, Vital Century, pp. 88-90.

490 Thompson, Making, p. 221; Somerville, Whistler, p. 407; Hobsbawm and Rude, Captain Swing, p. 76; Snell, Annals, pp. 195-97. Note that Yorkshire was broken up into three different "counties" for these comparisons; Young, General Report, p. 157.

491 As quoted in Snell, Annals, pp. 70, 77; compare Hammonds, Village Labourer, pp. 115-16.

492 Hobsbawm and Rude, Captain Swing, pp. 34, 182-83; Snell, Annals, pp. 17-19, 72-73, 78-80, 334-36; Norma Landau, "The Regulation of Immigration, Economic Structures and Definitions of the Poor in Eighteen-Century England," Historical Journal 33 (Sept. 1990):541-72; Hammond and Hammond, Village Labourer, pp. 108-16. There is an ominous similarity between the pre-1795 certificate system and the pass system imposed on slaves, the main differences being the latter was proportionately much less often enforced, especially in urban areas, that it was tied to giving aid to the poor, not a restriction on movement for the sake of control alone, that a local unit of government, not a master/employer/owner granted it, and the difficulties imposed in instantly spotting violators because of a lack of racial differences between the laborers and those who enforced it.

493 Arthur Young, A Six Months Tour Through the North of England 2d ed., 4 vols. (London: W. Trahan, W. Nicol, 1771), 2:129; Commission on Employment in Agriculture, BPP, 1867-68, pp. xvi, xvii, xxv, xxvi; Morgan, Harvesters, p. 192, footnote 14; Rule, Labouring Classes, p. 79-80; Hammond and Hammond, Village Labourer, p. 108.

494 Snell, Annals, pp. 74-76, 84; Commission on Employment in Agriculture, BPP, 1867-68, pp. xii-xiii, xx, xxiv; Committee on New Poor Law, BPP, 1837, first report, p. 47

495 J.C.D. Clark says enclosure "may even have tended to increase the numbers of living-in servants, for the effect of more efficient agriculture was to increase, not reduce the demand for labor." This assumes not only that the given enclosure did not replace arable land with permanent pasture, but generally discounts how enclosure increased unemployment by driving more workers into local labor markets, especially in winter, since they could no longer eke out a living off the local commons. English Society 1688-1832: Ideology, Social Structure and Political Practice During the Ancien Regime, Cambridge Studies in the History and Theory of Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), p. 68.

496 Arch, Joseph Arch, pp. 30-31; Somerville, Whistler, p. 42; cf. p. 147 cited above (p. 208).

497 Cobbett, Rural Rides, pp. 219-20; Chadwick's letter as reproduced in Committee on the New Poor Law, BPP, 1837, first report, p. 46; Hobsbawm and Rude, Captain Swing, pp. 44-46; Snell, Annals, pp. 69-97, 216.

498 Thompson, Making, p. 221; Committee on the New Poor Law, BPP, 1837, first report, pp. 53-54, second report, p. 18; Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, pp. 52, 64, 73; see also p. 76; Somerville, Whistler, p. 385; Snell, Annals, pp. 210-18, 348-52; Rule, Vital Century, pp. 23-24; Hammonds, Village Labourer, p. 167.

499 Rushton, "The Poor Law in North-East England," 147; Hobsbawm and Rude, Captain Swing, p. 76; Anonymous, The Life and History of Swing; reprint ed., Carpenter, Rising of the Agricultural Labourers, pp. 18-19, 24; Hammonds, Village Labourer, p. 241; Peter Dunkley, "'The 'Hungry Forties' and the New Poor Law: A Case Study," Historical Journal 17 (June 1974):337-338; Report on the New Poor Law, BPP, 1837, first report, p. 71.

500 For a contemporary analysis of this phenomenon, see George Gilder, Wealth and Poverty (New York: Basic Books, 1981), pp. 143-44, 154, 156-61.

501 as in Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, p. 74. Even when something was accomplished, a lack of incentive for further employment could exist when one ends up overwhelmed with a surplus inventory of gravel. One area in Yorkshire employed so many at stone-breaking that they piled up enough stones to last over eight to ten years after only three or four months. Committee on Allotments, BPP, 1843, p. 29.

502 A.F. Cirket, "The 1830 Riots in Bedfordshire--Background and Events," Bedfordshire Historical Record Society 57 (1978):107; Committee on New Poor Law, BPP, 1837, first report, p. 66; Committee on Poor Law Amendment Act, BPP, 1837, first report, p. 72; cf. testimony by farmer Thomas William Overman of Bedfordshire in 1838, Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, p. 92.

503 Quoted by Dunkley, "The 'Hungry Forties,'" 340; letter to E. Chadwick, 1836, as found in Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, p. 131; see also pp. 78-79.

504 Rushton, "The Poor Law," pp. 147-148. On the early advocacy and application of this test, see David Eastwood, "Debate: The Making of the New Poor Law Redivivus," Past & Present, no. 127 (May 1990), p. 191.

505 Peter Mandler, "Making of the New Poor Law Redivivus," p. 192, footnote 27; For more on the workhouse/prison analogy, see James Turner's exchanges with James Fielden, M.P., in Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, pp. 92-94. Admittedly, while the authors of the 1834 Poor Law Report wanted the inmates of the workhouses continually confined, local exceptions existed, such as in Peterborough union, Northampton. Its guardians voted to allow the infirm and aged to walk outside for four hours daily in certain areas. Anthony Brundage, "The English Poor Law of 1834 and the Cohesion of Agricultural Society," Agricultural History 48 (July 1974):416.

506 Somerville, Whistler, pp. 353-54; Committee on New Poor Law, BPP, 1837, first report, p. 70. Interestingly, he noted if elderly couples "wished to live together, the Commissioners have, in some cases relaxed the rule." The Northampton guardians in 1837 received such permission, for they had partitioned off a room for elderly couples who wished to sleep together. Brundage, "English Poor Law," 416.

507 Arch, Joseph Arch, p. 35; cf. the debate over taking in part of a family in Committee on New Poor Law, BPP, 1837, first report, pp. 16, 32.

508 For more on this general theme, see Snell, Annals, pp. 133-35. Engels mentions that pauperized families were divided within a workhouse. Condition, pp. 324-25.

509 See Crabbe's poem in Hammonds, Village Labourer, p. 144.

510 Somerville's fictitious dialog, based on solid facts, said the workhouse made "the diet as low as will possibly sustain life" in order to deter applicants. Whistler, p. 47.

511 For more on the deliberately bad conditions in workhouses and their deterrent purposes, see Engels, Condition, pp. 324, 326-29; Dunkley, "The 'Hungry Forties,'" 335-37; Snell, Annals, pp. 127, 132-37; Eastwood, "Making of the New Poor Law Redivivus," 190-92

512 Morgan, Harvesters, p. 192, n. 10; Overman as in Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, p. 75; see also Gery on p. 52.

513 Arthur Young, An Inquiry into the Propriety of Applying Wastes to the Better Maintenance and Support of the Poor (Bury St. Edmunds, 1801), cited by Snell, Annals, p. 214, footnote 144; Hugh Wade Gery, testifying before Select Committee of the House of Lords on the Poor Laws, BPP, 1818, vol. V as in Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, p. 50; see also Cirket, "1830 Riots in Bedfordshire," 75-76.

514 Batchelor for Lidlington, Commission on Poor Law, BPP, 1834 as in Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, p. 74; Committee on New Poor Law, BPP, 1837, first report, p. 56; Hobsbawm and Rude, Captain Swing, p. 51.

515 Committee on New Poor Law, BPP, 1838, first report, pp. 7, 38, 46; Brundage, "English Poor Law," 412.

516 Snell, Annals, pp. 128-31. These are money wages only, but Snell maintains prices were similar for 1833 and 1837, and that for 1850 prices were only "marginally lower;" Committee on New Poor Law, BPP, 1837, first report, p. 24; Caird, English Agriculture, p. 85; Somerville, Whistler, p. 128.

517 Commission on Employment in Agriculture, BPP, 1867-68, p. xl.

518 Committee on Allotments, BPP, 1843, p. v; see also pp. iv, 6, 22, 40, 49, 84, 110, 137; Commission on Employment in Agriculture, BPP, 1867-1868, pp. xxxi, xxiv.

519 Committee on Allotments, BPP, 1843, pp. 12, 24, 40, 84; Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, pp. 7, 22; Young, Six Months Tour, 2:261-64.

520 Young, General Report, pp. 14-15, 164-66; Committee on Allotments, BPP, 1843, pp. 11, 15, 17, 22; see also pp. v, 12, 32, 113; Arch, Joseph Arch, pp. 342-43.

521 Cirket, "1830 Riots in Bedfordshire," 109-10; Hammonds, Village Labourer, pp. 156-57; Committee on Allotments, 1843, BPP, p. iii. For an example of how at-will tenancies or insecure tenure could intimidate farmers when public voting was done, see Arch, Joseph Arch, pp. 59-60; cf. Somerville, Whistler, p. 129. As for allotments still not being especially extensive even mid-century, see Commission on Employment in Agriculture, BPP, 1867-68, first report, p. xxxii.

522 Committee on Allotments, BPP, 1843, pp. 2, 16, 39, 47, 106, 108; Somerville, Whistler, pp. 33-34; Morgan, Harvesters, pp. 139-40, 148.

523 Arch, Joseph Arch, pp. 344-45, 360. Actually the administrative costs and the loss of rent may not have been much greater, other than agents spending more time while collecting from more people, because laborers with allotments reliably paid their rent in at least some cases. In one case, the landlord had lost only one-quarter of 1 percent of rent charged. See Committee on Allotments, BPP, 1843, pp. 17, 112, 119.

524

Commission on Allotments, BPP, 1843, p. 47; Jeffries, Hodge, 1:152; Somerville, Whistler, p. 33; Arch, Joseph Arch, p. 344; Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, p. 7.



525 my emphasis, Young, A Six Weeks Tour Through the Southern Counties of England and Wales, 2d ed. (London: W. Strahan, W. Nicoll, etc., 1769), pp. 324-325; Committee on Allotments, BPP, 1843, p. 47.

526 Thompson, "Time, Work-Discipline, Industrial Capitalism," 60-61, 90-97. Curiously, when he waxes philosophical on the nature of task-orientation towards the end of this article, he largely forgets this crucial insight. Necessarily, if it is the division of labor that creates time discipline through having the managers and the managed in a central workplace--the essence of the factory system--then who owns the means of production, whether it be the state or private individuals, becomes irrelevant to the switch over from task-orientation to time-orientation, as the Soviet experience in the 1930s demonstrates.

527 Committee on the New Poor Law, BPP, 1837, as found in Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, p. 88.

528 Such policies backfired then, as they do today, for the basic reason Caird saw: "No labour is more unprofitable than that which is underpaid." English Agriculture, p. 73.

529 Jeffries, Hodge, 2:60; Arch, Joseph Arch, p. 340; Young, General Report, p. 105; Morgan, Harvesters, pp. 110-14; see also pp. 53, 95, 98, 106-7 for more on piecework's extensive use during harvest; Caird, English Agriculture, p. 248; Royal Commission on Labour, 1893, as found in Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, p. 32.

530

Thompson, "Time, Work-Discipline, Industrial Capitalism," 76-79.



531 Arch, Joseph Arch, p. 164; see also pp. 153-54; Hammond and Hammond, Village Labourer, p. 14; Hudson, Shepherd's Life, pp. 229-30; Jeffries, Hodge, 1:141. Since in this work he is generally sympathetic to the rural elite, this description gains weight.

532 Hammond and Hammond, Town Labourer, p. 62. For more on this general theme, see Thompson, Making, pp. 107-77, 219, 222; Hammond and Hammond, Town Labourer, pp. 80, 94.

533 John Styles, "Crime in 18th-Century England," History Today 38 (Mar. 1988):41; Jeffries, Hodge, 2:13-17; Arch, Joseph Arch, p. 152.

534 Ibid., pp. 167-68.

535 Arch, Joseph Arch, pp. 151-152. For the ignorance of the law among the Swing Rioters, see Hammond and Hammond, Village Labourer, p. 276.

536 Arch, Joseph Arch, pp. 152-53.

537 For some of these specific laws and cases, see Hudson, Shepherd's Life, pp. 227-30; Hammond and Hammond, Village Labourer, pp. 272-75.

538 For example, see the Hammond and Hammond, Village Labourer, pp. 200-202.

539 Ibid., p. 280.

540 Morgan, Harvesters, pp. 124-26.

541 Hammond and Hammond, Village Labourer, pp. 198-200.

542 Hammond and Hammond, Town Labourer, p. 63.

543 On Scottish bailiffs, see Hammond and Hammond, Village Labourer, pp. 211-12; For Arch's ideas on the relationship between the laborers and farmers, see Arch, Joseph Arch, pp. 35-37, 128-30, 175-76, 314; Hudson, Shepherd's Life, pp. 216-17.

544 I believe that while Clark's thesis is perfectly sustainable for most of the eighteenth century, its full credibility is seriously undermined after c. 1795 by the aftereffects of the French Revolution and the wars with France, including the growth of artisanal radicalism.

545 Brundage, "English Poor Law," 406-7, 416-17.

546 Mandler, "Making of the New Poor Law Redivivus," 194-201.

547 Evans, Forging of the Modern State, p. 146; as cited in Rule, Labouring Classes, p. 360; Hobsbawm and Rude, Captain Swing, pp. 17, 52; see also p. 47; On the opposition of the poor, see Snell, Annals, pp. 133-37; Brundage, "English Poor Law," 408-9.

548 Committee on New Poor Law, BPP, 1837, p. 48.

549 Jeffries, Hodge, 2:61; Snell, Annals, p. 260.

550 Snell, Annals, pp. 67-69, 101-103, 321-322. While dealing with an urban, industrial context, Engels made the same point. Condition, p. 138; Howard Newby, "The Deferential Dialectic," Comparative Studies in Society and History 17 (April 1975):155-57; Arch, Joseph Arch, p. 249; Jeffries, Hodge, 1:135; Hobsbawm and Rude, Captain Swing, p. 38.

551 Committee on Allotments, BPP, 1843, p. 25; Somerville, Whistler, pp. 121-22; Hudson, Shepherd's Life, pp. 293-94; Eastwood, "Making of the New Poor Law Redivivus," 192.

552 Hammond and Hammond, Village Labourer, pp. 226-27; Hobsbawm and Rude, Captain Swing, p. 69; Newby, "The Deferential Dialectic," 161-63.

553 From 1770 to 1851, Nonconformity rose from having just a half million out of seven million in England, to slightly over half of the church-going population in 1851, with over half the population not attending church at all. Clark, English Society, p. 89.

554 James Obelkevitch, Religion and Rural Society: South Lindsey 1825-1875, as quoted in Clark, English Society, p. 68.

555 Snell, Annals, p. 136. Confirming Snell's viewpoint, although in an urban, artisanal context, was the leading grievance of Chartist orators--the New Poor Law. Rule, Labouring Classes, p. 390; also see Thomson, England in the Nineteenth Century, p. 71.

556 Somerville, Whistler, pp. 42, 101-2, 140, 153.

557 Newby notes that the outward signs of deference, such as bowing, saluting, etc., are not without meaning, because they allow the superordinate to maintain his social distance (avoid "fraternizing" and excessive identification with by the subordinate) while routinely engaging in the close-knit face-to-face interaction by which traditional authority is exercised. Since hegemony is fundamentally based upon the thinking of the subordinate class in question, using a strictly behavioral definition of deference has little bearing on the question of the elite's success in getting the subordinate class to believe in its ideology. As a result, a mask can conceal a considerable amount of class consciousness. Newby, "Deferential Dialectic," 142-43, 158-60.

558 Rule, Labouring Classes, p. 385.

559 Clark insists that the essence of patriarchalism--his preferred term for the same concept--is hierarchy and divinely appointed, inherent authority based on the model of the family being applied analogously to the state. It is not "fatherly care as a gloss on collectivism, or the degree of kindliness we might fancy we can measure in social relations." But for this doctrine to have legitimacy to the lower class, it must involve more than mere obedience and subjection to the upper class. Paternalism is not just mere "dictatorship" or "tyranny," but involves a system of unequal rights and duties in which the upper class is favored because supposedly it looks out for the interests of all of society, including the lower class, not just its own. While Clark rightly points out, in a reply to E.P. Thompson, that "a model which relies on 'emotional cosiness' or justice-as-fairness is likely to be applicable to no period," historians (if the documentation is available) can still crudely gauge how much of a reality this aspect of the paternalistic model has. The New Poor Law of 1834, combined with such generally earlier moves as enclosure, the decline of service, and the tightening of the screws on relief under the Old Poor Law, were decisive signs that the upper class was rewriting the social contract, and turning away from paternalism in practice. The growing acceptance in the early nineteenth century of Malthusianism and Classical economics among the rural elite--something which Clark would contest--may not have reduced the hypocrisy level greatly, depending on how often paternalistic rhetoric was resorted to simultaneously, or by the same individuals. See Clark, English Society, pp. 74-75.

560 Committee on Allotments, BPP, 1843, pp. 113, 137.

561 On the rising of the laborers' political consciousness and the farmworkers' unions, note the incidental discussion by G.E. Mingay in Hartwell, The Long Debate on Poverty, pp. 43, 45.

562 Northrup, Twelve Years a Slave, p. 75; Committee on the New Poor Law, BPP, 1837, first report, p. 16; second report, p. 23.

563 Of course, those laborers who lived in close parishes with tied cottages, i.e., farmer- or landlord-provided ("company") housing generally had better housing, but were subject to significantly more control. If they were fired, they lost their jobs and homes just as instantly. "Mr. Trethewy, agent to Lady Cowper [in Bedfordshire, where the farmers had full control over the cottages and who lived in them on her estates said] . . . he has never known any evil result to the labourer from his being brought more under the control of the farmer." Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, p. 21.

564 Admittedly, the poor rates had fallen nearly one-third from the 1815-20 period to 1830-35, bearing witness to the rural elite's success in tightening the screws in the last years of the Old Poor Law. Mulhall estimated the pence paid per inhabitant in England under it fell from 152 to 114 during this time, and as a percent of the national income, 3.25 to 1.75. Hobsbawm and Rude, Captain Swing, p. 51. The fall in productivity combined with the fears induced by the Swing Riots may have been as important reasons for the passage of the New Poor Law as high poor rates.

565

Cited by Thompson, "Time, Work-Discipline, Industrial Capitalism," 84.

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